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John L. McKenzie, SJ. 


IMPRIMI potest: 

John R. Connery, S.J. 
Praepos. Provin. 

nihil obstat: 

John B. Amberg, S.J. 
Archdiocesan Censor 


4« Cletus F. O'Donnell, J.C.D. 
Vicar General, Archdiocese of Chicago 
February 18, 1965 

The Nihil Obstat and Imprimatur are official declarations that a book 
or pamphlet is free of doctrinal or moral error. No implication is 
contained therein that those who have granted the Nihil Obstat and 
Imprimatur agree with the contents, opinions, or statements expressed. 

© Copyright, The Bruce Publishing Company, 1965 

All rights reserved, No part of this book may be reproduced 
or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or 
mechanical, including photocopying, recording or by any infor- 
mation storage and retrieval system, without permission in 
writing from the Publisher. 

Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 65-26691 


Made in the United States of America 

10 9 8 7 6 Printing 

To the Members of 
The Society of Jesus 


In a conversation in the spring of 1956 the Rev. Joseph A. Fitzmyer, S.J., 
noticed the need for a one-volume dictionary of the Bible for general use. He 
pointed out that since I had a book in press at that time and no plans for another, 
the task could be undertaken by me, since it appeared unlikely that anyone else 
would undertake it in the near future. When the suggestion was presented to Mr. 
William C. Bruce, he accepted it with lively interest and prepared a contract. The 
writing was begun in November, 1956, and the last pages of the manuscript were 
done in July, 1962. The book was delivered to The Bruce Publishing Company 
in June, 1964. 

It is rare in modern times that a Bible dictionary is prepared by a single writer, 
since the task is regarded as too massive for one man. In this judgment I am 
ready to concur. The idea of a volume written by a number of scholars under my 
editorship was considered, but never seriously. In all probability a dictionary 
written in this way would not yet be offered to the public. Expeditiousness of 
composition, however, is not the only merit desired in a dictionary. There are 
inevitable weaknesses in a work covering so much territory when it is done by a 
single writer, who cannot possibly have equal control of all the material. In the 
final judgment, it seemed preferable to accept these weaknesses in the hope of 
achieving a kind of strength which a work of multiple authorship does not have. 

A number of colleagues expressed doubts about the wisdom of the project, not 
only because of the weaknesses which could be expected in the work, but also 
because they felt that it would take me from other activities which in the long run 
might be more useful. I mention this only because some of them who have read 
over the manuscript were kind enough to say that they no longer feel these doubts. 
This is most encouraging, and I wish to attest my gratitude for this encourage- 
ment, regretting only that I am unable to mention their names. 

Any good dictionary is a work of compilation. A reference book is not the place 
for the most advanced creative scholarship; it is a place where the reader hopes 
to find a synthesis of the common conclusions of scholarship. It has been my 
purpose to make this such a work. I regret that the format of a dictionary does 
not permit complete acknowledgment of my dependence on the work of others. 
The practice of adding bibliographical notes after at least major articles was con- 
sidered; but it was felt that this would add too much to the bulk of the book and 
to its cost, and that the same purpose would be served by a list of general works 
where the reader could find more ample bibliographical references. The books 
listed are those which I used most frequently in the preparation of the articles; 
I gladly acknowledge the use I have made of them and of the works of other 
writers who, because their works were less frequently used, could sometimes be 
mentioned only by name. 

The writing was done at West Baden College, Indiana (since transferred to 
Bellarmine Theological School, North Aurora, Illinois) and since 1960 at Loyola 
University, Chicago. At both institutions I enjoyed freedom from occupations 
other than the minimum teaching load. Since 1961 the Very Rev. John R. 
Connery, S.J., superior of the Chicago Province of the Society of Jesus, has 


granted funds to pay a full-time secretary to handle this and other typing. Miss 
Carolyn Cuccia typed out the entire manuscript in quadruplicate with care and 
devotion far in excess of the remuneration she received, and was largely respon- 
sible for a number of corrections. When the job was finished she was without 
doubt better informed about the Bible than any person of her age in Chicago. 
Her successor, Mrs. Mildred Kearney, typed the revised pages, which themselves 
make a sizable book. Facilities for the work were furnished by the Rev. John B. 
Amberg, S.J., director of Loyola University Press. In Chicago I enjoyed the use 
of the library of McCormick Theological Seminary; without this resource the 
work could not have been done, and I thank the staff of the library for their help. 
The manuscript was read by eight members of the Society of Jesus whose names 
are not divulged to the author. Their judgment was favorable, or the work would 
not appear. They found several hundred points where correction removed errors 
or made the text clearer and more readable, or where some bold opinions were 
tempered or better founded. Were censorship always conducted in the manner 
in which these gentlemen fulfilled their responsibility, there would never be any 
complaint about the process. It is a thankless task, but thanks must be rendered 
here even though they cannot be rendered personally. Mr. William E. May has 
done the editorial work for the publisher, and I thank him for his extremely 
competent preparation of the manuscript and for his patience. Miss Anita Weisbrod 
assisted in preparing the manuscript for publication. 

I regret that there is no way except a general expression of gratitude in which 
I can pay thanks to what seems an infinite multitude of friends and associates 
who encouraged the work, made kindly inquiries about its progress, and voiced 
their hopes for its successful completion. Those who have not written a book of 
800,000 words probably do not realize that such a task can occasionally create 
a problem of author morale. At such moments one is sensible of those who share 
one's conviction that a job worth beginning is worth finishing. In short, these 
acknowledgments — and I hope no others which I have forgotten — make one 
keenly aware that his book is the product of many other minds and hands than 
his own. I am happy to testify to this; all of these have helped me in everything 
except making mistakes, which I am capable of handling by myself. 

The work is published with perhaps more than the usual apprehensions, but 
it has reached the point where there is nothing else to do but publish it. Since 
1956 the need for a one-volume dictionary has become less acute. But there is 
always room for an abundance of such aids; and it makes the author smile wryly 
when he recalls that even a mediocre dictionary is likely to outlive its author by 
many years. In such cases survival is not a mark of quality, but simply an indi- 
cation that no one has replaced the work. If this book serves those for whom it is 
intended, it will survive; if it does not serve them, it does not merit survival. 

John L. McKenzie, S.J. 
Calvert House, The University of Chicago 
September 8, 1965 
The Nativity of the Blessed Virgin Mary 

Abbreviations for Books of the Bible 
















1 S 

1 Samuel 

2 S 

2 Samuel (1-2 S) 

1 K 

1 Kings 

2 K 

2 Kings (1-2 K) 

1 Ch 

1 Chronicles 

2 Ch 

2 Chronicles (1-2 C 











1 Mc 

1 Maccabees 

2 Mc 

2 Maccabees (1-2 N 



Ps (Pss) 











Song of Solomon 




Wisdom of Solomon 


Isaiah (II Is, III Is) 















































1 Co 

1 Corinthians 

2 Co 

2 Corinthians (1-2 Co) 









1 Th 

1 Thessalonians 

2 Th 

2 Thessalonians (1-2 Th) 

1 Tm 

1 Timothy 

2 Tm 

2 Timothy (1-2 Tm) 









1 Pt 

1 Peter 

2 Pt 

2 Peter (1-2 Pt) 

1 Jn 

1 John 

2 Jn 

2 John 

3 Jn 

3 John (1-2-3 Jn) 





Abbreviations and Symbols 


after Christ 




Josephus, Antiquities of the 



Late Bronze Period 






Pritchard, The Ancient Near East in 







Pritchard, Ancient Near Eastern 


Middle Bronze Period 






Gressman, A Itorientalische 




und Bilder 


Masoretic Text 


Bottero and Gossin, Arch 




Royales de Mari 


New Testament 


Authorized Version 


Old Testament 


before Christ 


Priestly writer 


Driver and Miles, Babylonian Laws 

P. PP 



Code of the Covenant 


in numerous passages 








Priestly Code 

circa, c 





centimeter (s) 








Supplement au Dictionnaire de la 







Deuteronomic Code 
















Knudtzon, Die El-Amarna 



Kittel, Theologisches Worterbuch 


Early Bronze Period 

Zum Neuen Testament 


for example 








and so forth 







f, ff 

the following verse(s) 


Wright & Filson, Westminster 

ft or ' 

foot (feet) 

Historical Atlas 








See article under this title 


Holiness Code 


and others 


the same passage 




that is 



in or " 



degree (s) 




parallel to 

Transcription of Hebrew Letters 
















































Albright, William F., History, Archaeology and 
Christian Humanism. New York: McGraw- 
Hill, 1964. 

The Archaeology of Palestine. Lon- 
don: Penguin Books, 1954. 

From the Stone Age to Christianity. 

Garden City: Doubleday Anchor, 1957. 

Allmen, J.-J. von (editor), A Companion to 
the Bible. Translated from the French. New 
York: Oxford University Press, 1958. 

Arndt, William F., and Gingrich, F. Wilbur, 
A Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testa- 
ment. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 

Baly, Denis, The Geography of the Bible. New 
York: Harpers, 1957. 

Bauer, Hans, and Leander, Pontus, Historische 
Grammatik der hebraischen Sprache des Alten 
Testaments. Hildesheim: Georg Olm, 1922. 

Blass, F., and Debrunner, A., A Greek Gram- 
mar of the New Testament. Translated and 
edited by Robert W. Funk. Chicago: Uni- 
versity of Chicago Press, 1961. 

Brown, Francis, Driver, S. R., and Briggs, C. 
A., A Hebrew and English Lexicon of the 
Old Testament. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 

Die Religion in Geschichte und Gegenwart 
Tubingen: J. C. B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck), 

Dodd, C. H., The Authority of the Bible. New 
York: Harper Torchbooks, 1958. 

Feuillet, A., and Robert, A., Introduction a la 
Bible III. Tournai: Desclee, 1957-1959. 

Finegan, Jack, Light from the Ancient Past. 
Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1959. 

Galling, Kurt, Biblisches Reallexikon. Tubingen: 
J. C. B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck), 1937. 

Gesenius's Hebrew Grammar. Translated and 
edited by A. E. Cowley. Oxford: The Claren- 
don Press, 1910. 

Gesenius - Kautzsch -Bergstrasser, Hebrdische 
Grammatik. Hildesheim: George Olm, 1962. 

Glueck, Nelson, The Other Side of the Jordan. 
New Haven: American Schools of Oriental 
Research, 1945. 

The River Jordan. Philadelphia: West- 
minster Press, 1946. 

Greenslade, S. L., The Cambridge History of 
the Bible. Cambridge: The University Press, 

Grollenberg, L. H.. Atlas of the Bible. Tran- 
slated by J. M. H. Reid and H. H. Rowley. 
London: Thomas Nelson, 1956. 

Harding, G. Lankester, The Antiquities of 
Jordan. New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 

Hartman, Louis F. (editor), Encyclopedic Dic- 
tionary of the Bible. New York: McGraw- 
Hill, 1963. 

Hastings, James, Dictionary of the Bible. Re- 
vised edition by Frederick C. Grant and H. 
H. Rowley. New York: Scribners, 1963. 

Hatch, Edwin, and Redpath, Henry A., A Con- 

cordance to the Septuagint. Oxford: The 
Clarendon Press, 1897. 

The Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible. New 
York: Abingdon Press, 1962. 

Kittel, Gerhard (editor), Theologisches Worter- 
buch zum Neuen Testament. Stuttgart: W. 
Kohlhammer, 1933. 

Kittel, Rudolf, Biblia Hebraica. Stuttgart: 
Priviligierte Wiirttembergische Bibelanstalt, 

Knudtzon, J. A., Die El-Amarna Tafeln. Leip- 
zig: Hinrichs, 1907-1915. 

Koehler, Ludwig, and Baumgartner, Walter, Lex- 
icon in Veteris Testament! Libros. Leiden: 
E. J. Brill, 1958. 

La Sainte Bible de Jerusalem. Paris: Les Edi- 
tions du Cerf, 1956. 
Lemaire, Paulin, and Baldi, Donato, Atlante 

Biblico. Torino: Marietti, 1955. 
Leeuw, G. van der, Religion in Essence and 

Manifestation. 2 Vols. Translated by J. E. 

Turner. New York: Harper Torchbooks, 1963. 
Leon-Dufour, Xavier (editor), Vocabulaire de 

Theologie biblique. Paris: Les Editions du 

Cerf, 1962. 
Levie, Jean, The Bible: Word of God in 

Words of Men. Translated by S. H. Treman. 

New York: P. J. Kenedy, 1961. 

Mandelkern, Solomon, Veteris Testament! Con- 
cordance Hebraicae et Chaldaicae. Graz: 
Akademische Druck und Verlagsanstalt, 1955. 

Moulton, W. F., and Geden, A. S., A Con- 
cordance to the Greek New Testament. Edin- 
burgh: T. & T. Clark, 1899. 

Nestle, Eberhard, Nestle, Erwin, and Aland, 
Kurt, Novum Testamentum Graece. Stuttgart: 
Priviligierte Wiirttembergische Bibelanstalt, 

Otto, Rudolf, The Idea of the Holy. Translated 
by John W. Harvey. New York: Oxford 
University Press, 1958. 

Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encyclopddie der Classi- 
schen Altertums Wissenschaft. 

Rahlfs, Alfred, Septuaginta. Stuttgart: Privili- 
gierte Wiirttembergische Bibelanstalt. 

Schmoller, Alfred, Handkonkordanz zum grie- 
shischen Neuen Testament. Stuttgart: Privili- 
gierte Wiirttembergische Bibelanstalt, 1960. 

Smart, James D., The Interpretation of Scrip- 
ture. Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1961. 

Smith, J. M. P., and Goodspeed, Edgar, The 
Complete Bible: An American Translation. 
Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1939. 

Wright, G. E. (editor), The Bible and the 
Ancient Near East. New York: Double- 
day, 1961. 

Wright, G. E., and Filson, F. V., The West- 
minster Historical Atlas to the Bible. Phila- 
delphia: The Westminster Press, 1956. 

Alt, Albrecht, Kleine Schriften 1-111. Munich: 
C. H. Beck, 1959. 



Anderson, Bernhard W. (editor), The Old 

Testament and Christian Faith. New York: 

Harper & Row, 1963. 
Anderson, Bernhard W., Understanding the Old 

Testament. Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 

Barr, James, The Semantics of Biblical Lan- 
guage. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1961. 
Baumgartner, Walter (editor), Festschrift fiir 

Alfred Bertholet. Tubingen: J. C. B. Mohr 

(Paul Siebeck), 1950. 
Boman, Thorleif, Hebrew Thought Compared 

with Greek. Translated by J. L. Moreau. 

London: SCM Press, 1960. 
Bright, John, A History of Israel. Philadelphia: 

Westminster Press, 1959. 
Burrows, Millar, What Mean These Stones? 

New York: Meridian Books, 1957. 

Charles, R. H. (editor), The Apocrypha and 
Pseudepigrapha of the Old Testament. Oxford: 
Clarendon Press, 1913. 

Eichrodt, Walther, Theologie des Allen Testa- 
ments. Stuttgart: Klotz Verlag, 1961. 

Eissfeldt, Otto, Einleitung in das Alte Testament. 
Tubingen: J. C. B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck), 

Grelot, P., Sens chretien de I'Ancien Testament. 
Paris: Desclee, 1962. 

Gressmann, Hugo, Altorientalische Texte and 
Bilder zum Alten Testament. Berlin: W. 
De Gruyter, 1926-1927. 

Heidel, Alexander, The Babylonian Genesis. Chi- 
cago: The University of Chicago Press, 1951. 

Jacob, Edmond, Theology of the Old Testa- 
ment. Translated by A. J. Heathcote and P. J. 
Allcock. New York: Harpers, 1958. 

Kaufmann, Yehezkel, The Religion of Israel. 
Translated and abridged by Moshe Green- 
berg. Chicago: The University of Chicago 
Press, 1960. 

Kautzsch, E., Die Apokryphen und Pseudepi- 
graphen des Alten Testaments. Tubingen: J. 
C. B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck), 1900. 

Koehler, Ludwig, Old Testament Theology. 
Translated by A. S. Todd. Philadelphia: West- 
minster Press, 1957. 

Lindblom, J., Prophecy in Ancient Israel. Phila- 
delphia: Muhlenberg Press, 1962. 

McKenzie, J., The Two-Edged Sword. Milwau- 
kee: Bruce, 1956. 

Mowinckel, Sigmund, He That Cometh. Trans- 
lated by G. W. Anderson. New York: Abing- 
don Press, 1954. 

Noth, Martin, Die Welt des Alten Testaments. 
Berlin: Topelmann, 1957. 

The History of Israel. Translated by 

Stanley Godman. New York: Harper & 
Brothers, 1958. 

Oesterley, W. O. E., An Introduction to the 
Books of the Apocrypha. London: Society for 
Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1935. 

Pedersen, John, Israel l-IV. London: Oxford 

University Press, 1959. 
Pritchard, James B., The Ancient Near East in 

Pictures. Princeton: Princeton University 

Press, 1954. 

Pritchard, James B. (editor), Ancient Near 
Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament. 
Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1955. 

Rad, Gerhard Von, Theologie des Alten Testa- 
ments. Munich: Chr. Kaiser, 1960-1961. 

Roberts, Bleddyn J., The Old Testament Text 
and Versions. Cardiff: University of Wales 
Press, 1951. 

Robinson, H. Wheeler, Inspiration and Revela- 
tion in the Old Testament. Oxford: The 
Clarendon Press, 1946. 

Rowley, H. H., The Faith of Israel. London: 
SCM Press, 1956. 

The Servant of the Lord and other 

Essays. London: Lutterworth Press, 1952. 

Men of God: Studies in Old Testament 

History and Prophecy. London: Thomas Nel- 
son, 1963. 

(editor), The Old Testament and 

Modern Study. Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 

Sandmel, Samuel, The Hebrew Scriptures. New 

York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1963. 
Studies in Biblical Theology. Naperville, Illinois: 

Alec R. Allenson. 
Thomas, D. Winton (editor), Documents from 

Old Testament Times. New York: Harper 

Torchbooks, 1961. 

Vaux, Roland De, Ancient Israel: Its Life and 
Institutions. Translated by John McHugh. 
New York: McGraw-Hill, 1961. 

Vawter, Bruce, The Conscience of Israel. New 
York: Sheed & Ward, 1961. 

Weiser, Artur, The Old Testament: Its Forma- 
tion and Development. Translated by D. M. 
Barton. New York: Association Press, 1961. 

Wright, G. E., Biblical Archaeology. Phila- 
delphia: The Westminster Press, 1957. 


Archives Royales de Mari. Paris: Geuthner, 

Childe, V. Gordon, New Light on the Most 
Ancient East. New York: F. A. Praeger, 

Drioton, Etienne, and Vandier, Jacques, 
L'Egypte. Paris: Presses Universitaires de 
France, 1946. 

Erman, Adolf, Die Literatur der Aegypter. 
Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs, 1923. 

Forbes, R. J., Studies in Ancient Technology 
MX. Leiden: Brill, 1955-1964. 

Frankfort, Henri, Frankfort, H. A., Wilson. 
John A., Jacobsen, Thorkild, Before Philoso- 
phy. Baltimore: Penguin, 1949. 

Frankfort, Henri, Ancient Egyptian Religion. 
New York: Columbia University Press, 1948. 

The Birth of Civilization in the Ancient 

Near East. Bloomington: Indiana University 
Press, 1951. 

Gelb. I. J., A Study of Writing. Chicago: The 
University of Chicago Press, 1952. 

Kramer, Samuel Noah, From the Tablets of 
Sumer. Indian Hills, Colorado: Falcon's Wing 
Press, 1956. 



Lucas, Alfred, Ancient Egyptian Materials and 
Industries. London: Arnold, 1948. 

Meissner, Bruno, Babylonien und Assyrien. 

Heidelberg: Carl Winter, 1920-1925. 
Moscati, Sabatino, The Face of The Ancient 

Orient. New York: Doubleday Anchor, 1962. 

Saggs, H. W. F., The Greatness that was 
Babylon. New York: Hawthorn Books, 1963. 

Scharff, Alexander, and Moortgat, Anton, Aegyp- 
ten und Vorderasien im Altertum. Munich: 
F. Bruckmann, 1950. 

Schmokel, Hartmut, Geschichte des alten Vor- 
derasien. Leiden: Brill, 1957. 

Wilson, John A., The Burden of Egypt. Chicago: 
The University of Chicago Press, 1951. 

Barrett, C. K., The Gospel According to St. 
John. London: S.P.C.K., 1955. 

The New Testament Background: Se- 
lected Documents. New York: Harper Torch- 
books, 1961. 

Benoit, Pierre, Exegese et Theologie, 2 vols. 

Paris: Editions du Cerf, 1961. 
Bonsirven, Joseph, Palestinian Judaism in the 

Time of Jesus Christ. Translated by William 

Wolf. New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 


Theology of the New Testament, West- 
minster, Md.: The Newman Press, 1964. 

Bornkamm, Gunther, Jesus of Nazareth. Trans- 
lated by Irene and Fraser McLuskey. New 
York: Harpers, 1960. 

Bultmann, Rudolf, Primitive Christianity. Trans- 
lated by R. H. Fuller. New York: Meridian 
Books, 1956. 

Theology of the New Testament. Trans- 
lated by Kendrick Grobel. New York: Scrib- 
ners, 1951-1955. 

Cerfaux, Lucien, Christ in the Theology of St. 
Paul. Translated by G. Webb and A. Walker. 
New York: Herder & Herder, 1959. 

Conzelmann. Hans, The Theology of St. Luke. 
Translated by Geoffrey Buswell. New York: 
Harpers, 1960. 

Cullman, Oscar, The Christology of the New 
Testament. Translated by S. C. Guthrie and 
C. A. M. Hall. Philadelphia: The West- 
minster Press, 1959. 

The Early Church. Translated by A. 

J. B. Higgins. Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 

Peter: Disciple, Apostle, Martyr. Trans- 
lated by F. V. Filson. New York: Meridian 
Books, 1958. 

Daube, David, The New Testament and Rab- 
binic Judaism. London: Athlone Press, 1956. 

Davies, W. D.. and Daube, D. (editors), The 
Background of the New Testament and its 
Eschatologv. Cambridge: The University 
Press, 1956. 

Davies, W. D.. Paul and Rabbinic Judaism, 
London: S.P.C.K.. 1955. 

Dibelius, Martin, Botschaft und Geschichte. 
Tubingen: J. C. B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck), 

Dodd, C. H.. The Fourth Gospel. Cambridge: 
The University Press, 1958. 

New Testament Studies. Manchester: 

The University Press, 1953. 

The Parables of the Kingdom. New 

York: Scribners, 1961. 
Durrwell, F. X., The Resurrection. Translated 
by Rosemary Sheed. New York: Sheed & 
Ward, 1960. 

Eltester, Walther (editor), Judentum: Urchris- 
tentwn: Kirche. Berlin: Alfred Topelmann, 

Grant, Frederick C, An Introduction to New 
Testament Thought. New York: Abingdon 
Press, 1960. 

Roman Hellenism and the New Testa- 
ment. Edinburgh: Oliver & Boyd, 1962. 

Grant, Robert M., Historical Introduction to 
the New Testament. New York: Harper & 
Row, 1963. 

Hennecke, Edgar (editor), Neutestamentliche 

Apocryphen. Tubingen: J. C. B. Mohr (Paul 

Siebeck, 1924). 
Hoskyns, Edwyn, and Davey, Noel, The Riddle 

of the New Testament. London: Faber & 

Huck, Albert, and Lietzmann, Hans, Synopse 

der drei ersten Evangelien. Tubingen: J. C. 

B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck), 1950. 

James, M. R., The Apocryphal New Testament. 
Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1924. 

Jeremias, Joachim, The Parables of Jesus. Trans- 
lated by S. H. Hooke. New York: Scribners, 

The Eucharistic Words of Jesus. Trans- 
lated by A. Ehrhardt. Oxford: Basil Black- 
well, 1955. 

Kee, Howard C, and Young, Franklin W., 
Understanding the New Testament. Engle- 
wood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1957. 

Macquarrie, John, The Scope of Demythologiz- 

ing. New York: Harpers, 1960. 
Manson, T. W., Studies in the Gospels and 

Epistles. Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 


The Teaching of Jesus. Cambridge: The 

University Press, 1935. 

McKenzie, John L., The Power and the Wisdom: 
An Interpretation of the New Testament. Mil- 
waukee. Bruce, 1965. 

Metzger, Bruce M.. The Text of the New 
Testament. New York: Oxford University 
Press, 1964. 

Quesnell, Quentin. This Good News. Milwaukee. 
Bruce, 1964. 

Spicq, Ceslaus, Agape dans le Nouveau Testa- 
ment. Paris: Gabalda, 1958-1959. 

Stauffer, Ethelbert, Jesus and His Story. Trans- 
lated by Richard and Clara Winston. New 
York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1959. 

New Testament Theology. Translated 

by John Marsh. New York: MacMillan, 1955. 

Stendahl, Krister, The School of St. Matthew. 
Uppsala, 1954. 

Strack, Hermann L., and Billerbeck, Paul, Kom- 
mentar zu Neuen Testament A us Talmud 
Und Midrasch. Munich: C. H. Beck, 1926- 



Taylor, Vincent, The Atonement in New Testa- 
ment Teaching. London: Epworth Press, 

The Gospel According to St. Mark. 

London: Macmillan, 1952. 

The Life and Ministry of Jesus. New 

York: Abingdon Press, 1955. 

Vaganay, L., he probleme synoptique. Tournai: 
Desclee, 1952. 

Wikenhauser, Alfred, New Testament Introduc- 
tion. Translated by Joseph Cunningham. New 
York: Herder & Herder, 1958. 


Bousset, Wilhelm, and Gressmann, Hugo, Die 

Religion des Judentums Im Neutestamentlichen 

Zeitalter. Tubingen: J. C. B. Mohr (Paul Sie- 

beck), 1927. 
Burrrows, Millar, The Dead Sea Scrolls. New 

York: Viking Press, 1955. 
More Light on the Dead Sea Scrolls. 

New York: Viking Press, 1958. 

Cross, Frank M., The Ancient Library of 
Qumran. Garden City: Doubleday, 1958. 

Deissman, Adolf, Light From The Ancient East. 

Translated by L. R. M. Strachan. New 

York: Harpers, 1927. 
Discoveries in the Judaean Desert. Oxford: 

Clarendon Press, 1955. 
Dupont-Sommer, A., The Jewish Sect of 

Qumran and the Essenes. Translated by R. D. 

Barnett. New York: Macmillan, 1956. 

Foerster, Werner, Neutestamentliche Zeitge- 
schichte. Hamburg: Furche Verlag, 1955- 

Gaster, Theodor H., The Dead Sea Scriptures. 
New York: Doubleday Anchor, 1956. 

Moore, George F., Judaism. Cambridge: Har- 
vard University Press, 1927. 

Priimm, Karl, S.J., Religionsgechichtliches Hand- 
buch fur den Raum der altchristliclien Um- 
welt. Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute, 1954. 

Schuerer, Emil, A History of the Jewish People 
in the Time of Christ. Translated by J. Mac- 
Pherson. New York: Scribners. 

Stendahl, Krister (editor), The Scrolls and the 
New Testament. New York: Harpers, 1957. 

Vermes, Geza, Discovery in the Judean Desert. 
New York: Desclee, 1956. 

List of Illustrations and Charts With Credits 

22 Comparative chart of Greek and West 
Semitic writings (I. J. Gelb. A Study of 
Writing, The University of Chicago Press). 

24 Amarna, site of the royal city of Ikhnaton 
(H. Roger-Viollet). 

28 Collection of Egyptian jewelry including 
amulets (Giraudon). 

56 a) Army of Eannatum (Alinari); b) 
Assyrian battle scene (Alinari); c) As- 
syrian soldiers (Alinari). 

58 Artemis of Ephesus (Alinari). 

64 Assyrian victory scenes (British Museum). 

68 a) Athens, Acropolis (Alinari); b) Odeum 
of Herodes Atticus (Alinari). 

72 A Syrian representation of Baal. 

73 Remains of Mesopotamian temple tower 
(H. Roger-Viollet). Reconstruction of 
temple tower of Esagil, Babylon (Gir- 

74 The Ishtar gate. 

75 Victory stele of Naram-Sin (Deutschen 
Archaeologischen Instituts). 

78 Balances and weights (Alinari). 

84 Type of beard worn by the Assyrians 

85 Bed. 

86 Brewing was an art known to the Egyp- 
tians (British Museum). 

93 Bethlehem (H. Roger-Viollet). 

104 a) Assyrian bows (Alinari); b) soldier 
armed with bow and short sword (Alinari); 
c) Persian bowmen (Alinari); d) arrow- 
head (British Museum); e) Assyrian arch- 
ers (British Museum). 

105 Egyptian bracelets and necklaces (Girau- 

106 a) Egyptian breadmaking (British Mu- 
seum); b) ovens at Pompeii (Alinari). 

107 Ancient Egyptian brickmaking. 

109 a) Sarcophagus of Eshmunazar of Sidon 
(Alinari); b) mummified head of Ramses 
II (H. Roger-Viollet); c) Egyptian mummy 
(Giraudon); d) tombs on the Via Appia 

I I I Ruins of Byblos (H. Roger-Viollet). 

1 1 6 A desert scene. 

117 Cana (H. Roger-Viollet). 

120 Ruins of synagogue at Capernaum (H. 
Roger-Viollet). Roman columns at Caper- 
naum (H. Roger-Viollet). 

122 Mount Carmel and its summit (H. Roger- 

123 Adze (British Museum). 

124 A cedar grove on Mt. Lebanon. 

127 a) Assyrian war chariots (Giraudon); b) 
royal chariot of Ashur-bani-pal (Alinari). 

139 a) and b) Pompeii (Alinari); c) remains 
of amphitheater (Alinari). 

143 Egyptian man wearing kilt and woman 
wearing a linen robe (British Museum). 

144 a) Assyrian genius wearing fringed kilt 
and robe (Alinari); b) Assyrian prisoners 
of war; men in long tunics and women 
in fringed tunics (Alinari). 

157 Marduk in combat with dragon of chaos 
(British Museum). 

161 Caricature of crucified figure with ass's 
head (Alinari). 

163 a) Egyptian nemes headdress (Alinari); 
b) and c) Egyptian royal crown (Alinari); 
d) Sumerian royal cap (Alinari); e) 
Assyrian peaked royal cap (Giraudon); /) 
double crown of Egypt (The Oriental In- 
stitute, University of Chicago). 

165 Cuneiform writing, Code of Hammurabi 

169 Damascus (2 views) (H. Roger-Viollet). 

171 Egyptian dancers (H. Roger-Viollet). 

183 Dead Sea (2 views) (H. Roger-Viollet). 

192 a) Demon Guardian of Gate, Babylon 
(Deutschen Archaeologischen Instituts); 
b) and c) Demon Guardian of Gate of 
Persia (Alinari); d) demon guarding tree 
of life, Assyria (Alinari); e) benevolent 
demon, Mesopotamia (British Museum). 

195 Desert of Judah between Jerusalem and 
Jericho and at sea level (H. Roger-Viollet). 

202 Assyrian hunting dogs (British Museum). 

207 Dye vats from Tell Beir Mirsim. 

213 Pyramids of Saqqarah (H. Roger-Viollet). 

214 Preparation of sacrificial offerings (Girau- 

215 Relief sculptures of Ramses II (H. Roger- 

216 The queen of Punt (H. Roger-Viollet). 



217 Valley of the Kings (H. Roger- Viollet) . 

218 Preparation of food; smiths and carpenters; 
glassmaking; punishment of workers; har- 
vest; scribes (Giraudon). 

219 Egyptian divine triad (Alinari). Head of 
Amenhotep III. 

221 Games, musicians, and dancers (Girau- 

222 Architect and workers (H. Roger-Viollet). 

223 Egyptian jewelry (Giraudon). Egyptian 
toilet articles in wood (Alinari). 

229 Elephantine (H. Roger-Viollet). 

245 The Plain of Esdraelon with Mount Tabor 
in left center (H. Roger-Viollet). 

252 Eunuch, Assyrian sculpture (Alinari). 

256 Suez Canal (H. Roger-Viollet). 

270 a) Assyrian kings accompanied by demons 
bearing offerings (British Museum); b) 
Tree of Life and guardian demon (Ali- 
nari); c) Mesopotamian seal showing di- 
vine figures and serpent in background 
(British Museum). 

279 Fishing with nets in the Sea of Galilee 
(H. Roger-Viollet). 

286 Assyrian walls and towers (British Mu- 
seum and Alinari). 

290 The paved court of the Fortress Antonia 
(Notre Dame de Sion). 

294 The Sea of Galilee near Capernaum and 
with the wall at Tiberias (H. Roger- 

296 Garden of Ashur-bani-pal (British Mu- 

297 Restorations of Ishtar Gate of Babylon 

302 The Plain of Gennesareth (H. Roger- 

304 Remains of Gerasa (H. Roger-Viollet). 

305 Live tree in Gethsemani (H. Roger-Viol- 

309 The inscription of Hezekiah in the tunnel 
of Siloam (Giraudon). 

310 Mount Gilboa and the Plain of Esdraelon 
. (H. Roger-Viollet). 

327 Ancient boxer (Alinari). 

332 o) Woman's headdress, Phoenician (Ali- 
nari); b) woman's headdress, Assyrian 
sculpture (Alinari); c) man's headdress, 
Assyrian sculpture (British Museum). 

335 The law code of Hammurabi (Deutschen 
Archaeologischen Instituts), with detail 

of Shamash conferring on Hammurabi the 
power to rule (Giraudon). 

337 Impalement. Assyrian sculpture (British 

339 Egyptian harvest scenes (Giraudon and H. 
Roger-Viollet), and a serrated sickle 
(British Museum). 

350 Hebron (H. Roger-Viollet). 

355 Family of Herod (genealogy chart). 

364 Hittite god Teshup (Giraudon). 

371 a) Horses in Assyrian sculpture (Alinari); 
b) and c) Assyrian cavalry (Giraudon and 
British Museum). 

376 a) Inner court of house at Pompeii 
(Alinari); b) and c) Egyptian house furni- 
ture (Giraudon and Alinari). 

378 Assyrian hunting scenes (British Museum 
and Alinari). 

383 a) The Egyptian god Bes (Alinari); b) 
and c) Egyptian representations of fertil- 
ity god Kadesh with Min on left and Re- 
sheph on right (British Museum); d) 
Mesopotamian seal showing divine figures 
standing on lions making offerings to Tree 
of life (British Museum). 

386 A horned incense altar from Megiddo. 

424 Jericho with the Mountain of Temptation 
in the background (H. Roger-Viollet). 

426 Jerusalem. The wailing wall (H. Roger- 

427 Jerusalem, the southeast corner of the 
Haram-esh-sharif (H. Roger-Viollet). 

428 Jerusalem, the east wall of the Haram- 
esh-sharif (H. Roger-Viollet). 

429 A street; the steps show the slope which 
was originally the valley of the Tyropoeon 
(H. Roger-Viollet). 

430 Jerusalem looking toward the Mount of 
Olives to the east with the Dome of the 
Rock in the center and the grove of 
Gethsemani behind it (H. Roger-Viollet). 

454 The Jordan near Jericho (H. Roger-Viol- 
let). The Jordan valley north of the Dead 
Sea and the mountains of Moab in the 
background (H. Roger-Viollet). The Jor- 
dan at high water near Jericho (H. Roger- 
Viollet). The Jordan valley looking toward 
the mountains and desert of Judah (H. 

460 The mountains of Judea with Ain Karim 
in the center (H. Roger-Viollet). 

474 The Valley of the Kidron with the village 
of Ophel (H. Roger-Viollet). Assyrian 




king receiving submission of defeated 
enemy (British Museum). 

485 Knife. 

491 Assyrian relief sculpture of siege of 
Lachish (British Museum). 

493 Roman lamp (Alinari). Roman lampstands 

512 The manufacture of linen, from an Egyp- 
tian tomb painting. 

533 The site of the desert fortress palace of 
Herod where John the Baptist was exe- 

547 a) Roman forum. Temple of Saturn 
(Alinari); b) the Roman forum, the 
Sacred Way (Alinari); c) the forum of 
Trojan, Rome, showing the shops (Ali- 

548 A Roman marriage (Alinari). 

557 A couple reclining at dinner (Alinari). 
Egyptian banquet scenes (British Mu- 

568 The inscription of Mesha of Moab (Girau- 

577 Mill stones from Pompeii (Alinari). 

580 A hand mirror showing the judgment of 
Paris (Alinari). 

591 Mourning women represented on Egyptian 
sarcophagus (Alinari). 

594 a) Mesopotamia!! musicians playing the 
lyre (British Museum); *) a lyre from 
Mesopotamia (British Museum); c) Egyp- 
tian musicians with lute and harp (H. 
Roger-Viollet); d) Egyptian musicians and 
dancers (H. Roger-Viollet). 

596 Initiation rites of the mysteries of Dionysus 
(4 scenes) (Alinari). 

597 The mysteries of Isis (Alinari). A priestess 
of Isis holding a sistrum (Alinari). 

607 Two views of Nazareth (H. Roger-Viol- 

617 a) The Nile at Luxor looking west (H. 
Roger-Viollet); b) the Nilometer on the 
island of Elephantine (H. Roger-Viollet); 
c) and d) the Nile at the first cataract 
(H. Roger-Viollet); e) and /) ancient 
Egyptian boats (British Museum and H. 

626 Olive trees near Tiberias on the Sea of 
Galilee (H. Roger-Viollet) The Mount of 
Olives (H. Roger-Viollet). 

630 Restoration of the palace of Sargon at 
Khorsabad (Giraudon). 

634 A fowler with his family in the papyrus 
marshes of the Nile (H. Roger-Viollet). 

653 Ancient pens and inkwells (British Mu- 
seum). Girl with case, tablet, and stylus 

660 Columns of the palace at Persepolis 

672 Relief sculptures from the tomb of Ramses 
III (H. Roger-Viollet). 

675 a) The Nahr-el-Kelb in Lebanon (H. 
Roger-Viollet); b) Assyrian inscription at 
the mouth of the Nahr-el-Kelb (H. Roger- 
Viollet); c) and d) Phoenician gods and 
goddesses (Alinari). 

679 Plowing and sowing (H. Roger-Viollet). 

686 Pottery making (British Museum). 

690 Nude Sumerian priest (Deutschen Arch- 
aeologischen Instituts)! 

717 Modern Amman, the site of ancient Rab- 
bah (H. Roger-Viollet). 

746 The Roman forum (Alinari). 

748 The Arch of Titus in the Roman forum 

755 Assyrian sculpture representing the offer- 
ing (Alinari). 

764 The Hill of Samaria. 

772 Assyrian sculptures showing military boots 
(British Museum). 

773 Sandal. 

779 Egyptian scribe (Giraudon). 

783 Mesopotamian cylinder seal impressions 

790 a) Mesopotamian vase showing demon and 
serpent (Alinari); b) divine image and 
entwined serpent (Alinari); c) the god- 
dess Kadesh holding the lotus and serpents 
(British Museum); d) a serpentine dragon 
in a Mesopotamian seal impression (Brit- 
ish Museum). 

803 a) Hermes as a good shepherd (Alinari); 
b) an early Christian statue of Christ as 
the Good Shepherd (Alinari). 

806 a) Assyrian relief sculpture showing vari- 
ous types of shields (Alinari); b) As- 
syrian shield (British Museum); c) 
Assyrian sculpture showing a team of two 
archers with a shield bearer (British 

808 Assyrian representation of a Phoenician 
warship (British Museum). 

810 The inscription of Shishak at Karnak (H. 

811 The harbor at Sidon (H. Roger-Viollet). 

822 The mountains of the Sinai Peninsula (H. 
Roger-Viollet ) . 



826 Assyrian slingers (British Museum). 

839 Spear point (British Museum). 

850 a) and b) Sumerian triumph scenes (Brit- 
ish Museum); c) Gudea of Lagash in 
posture of adoration (Alinari); d) monu- 
ment of Ur-Nina (Alinari). 

873 a) Restoration of the temple of Anu-Adad 
(Giraudon); b) pylon -of the temple of 
Edfu (H. Roger-Viollet); c) detail of the 
arch of Titus (Alinari). 

875 Plan of the sanctuary of Herod's temple. 

879 Tent used by the king during military 

883 The theater of Dionysus at Athens 

888 An Assyrian king seated on the throne 
(British Museum). 

891 The Tigris at Bagdad (H. Roger-Viollet). 

913 Ancient Egyptian representation of the 
plucking of grapes. 

920 Assyrian soldiers crossing a river by boat 
Giraudon). Assyrian relief sculpture 
showing attack, and removal of prisoners 
of war and booty (British Museum). 

925 Women weaving. 

928 Harvesting and treading of grapes (H. 

945 Plowing and yoked oxen (British Mu- 



Aaron (Hb 'ah a ron, etymology unknown), 
brother of Moses* and Miriam*, son of 
Amran* and Jochebed*. Aaron is designated 
as the speaker for Moses (Ex 4:14; 7:1), 
but this is not mentioned again in the stories 
of the plagues* of Egypt*; in some plague 
stories Aaron is represented as wielding the 
rod, in others he is associated with Moses. 
The association is continued in the exodus* 
narratives. Aaron with Hur* sustained the 
hands of Moses in prayer during the battle 
with Amalek*. Aaron is invited to accompany 
Moses to the peak of Sinai* (Ex 19:24) 
alone; another tradition adds his two sons 
and 72 elders (Ex 24:1), while another 
leaves him with Hur in charge of the people 
(Ex 24:14). Aaron and his sons are desig- 
nated (Ex 28:1 ff) and installed (Lv 8:1- 
10:20) as priests, with Aaron as high priest 
(cf priest). Aaron was associated with the 
construction of the golden calf (Ex 32: 
1 ff), but was not punished; the tradition 
represented him as yielding to popular pres- 
sure. Miriam and Aaron were involved 
in a quarrel with Moses concerning Moses' 
Cushite (cf cush) wife; here also he is not 
punished, although Miriam was. The priest- 
hood of the family of Aaron was vindicated 
by Yahweh against the rebellion of Korah* 
and his fellow Levites* (Nm 16:1-18:24). 
Aaron died before the Israelites reached 
Canaan*; he was stripped of his priestly 
robes, which were transferred to his son 
Eleazar*, and buried on Mt Hor* (Nm 
20:23 ff; 33:38 f) or at Moserah (Dt 10:6). 
Outside of subsequent passing allusions to 
the exodus traditions (1 S 12:6, 8; Ps 77:21; 
105:26; 106:16; Mi 6:4), Aaron is not 
mentioned except as the priest, the ancestor 
of the "house of Aaron" or "the sons of 
Aaron." In the NT the imperfect priesthood 
of Aaron is contrasted with the perfect priest- 
hood of Christ (Heb 5:4; 7:11; cf priest). 
Hebrew popular tradition has obscured 
and transfigured the historical character of 
Aaron. In the episodes of Miriam and the 
golden calf his guilt has been minimized. 
His part in the plague stories has probably 
been enlarged; in some stories he does not 
appear at all. Like Moses, he is wrapped in 
an element of wonder, especially in the story 
of the vindication of the Aaronic priesthood, 
which seems to reflect a sacerdotal and 
levitical quarrel which we cannot recon- 
struct exactly. But tradition has honestly 
preserved the account of his failings; and 

there is no reason, with some modern 
scholars, to regard him as a creation of 
Hebrew folklore and a retrojection of the 
later priesthood into early Israel, although 
the features of the later priesthood are 
certainly read back into the primitive 
period (cf priest). But early Israel must 
have had a priesthood, and it is worth notice 
that its priest was not its great leader and 
prophet Moses, but his brother. 

Abaddon (Hb '"baddon, "destruction," "per- 
dition"), named together with death* (Jb 
28:22), and Sheol* (Pr 15:11), with the 
grave* (Ps 88:12, cf Jb 26:6; 31:12); a 
name for the region of the dead (cf death, 
sheol); in rabbinical literature a part of 
Gehenna*. In NT it occurs only in Ape 9:11 
as the name of the "angel* of the abyss*," 
Gk 'Apollyon, "destroyer." 

Abanah (Hb ' a banah), one of the rivers of 

Damascus* with the Pharpar* (2 K 5:12); 

probably the modern Barada or a branch 
of it. 

Abarim (Hb '"barim), mountains in Moab, 
including Pisgah* and Nebo*, from which 
the entire land of Canaan could be sur- 
veyed (Nm 27:12; 33:47 f; Dt 32:49; Je 
22:20). These are the summits and slopes 
which divide the plateau of Moab from the 
Dead Sea. 

Abba (Aramaic emphatic form of 'ab, 
"father", employed as vocative), a word ut- 
tered by Jesus (Mk 14:36), employed by 
early Christians (Rm 8:15; Gal 4:6), with 
Gk translation given in each passage. In 
prayer formulae among Gk-speaking Chris- 
tians probably both forms, 'ab and abba, 
were used. Aramaic epistles indicate that 
it was a familiar address used by children; 
in this sense Jesus used it in invoking the 
Father* in the great crisis of His life, and 
it was taken up by the early Church. 

Abdon (Hb 'abdon, etymology uncertain; per- 
haps abbreviated from theophorous name 
meaning "slave of [name of deity]"). 1. 
Personal name borne by 4 men in OT, of 
whom the most notable is the "minor" judge* 
Abdon ben Hillel of Pirathon* (Jgs 12:13), 
whose 40 sons and 30 grandsons rode on 
70 asses, a token of fabulous wealth. 2. A 
town in Asher (Jos 21:30: I Ch 6:59). 




Abednego (Hb '"bed n c go, probably cor- 
rupted from "bed n e bo, "slave of Nabu"), 
Babylonian name given to Azariah*, one of 
the companions of Daniel (Dn 1:7). 

Abel (Hb hebel, which would mean "vanity," 
"nothingness"; but more probably derived 
from Akkadian aplu, "son," which would 
indicate a Mesopotamian origin of the 
story). Abel was the second son of Adam* 
and Eve*, a shepherd*. His sacrifice* was 
pleasing to God, and he was murdered by 
his brother Cain* out of envy (Gn 4:2 ff). 
In Gn the story of the first murder begins 
the account of the moral deterioration of 
man which follows the Fall* and grows until 
it is arrested by the Deluge*. The story as 
adapted for this purpose exhibits traits of 
its origin and earlier forms. Abel is a pas- 
toral culture hero, the first herdsman — an 
achievement which is credited in another 
tradition (Gn 4:20) to Jabal*, a descendant 
of Cain. The murder of Abel reflects the 
unending guerrilla conflict between the no- 
madic herdsman and the peasant, represented 
by Cain. The story is obviously sympathetic 
to the herdsman, and attributes the feud of 
nomad and peasant to an original act of 
treachery by the peasant. Abel is also the 
first to offer sacrifice; the story accepts animal 
sacrifice as better than cereal offerings. This 
probably reflects the attitude of the early 
nomadic Israelites toward the cult of the 
Canaanite peasants, who, however, also of- 
fered animal sacrifice. Abel is mentioned in 
Mt 23:35 and Lk 11:51 as an innocent vic- 
tim of murder; his sacrifice is praised in 
Heb 11:4, and in Heb 12:24 his blood, 
which cried for vengeance, speaks less power- 
fully than the atoning blood of Jesus. 

Abia. 1. Cf A.BUAH. 2. Gk form of 1 ; in Lk 
1 :5 the 8th of the 24 divisions or courses of 
the temple priesthood (cf 1 Ch 24:10 and 
priest), of which Zechariah*, the father of 
John the Baptist*, was a member. 

Abiathar (Hb 'ebyatar, old Babylonian Abia- 
tar, "the father [i.e., god] excels"?), son of 
Ahimelech* of the line of Eli*, the sole sur- 
vivor of the priestly family of Nob* after 
the slaughter of the priests by Saul* ( 1 S 
22:9 ff). Abiathar fled to David* and joined 
David's band, taking with him the priestly 
oracle Urim* and Thummim, which he em- 
ployed in David's service (1 S 23:6 ff; 
30:7 ff). He is mentioned with Zadok* as 
a priest in one list of David's officers (2 S 
20:25; 1 Ch 15:11) and as one of David's 
council (1 Ch 27:34). A son of Abiathar, 
Ahimelech (Abimelech 1 Ch 18:16) is men- 
tioned as priest with Zadok in 2 S 8:17 (cf 
also 1 Ch 24:6). This may be due to a trans- 

position of the names in the text; but it 
may also signify that Abiathar's son assumed 
the office of priest because of Abiathar's age, 
which must have been advanced by the end 
of David's reign. With Zadok he carried the 
ark from Jerusalem at the beginning of the 
revolt of Absalom*; but at the command of 
David they returned the ark to the city and 
themselves remained there to act as spies 
in concert with Hushai*, one of Absalom's 
council (2 S 15). The messages from the 
spies to David were delivered by Ahimaaz* 
and Jonathan*, Abiathar's son. During the 
last illness of David, Abiathar attached him- 
self to the party of Adonijah*, the eldest of 
David's surviving sons, while Zadok joined the 
party of Solomon*. Not long after Solomon 
succeeded to the throne Adonijah and Joab* 
were assassinated; Solomon spared the life of 
Abiathar because of his priesthood, but de- 
posed him from office and confined him to 
his estate at Anathoth* (1 K 1-2). The list of 
Solomon's officers in 1 K 4:4 must therefore 
antedate these events. 

Abib. The name of the first month in the 
old Hebrew calendar, corresponding to 
Nisan in the later calendar, roughly our 
March; the month in which the exodus from 
Egypt occurred (Ex 13:4; 34:18; Dt 16:1). 


Abiezer (Hb '"bVezer, "the father [i.e. god] 
is help"). 1. The clan of Gideon* (Jgs 6:11, 
24; 8:2, 32), probably identical with the clan 
of Iezer of the tribe of Manasseh* (Nm 26: 
30; 1 Ch 7:18). 2. One of David's heroes 
(2 S 23:27; 1 Ch 11:28; 27:12). 

Abigail (Hb '"blgayil, meaning uncertain ["the 
father rejoices"?]). 1. Wife of Nabal* of Car- 
mel* in Judah. When her husband refused to 
assist David* and his band, Abigail averted 
David from his intention to massacre the en- 
tire household by meeting him with provisions 
(1 S 25:1 ff). After the sudden death of 
Nabal, David took Abigail, described as "at- 
tractive and sensible," as a wife. She followed 
him to Gath* during his service with Achish* 
(1 S 27:3), and was among those captured 
and rescued in the raid of the Amalekites up- 
on Ziklag* (1 S 30:5). She also accompanied 
him to his accession at Hebron* (2 S 2:2), 
where she bore him a son, Chileab*. 2. A 
sister of David (Abigal in 2 S 17:25), wife 
of an Ishmaelite, Jether, and mother of 
Amasa*, who commanded the army of Ab- 
salom* (2 S 17:25; 1 Ch 2:16, 17). 

Abihu (Hb ' a b'ihu', "he [the god] is father"), 
son of Aaron* and Elisheba (Ex 6:23; Nm 
3:2; 26:60; 1 Ch 5:29; 24:1). With his 
brother Nadab* he accompanied Moses*, 



Aaron, and the 70 elders to the theophany 
on Sinai* (Ex 24:1 ff). He and Nadab were 
installed as priests with their father Aaron, 
but the two sons were killed by lightning be- 
cause of some impropriety in their first offer- 
ing of sacrifice* (Lv 10:1 ff). Possibly this 
story is a fictional explanation of the ex- 
tinction of two priestly families of Abihu 
and Nadab. Cf priest. 

Abijah (Hb ' a biyah, "Yah[weh] is father"). 
1. Son and successor of Rehoboam* in the 
kingdom of Judah (915-913 bc); in 1 K his 
name appears as Abijam. His mother was 
Maacah*. Nothing is related of his reign in 
1 K, where he is judged unfavorably, except 
war with Jeroboam* of Israel; the unfavor- 
able judgment probably signifies that he 
tolerated worship on the high places* (IK 
15:1-8). In 2 Ch 13:1-22 there appears an 
account of a battle between Abijah and 
Jeroboam, notable chiefly for the extended 
speech of Abijah in which victory is assured 
him because of his fidelity to the worship of 
Yahweh. Abijah was victorious in spite of 
the successful ambush laid by Jeroboam, and 
recovered the cities of Bethel*, Jeshanah, 
and Ephron*. The author of Ch does not 
judge Abijah unfavorably (cf chronicles). 

2. A son of Samuel* (1 S 8:2) who shared 
his father's office but not his incorruptibility. 

3. Son of Jeroboam of Israel; he died as 
a child and was the occasion of the denuncia- 
tion of the king by Ahijah* (1 K 14:1 ff). 
The name was borne by three other men, one 
the head of a priestly family (cf abia) and 
one woman, the wife of Hezekiah* (2 Ch 
29:1; Abi in 2K 18:2). 

Abilene (Gk abilene), the tetrarchy or dis- 
trict ruled by Lysanias* at the beginning 
of the public life of Jesus (Lk 3:1). The 
district was centered about the city of Abila, 
in the valley of the Barada about 20 mi NW 
of Damascus*. 

Abimelech (Hb '"blmelek, "the father [i.e., 
god] is king"). 1. The name of a Canaanite 
king of Gerar*. He took Sarah*, the wife 
of Abraham*, into his harem; but after he 
had been warned by God in a dream he 
released her and dismissed Abraham with 
gifts. His rebuke of Abraham for posing as 
the brother of Sarah implies a moral judg- 
ment of the author on Abraham's conduct 
(Gn 20:1-18). Abraham also made a cov- 
enant with Abimelech and Phicol*, the com- 
mander of his army, at Beersheba*, by which 
Abraham was guaranteed sure possession of 
a well he had dug and rights to pasture in 
the Negeb*. A king of the same name at 
Gerar appears in the story of Isaac*, whose 

wife he takes into his harem; in this story the 
ruse is discovered when Abimelech sees Isaac 
making love to Rebekah*. This account is 
no doubt a variant of the story which is 
read in Gn 12:10 ff , 20:1 ff, about Abraham 


2. The son of Gideon* and a Canaanite 
concubine who lived at Shechem*. Abimelech 
appealed to the citizens of Shechem on the 
basis of his relationship and persuaded them 
to rebel against the rule of the sons of 
Gideon, all of whom were murdered by Abi- 
melech except Jotham* (Jgs 8:29-9:21). 
Two accounts of a rebellion of the men of 
Shechem against Abimelech have been care- 
lessly compiled. In one (Jgs 9:22-25; 9:42- 
49) a quarrel arises because the men of 
Shechem rob those who pass on the road. 
This probably reflects a quarrel over the tolls 
exacted from caravans on the highway which 
follows the ridge of the central range of 
Palestine*. Abimelech ambushed the men of 
the city when they went out to work in the 
fields and razed the city to the ground. Those 
who escaped to Migdal-Shechem, the citadel, 
were also killed when the citadel was burned. 
The other story in Jgs 9:26-41 has been 
interpolated into the middle of the first ac- 
count. This relates a rebellion led by a certain 
Gaal* which was suppressed by Zebul*, the 
governor appointed by Abimelech. In both 
accounts Abimelech does not reside at Shec- 
hem, which is not explained; Arumah, not 
identified, is mentioned as his residence (Jgs 
9:41). The destruction of Shechem is no 
doubt exaggerated; this important crossroads 
city could not long remain uninhabited. 
Abimelech himself was killed during an at- 
tack on Thebez* by a millstone flung from 
the wall by a woman (Jgs 9:50-57); this 
misfortune became proverbial (2 S 11:21). 
The story of Abimelech illustrates the un- 
settled conditions of Canaan during the 
Israelite settlement. Shechem was itself a 
Canaanite city, not an Israelite city, but it 
was ruled by Israelites, Gideon and his sons; 
and Abimelech himself was the issue of a 
mixed union. Abimelech, like Gideon, ruled 
the city from elsewhere, probably an Israelite 
city, and his armed band was either Israelite 
or mixed. Like the other judges*, he was a 
military leader who defended or expanded the 
territory of Israel; but his character excluded 
him from the list of charismatic heroes. 

Abinadab (Hb ' a b~inadab, "the father [i.e., 
god] is noble"). 1. A man of Kirjath-jearim* 
in whose house the ark* of the covenant* 
was kept after it was recovered from the 
Philistines* (1 S 7:1) until it was removed by 
David* to be installed in Jerusalem* (2 S 
6:2 ff). 2. Brother of David (1 S 16:8; 17:13; 



1 Ch 2:13). 3. Son of Saul* (1 S 31:2; 1 Ch 
8:33; 9:39; 10:2). 

Abiram (Hb '"b'lram, "the father [i.e., god] 
is exalted"). 1. Cf dathan. 2. Cf hiel. The 
name is probably identified with Abram- 

Abishag (Hb '"bisag, meaning uncertain), a 
young woman of Shunem* who became the 
companion of David* in his old age (IK 
1: 1-4) and slept with him to keep him warm. 
Although they had no sexual relations, Abi- 
shag nevertheless was the occasion of the 
death of Adonijah*, who asked for her from 
Solomon after David's death (1 K 2:13-25). 
Such intimate contact with the king made 
her a royal possession upon which it was 
treason to encroach. 

Abishai (Hb '"blsai, meaning uncertain), 
brother of Joab* and Asahel*, the three sons 
of Zeruiah*, David's sister (1 Ch 2:16). 
With Joab, he was intimately associated with 
David during his life and reign. Abishai ac- 
companied David to the camp of Saul by 
night and urged that Saul be slain there 
and then; David refused (1 S 26:6 ff). With 
Joab he pursued Abner* after Abner had 
killed their brother Asahel in battle (2 S 
2:24), and he is mentioned together with 
Joab in the killing of Abner, although Joab 
himself struck the blow (2 S 3:30). He com- 
manded the army of David under Joab; at 
the siege of Rabbah* he took command of 
half the army to hold the Ammonites*, while 
Joab attacked the Aramaeans* who had come 
as allies (2 S 10:9-14). He accompanied 
David on his flight from Absalom and asked 
David's permission to kill Shimei* for curs- 
ing David, but this was refused (2 S 16:9). 
With Joab and Ittai he commanded the 
army against Absalom (2 S 18:2) and in 
the subsequent rebellion (2 S 20:10). When 
Shimei met David to ask for forgiveness, 
Abishai again asked permission to kill him 
but was again forbidden to (2 S 19:19-23). 
During the war against the Philistines* Abi- 
shai saved David's life by killing a Philistine 
hero whose name is corrupted and who re- 
sembles Goliath*; this was the occasion on 
which David's officers refused to let him 
take personal part in battle (2 S 21:16-17). 
Abishai appears in the list of David's heroes 
as chief of the Thirty (2 S 23:18-19). He 
led a campaign into Edom* and placed 
garrisons in the country after a victory in 
the Valley of Salt (1 Ch 18:12 f). The con- 
quest of Edom is attributed to Joab in 1 K 
11:15; it is doubtful that these two traditions 
refer to two different campaigns. Abishai was, 
like his brother Joab, closely linked to David 
by blood and by many services both per- 

sonal and official, and like Joab put loyalty 
to the king above every other consideration. 

Abner (Hb 'abner, meaning uncertain; "the 
father [the god] is a lamp"?), son of Ner, 
commander of the army of Saul (1 S 14: 
50). Ner and Kish, the father of Saul, were 
brothers, sons of Abiel. He appears at the 
battle with the Philistines at Socoh* (1 S 
17:55). As a ranking officer he dines with 
the king's sons and David (1 S 20:25). He 
commanded Saul's forces during the pursuit 
of David and was rebuked by David for 
permitting him to enter Saul's camp by night 
(1 S 26:14-16). After Saul's death at the 
battle of Gilboa* Abner took Ishbaal*, Saul's 
surviving son, across the Jordan to Maha- 
naim* and maintained the kingdom of Israel. 
After David had been acclaimed king of 
Judah at Hebron* (2 S 2:1 ff), war broke 
out between the two kingdoms, and hostilities 
were initiated at the pool of Gibeon* (2 S 
2:12ff). The battle was opened by a tourna- 
ment of 12 chosen champions from each 
side; perhaps what began as a mere test of 
arms turned to hostile conflict. Abner's army 
was defeated and he was pursued by Asahel*, 
the brother of Joab* and Abishai*; when 
Asahel, warned by Abner, refused to abandon 
the pursuit, Abner killed him. This was 
taken as the beginning of a blood-feud (cf 
avenger) with the family of Asahel. The 
war went badly for Ishbaal, who alienated 
Abner's loyalty by rebuking him for taking 
Rizpah*, a woman of Saul's harem; and 
Abner opened negotiations to deliver the 
kingdom of Ishbaal to David. David was 
happy to receive the message, but insisted 
that Saul's daughter, Michal*, who had been 
given to Paltiel* after David's flight, be re- 
stored to him; his honor had been grievously 
injured. Abner agreed and promoted the cause 
of David with the Israelites, especially with 
Benjamin*, the tribe of Saul. When he came 
to David with an Israelite embassy, Joab 
called him aside and murdered him in ful- 
fillment of the feud. Although the murder 
was profitable to David, he protested that 
he had no part in it; but he did not punish 
Joab, whose fidelity here had exceeded all 
bounds (2 S 3). Abner's part in establishing 
the united monarchy of David was consider- 
able. His loyalty to the failing house of Saul 
finally broke, but up to the time he changed 
masters he had followed Saul's house with- 
out reserve; and he must have seen that there 
was no hope for Israel except in the single 
rule of David. 

Abomination of Desolation. The common 
English version of Dn 9:27; 11:31, Hb 
sikkus m e sdmem. The passages were probably 
written on the occasion of the erection of 
an altar to Zeus Olympios in the temple 



sanctuary by Antiochus* Epiphanes in 168 
B.C. (1 Mc 1:54; 6:7; 2 Mc 6:2). In 1 Mc 
the Hb words are translated into Gk. In the 
prophetic* and apocalyptic* literature, how- 
ever, it is common to universalize particular 
events; and in this event is seen the profana- 
tion of the holy by the powers of unbelief 
and godlessness, which is a constantly recur- 
ring motif in history. It is in this sense that 
Jesus alludes to the words of Dn in Mt 
24:15, and not with reference to any par- 
ticular event. 

Abraham (Hb 'abrdham) , son of Terah* and 
ancestor of the Israelites*. The name is most 
probably a dialectal variant of the original 
name 'abram, identical with '"biram, "the 
father (i.e., god) is exalted." The etymology 
implied in Gn 17:5, where the change of 
name is related, is popular. 

1 . Life. The clan of Terah migrated from 
Ur* to Haran*, where Terah died. From 
there Abraham migrated to Canaan* (Gn 
ll:27ff). This episode may preserve two 
variant traditions about the place of Abra- 
ham's origin. In Canaan occurred the first 
divine communication granted to Abraham 
and the promise of a great posterity (Gn 12: 
1-3). At Shechem* he received the promise 
that his descendants would possess Canaan 
(Gn 12:7). He traveled to Bethel* and to 
the Negeb*; driven by a famine to Egypt, 
he posed as the brother of Sarah*, who was 
taken into the harem of the Pharaoh. The 
Pharaoh saw in a plague of diseases a 
warning that he had done wrong and re- 
leased Sarah (Gn 12:10-20). Because of 
quarrels between the herdsmen of Abraham 
and those of his nephew Lot* they parted 
from each other; Lot dwelt near Sodom*, 
and Abraham remained in Canaan (Gn 13: 
1 ff). A variant of the promise that Canaan 
would belong to Abraham's descendants oc- 
curs in Gn 13:14ff. In Gn 14: 1 ff Abraham 
appears as a military hero, the only such 
episode reported of him. A raiding party sent 
by the Mesopotamian overlords of Canaan 
was pursued by Abraham, who rescued the 
booty and the prisoners, including Lot. On 
his return he was met at Salem* (Jerusalem) 
by its king, Melchizedek*. This story pre- 
served the memory of the first encounter of 
the ancestor of the Israelites with what be- 
came the most Israelite of all cities. A son 
was promised Abraham (Gn 15:1 ff) and 
a covenant* was concluded by Abraham with 
the God who had revealed Himself (Gn 
15:9); a variant of the promise of the land 
to his descendants is added (Gn 15:18 ff). 
The childless Sarah substituted her slave 
Hagar*, who bore Abraham a son, Ishmael*. 
This practice is found in the legal codes of 
Mesopotamia; the rights of the substitute 

and her children were guaranteed by the 
law, but were violated by Sarah and Abra- 
ham, who yielded to his wife's jealousy and 
expelled Hagar and her son (Gn 16:1-16). 
A variant account of the covenant is found 
in Gn 17:1 ff; the obligation of circumcision 
and another variant of the promise of a son 
are added (Gn 17: 15 ff) . Abraham enter- 
tained God with two companions (Gn 18: 
1 ff), and a son is promised again. The 
realism of the story need not blind us to 
the fact that hospitality is a much prized 
virtue in the desert; and that the tradition 
of Abraham's hospitality was intended to 
show that this virtue is most pleasing to God. 
He who exhibits it entertains God in the 
traveler. The account of the destruction of 
Sodom and Gomorrah* is preceded by a de- 
bate between Abraham and God (Gn 18:20- 
19:28). Such natural disasters posed a ques- 
tion to the Hebrew mind as to the justice 
of such punishments; for they were con- 
ceived as an act of the wrath of God. The 
dialogue of Gn 18:20 ff is a primitive the- 
odicy, explaining them as the result of the 
total depravity of the people involved; were 
there even a few innocent, God would with- 
hold His anger for their sake. In Gn 20:1 ff 
there is a variant of the story of Abraham 
and Sarah found in Gn 12: 10 ff; cf abime- 
lech. The birth of Isaac is related in Gn 
2 1 : 1 ff with a variant of the story of the 
expulsion of Hagar*. The story of the 
sacrifice of Isaac in Gn 22:1 ff shows the 
great faith of Abraham. It is also directed 
against the practice of human sacrifice, and 
this is probably its primary purpose in its 
original form. It may be the expression of 
this truth by an imaginary narrative, a par- 
able*, or it may preserve dimly the memory 
of some spiritual crisis in the life of Abraham. 
After the death of Sarah, Abraham pur- 
chased ground at Hebron* for a burial plot; 
this was the first ownership of a portion of 
the land which was promised to the descend- 
ants of Abraham (Gn 23:1 ff). Abraham 
sought a bride for Isaac from his kinsfolk in 
Mesopotamia (Gn 24:1 ff). Gn 25:1 ff con- 
tains a genealogy* which connects Abraham 
with a number of Arabian* tribes. 

2. Literary character of the traditions of 
Abraham. The stories of Abraham are family 
traditions preserved by oral tradition for 
some centuries before they were written down. 
They exhibit a number of variant accounts of 
single events, from which appears the free- 
dom with which these memories were re- 
peated in story. An element of wonder is 
introduced and heightened in some forms 
of the tradition. The stories are not preserved 
or related in a consecutive biography, but 
are strung together in a sequence which does 
not necessarily follow the order of time. 



It is important to distinguish this type of 
family tradition from historical records as 
we understand them and to leave room for 
the imagination of the storytellers (cf his- 
tory). On the sources and their compila- 

3. Date and historical background of Abra- 
ham. Older scholars dated Abraham as a 
contemporary of Hammurabi of Babylon 
(c 1728-1686 bc), whom they identified 
with Amraphel of Shinar (Gn 14:1). This 
identification can no longer be retained, nor 
can we place the five kings in any known 
period of Mesopotamian history, although 
the same or similar names occur in the first 
half of the 2nd millennium BC; cf the sepa- 
rate articles. But it is almost certain that 
Abraham belongs to the period 2000-1500 
bc, and later in the period rather than earlier. 
It is no longer possible to regard Abraham as 
an entirely fictitious character or as the per- 
sonification of a tribe, although not all the 
traditions concerning him have equal his- 
torical value. For historical and cultural 
background cf amorites; patriarchs. 

4. The Religion of Abraham. The impor- 
tance of Abraham lies in the fact that with 
him begins the biblical revelation. No reason 
can be found for the preservation of his 
memory except the Hebrew belief that God 
first spoke to him, and this belief can be 
questioned only by doubting the entire chain 
of Hebrew and Christian belief. The sub- 
stance of this fact is not affected by ques- 
tions about the historical validity of separate 
traditions. There can be little doubt that 
the God who revealed Himself to Abraham 
appears as a family god, "the God of Abra- 
ham (Isaac and Jacob)" (Gn 26:24; Ex 
3:15 + ) . This form of worship, in which 
the deity of the family was worshiped and 
enshrined in the family dwelling, is known 
from the remains of ancient Mesopotamia. 
Abraham knows him not as Yahweh, who 
was worshiped by the later Israelites, but as 
El Shaddai. In character He appears as a 
god of cosmic domain, who can give Abra- 
ham the land of Canaan, and of justice and 
righteousness, who gives sanction to moral 
obligations. He can be approached by His 
worshipers and He hears their prayers. He 
receives sacrifice, the common rite of adora- 
tion of the ancient world. He demands un- 
reserved faith* in His promises and in His 
power and will to fulfill them. The morality 
of Abraham was in many respects no more 
enlightened than that of his world; the revela- 
tion of the divine moral will did not come 
all at once. In no tradition of Abraham does 
God demand that He be worshiped exclu- 
sively, and the omission is significant, since 
this feature of Hebrew belief is so empha- 
sized in later history and yet is not read 

back into the story of Abraham; cf Jos 24:2. 
But He is a God who stands alone, without 
associate or consort; as a family god, He has 
no connection with the gods of the Meso- 
potamian pantheon. 

5. Abraham in later Scriptures. The prom- 
ises and the covenant of Abraham, which 
initiated the process of salvation and cul- 
minated in the covenant, are often alluded 
to in the OT (Ex 32:13; Nm 32:11; Dt 
1:8; 2 K 13:23; 1 Ch 16:16; Ps 105:9, 
42+). Yahweh redeemed Abraham (Is 29: 
22); Abraham is the rock and. the quarry 
from which Israel came (Is 51:1-2). Though 
he was only one, he possessed the whole land 
(Ezk 33:24). References to Abraham in the 
NT are numerous. He was the father of the 
Jews (Mt 3:9 +), they are his descendants 
(Jn 8:33). The entire dispute in Jn 8:33 ff 
hinges on the Jews' pride in their descent 
from Abraham; Jesus takes occasion of this 
to point out that mere carnal descent is not 
enough. The climax of the dispute is reached 
when Jesus claimed to be greater than 
Abraham. John the Baptist had already said 
that God could raise up children of Abraham 
from stones (Mt 3:9). Paul takes Abraham 
as a hero of faith as contrasted with the 
works of the Law* (Rm 4:1 ff; Gal 3:6 fT). 
Faith in Christ makes one a true descendant 
of Abraham (Gal 3:29). Abraham's two 
wives are types of the two covenants, the 
covenant of bondage of Moses and the 
covenant of liberty of Christ (Gal 4:22). 
Melchizedek, a type* of Christ, shows the 
supremacy of Christ; for Melchizedek re- 
ceived tithes from Abraham, the ancestor 
of the priesthood of Aaron (Heb 7:1 ff). 

Abraham's Bosom. Mentioned in Lk 16:22. 
In 4 Mc 13:17 the just at their death are 
received by Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob. 
This probably alludes to the heavenly ban- 
quet; the place of honor was next to the 
host, where the guest could recline on the 
host's bosom (cf Jn 13:25). Cf meal. 

Abram. Cf Abraham. 

Absalom (Hb 'absalom, "the father [i.e., god] 
is peace," in 1 K 15:2, 10 'abisalom), son 
of David* and Maacah*, daughter of Tal- 
mai*, king of Geshur* (2 S 3:3). His full 
sister Tamar* was raped by their half-brother 
Amnon*; in revenge Absalom murdered Am- 
non at the feast of the sheepshearing (2 S 
13:1 ff). Absalom fled to Geshur, remaining 
there three years. Joab*, perceiving that 
David really yearned for his son but could 
not recall him without injuring the royal 
dignity, persuaded him through the fictitious 
case presented by the wise woman of Tekoa* 
(2 S 14:1 ff). The point of her case is that 



the law of blood-revenge is not valid 
within a family, since it is all one and the 
same blood, and that the family must first 
preserve itself even if a murder must be 
condoned. Absalom was recalled but not ad- 
mitted to the royal presence for two years. 
He then set Joab's fields on fire to remind 
him that he should intercede with the king. 
During the next four years Absalom made a 
habit of exhibiting friendliness to all men 
and of pointing out weaknesses in the govern- 
ment of David (2 S 15:1 ff). When he felt 
strong enough, he proclaimed himself king 
in Hebron, and David was forced to flee 
from Jerusalem. Ahithophel*, one of David's 
council, joined the revolt; he persuaded 
Absalom to take public possession of David's 
harem (2 S 16:21-22). This was a para- 
mount act of treason, since the harem par- 
took of the sanctity of royalty, and made an 
irreparable breach between the two. Ahitho- 
phel also asked that he be permitted to pursue 
David immediately before David could gather 
a force. Hushai*, also one of David's coun- 
cil, had remained in Jerusalem at David's 
request to work secretly for David. He 
counseled delay, lest there be an immediate 
defeat, and urged Absalom to gather an 
army and head it personally (2 S 17:1 ff). 
Absalom, probably moved by vanity, accepted 
the counsel of Hushai; and Ahithophel, per- 
ceiving that this was a fatal blunder (although 
not aware of Hushai's duplicity), hanged 
himself (2 S 17:23). The battle between the 
two forces was joined in the forest of Eph- 
raim. David ordered his officers to spare 
the life of Absalom. In the ensuing battle 
Absalom was defeated and fled upon a mule; 
but his long hair, of which he was vain (cf 
2 S 14:26), was entangled in the branches 
of an oak. When he hung helplessly, he was 
discovered by one of David's soldiers, who 
informed Joab; and Joab immediately killed 
him (2 S 18:92ff). David's grief at the 
news was unrestrained until Joab rebuked 
him for thinking more of his ungrateful son 
than of his faithful followers (2 S 19:1 ff). 
The story of Absalom reveals some weak- 
nesses both in David's character and in 
his government. The household of David 
exhibits the vicious quarrels and hatreds 
which are a consequence of polygamy; it 
also exhibits little or no effort of David to 
rule his own sons, who show incredible self- 
ishness and no sense of duty whatever. The 
revolt of Absalom could hardly have been 
so quickly successful if there had not been 
discontent with David's rule; perhaps his 
wars had been a strain upon the people, 
while the booty was distributed among the 
king and his favorites. The complaint men- 
tioned in 2 S 15:2 ff indicates that the king 
was inaccessible to the people at large, and 

that it was difficult to obtain legal justice. 
While the rebellion was put down by David's 
professional troops, there is no evidence that 
the discontent ceased. 

Abyss (Gk abyssos), in classical Gk the 
abode of the dead, used in this sense in Rom 
10:7; in Ape the abode of the demons 
(cf Lk 8:31). The angel* of the abyss is 
Abaddon* (Ape 9:11). The beast rises from 
the abyss (Ape 11: 7-8). The destructive 
powers of the abyss are released by an angel 
who has the key of the abyss (Ape 9:1-2; 

20:1). Cf GEHENNA; SHEOL. 

Acacia (Hb sittim), a tree, Mimosa nilotica, 
which grows in Palestine only in the S part 
of the Jordan valley. It has white round 
flowers and yellowish-brown light durable 
wood. It is mentioned in connection with the 
construction of the ark* of the covenant 
(Ex 25-27; 30; 35-38; Dt 10:13). In the 
messianic restoration of the land Yahweh 
will make the acacia grow in the desert (Is 

Accad. Cf AKKAD. 

Acco (Hb 'akko, etymology unknown), a 
seaport city on the coast of Palestine N of 
Mt Carmel on the Bay of Acre, the Acre of 
medieval times, modern Akka. The site is the 
modern Tell el Fukkar E of Akka. The city 
was named Ptolemais by Ptolemy II Phila- 
delphus of Egypt during the period when 
the Ptolemies controlled Palestine; the city 
appears under this name in 1-2 Mc. It is far 
and away the best harbor on the coast of 
Palestine and was the most important port 
for Palestine until Herod built Caesarea. 
It is inferior to the Phoenician harbors; the 
rocky point on which the city lay is exposed 
to the SW gales. It had excellent communica- 
tions with the hinterland; the road from Acco 
through the plain of Esdraelon* was the only 
lowland highway route from the sea to the 

The city is mentioned only a few times in 
the Bible, but its importance and antiquity 
are seen in other ancient texts. It is men- 
tioned among the Canaanite cities in the 
Egyptian execration texts of the 19th century 
BC. In the Amarna* letters it is ruled by a 
king Zuratta, probably an Indo-Iranian name. 
It probably passed into the hands of the 
Philistines or of the Tjekker when these 
peoples settled on the Palestinian coast in the 
12th century BC. Luli, king of Sidon, ruled 
it when Sennacherib* received tribute from 
Luli. Ashur-bani-pal of Assyria* sacked 
Acco in the middle of the 7th century BC. 
It was the administrative center of a Persian 



Acco lay in the territory of Asher*, but 
the city remained Canaanite (Jgs 1:31). It 
was under the control of the Seleucids dur- 
ing the Maccabean period (1 Mc 5:15, 22, 
55) and was the base of operations of 
Alexander* and Tryphon* (1 Mc 10:1, 39, 
56-60; 11:22, 24; 13:12; 2 Mc 13:24 f), and 
Jonathan* was captured and imprisoned by 
Tryphon at Ptolemais (1 Mc 12:45, 48). The 
gift of the city to the Jerusalem temple 
promised by Alexander (1 Mc 10:39) was 
never made. The city was unsuccessfully be- 
sieged by Alexander Jannaeus (103-76 bc). 
It was the military port for Herod and the 
Romans. Paul landed at Ptolemais after his 
3rd missionary journey (AA 21:7), where 
there was already a Christian church. 

Achab. Cf ahab. 

Achaea (Gk achaia), the old name of the 
region lying S of the Gulf of Corinth. After 
the defeat of the Achaean League in 146 bc 
the Romans placed the district under the 
provincial government of Macedonia*. In 27 
bc Achaea was detached from Macedonia 
and made a senatorial province. It included 
continental Greece S of Thessaly (i.e., 
Boeotia, Attica, the Peloponnesus, and 
Epirus) and included the cities of Athens 
and Corinth. It is mentioned most frequently 
in the NT in connection with Corinth (AA 
18:12, 27; 19:21; Rm 15:26; 1 Co 16:15; 
2 Co 1:1; 9:2; 11:10; 1 Th l:7f). 

Achan (Hb 'akan, meaning unknown); son 
of Carmi of the tribe of Judah (Jos 7:1). 
At the sack of Jericho* Achan had stolen 
some of the booty, which had been put under 
the ban*. When the Israelites failed in their 
first attack against Ai*, some fault was sus- 
pected and the culprit was discovered by the 
oracle of the lot*. The sanctity of the ban 
was communicated to the thief and to his 
entire household and possessions; the people 
were stoned, so that no contact was made 
with the banned persons, and the articles 
were burned so that no use of them was 

Achaz. Cf ahaz. 

Achimaas. Cf ahimaaz. 

Achimelech. Cf ahimelech. 

Achinoam. Cf ahinoam. 

Achior (Gk achior), commander of the Am- 
monites* (Jdt 5:5). When questioned by 
Holofernes* about the Jews, Achior related 
their conquest of Canaan* and its peoples and 
warned Holofernes that he would not suc- 

ceed unless the Jews had sinned and thus lost 
God's protection. Holofernes in anger or- 
dered him to be bound and sent to the Jews 
to be executed after the city of Bethulia* 
was taken. Achior was present when Judith* 
returned from Holofernes; impressed by her 
deed, he professed faith in the God of the 
Jews and was circumcised and received into 
the Jewish community. 

Achish (Hb 'akish, probably a foreign name, 
etymology and meaning unknown; a connec- 
tion with Anchises has been suggested), ruler 
of Gath*, a Philistine city, called "king" 
of Gath, although the Philistine rulers were 
not kings. Achish, king of Gath in 1 K 2:39, 
must be a different person. David* fled to 
Gath first from Saul'; but he was recognized 
as the Hebrew military hero and feigned 
madness in order to escape (1 S 2 1:1 Off). 
This is a variant account of his service as a 
mercenary with Achish (1 S 27:1 ff): one 
form of the tradition refused to accept the 
information that the great Hebrew hero had 
served the enemies of Israel for hire. Achish 
gave him Ziklag* as a residence with the 
mission to conduct guerrilla raids against the 
Israelites; the tradition has denied that David 
was faithful to these instructions, but it is 
difficult to see how he could have been un- 
faithful without discovery (1 S 27:6-12). 
But when David and his men were attached 
to the Philistine army for battle against Saul, 
the other Philistine leaders questioned their 
fidelity, and he was not allowed to take part 
in the campaign, in spite of his willingness to 
do so ( 1 S 29: 1-10). It was with the consent 
of Achish and the other Philistine rulers that 
David became king at Hebron (2 S 2:4), 
and he could not have reigned except as a 
vassal of the Philistines. The story of Achish 
and David illustrates how popular tradition 
could gloss over the less attractive features 
of its hero. 

Achitophel. Cf ahithophel. 

Achor (Hb 'akor), the valley where Achan* 
was stoned (Jos 7:24-26). The play on his 
name has no support in etymology; 'akor, 
"trouble," is doubtfully the meaning of the 
name. It was a point on the boundary of 
Judah (Jos 15:7), probably W or SW of 
Jericho*, not certainly identified. In Ho 2:15 
the valley of "trouble" will become a "door 
of hope."' 

Achsah (Hb 'aksdh, meaning unknown), 
daughter of Caleb*, given in marriage to 
Othniel* in reward for the capture of 
Kirjath-sepher*. As a wedding gift she 
asked and received the springs of Upper and 



Lower Gullath (Jos 15:16-19, repeated in 
Jgs 1:12-15). 

Achshaph (Hb 'aksap), a Canaanite town al- 
lied with Jabin* of Hazor* and defeated by 
Joshua (Jos 11:1; 12:20); later in the terri- 
tory of Asher* (Jos 19:25). It is probably 
identified with the modern Tell Keisan about 
ten mi SE of Acco*. 

Acts of the Apostles. AA is the 2nd volume 
of an historical work of which Lk is the 1st 
volume (AA 1:1). "Acts" (Gk praxeis) is 
a Hellenistic type of literature composed 
about famous men (Alexander, Hannibal). 
The Gk title is "acts of apostles," not "acts 
of the apostles"; the meaning of the term is 
somewhat indefinite (cf apostle), but it is 
not limited to the Twelve. The prologue, un- 
like the prologue of Lk, does not define the 
scope of the work; this is implied in the 
words of Jesus in 1:8, "You shall be my 
witnesses in Jerusalem and all Judaea and 
Samaria and to the end of the earth." These 
words summarize the plan of the book. Like 
Lk, it imitates the form of Hellenistic his- 
tory, but it is not history in the classical 
sense. It is the story of the growth of the 
Church under the impulse of the Holy 
Spirit* (9:31). The prominence of the 
Spirit in AA is evident; the book is the 
gospel of the Spirit, as Lk was the gospel 
of the Son. The fullness of the Spirit and 
of the mission of the Church is seen in the 
expansion of the Church to the Gentile 
world; once the gospel has reached Rome, 
the center of the world, the author feels 
that his story is complete. In this sense AA 
is a work of the Hellenistic Church, and in 
this sense it is apologetic as well as histori- 
cal; cf below. 

1. Contents: 

Introduction (1:1-26): 1:1-2, prologue; 
1:3-14, apparitions and ascension; 1:15-26, 
election of Matthias. 

I. The Jewish Christian Community, 2:1- 

The Jerusalem community (2:1-8:3). 2:1- 
47, the foundation of the Church at Pente- 
cost; 3:1-5:16, healing of the lame man and 
conflict with the Jews; 5:17-42, second 
conflict with the Jews; 6:1-7, appointment of 
the Seven; 6:8-8:1, Stephen; 8:1-3, perse- 
cution and dispersal. 

The Palestinian mission (8:4-9:31). 8:4- 
40, Philip; 9:1-31, conversion of Saul. 

II. Establishment of the Gentile mission, 

The beginnings of the Gentile mission 
(9:32-12:15). 9:32-11:18, baptism of Cor- 
nelius and his household; 11:19-30, foun- 
dation of the community of Antioch; 12:1- 
25, persecution of Herod Agrippa. 

First missionary journey of Barnabas and 
Paul (13:1-15:35). 13:1-12, Cyprus; 
13:13-14:20, southern Galatia; 14:21-28, 
return to Antioch; 15:1-3'), decision of the 
council of Jerusalem to admit Gentiles. 

III. Paul, the apostle of the Gentiles, 

Second missionary journey (15:36-18:22). 
15:36-41, departure from Antioch; 16:1- 
10, Asia to Troas: 16:11-17:15, Mace- 
donia (Philippi, Thessalonica, Beroea); 17: 
16-18:17, Achaea ( Athens, Corinth ) ; 18:18- 
22, return to Antioch via Ephesus. 

Third missionary journey (18:23-20:4). 
18:24-28, Apollos; 19:1-22, Ephesus; 
19:23-40, riot of the silversmiths at Ephesus: 
20:1-4, Macedonia and Achaea. 

Final journey of Paul to Jerusalem, 20:5- 

Paul the prisoner for Christ (21:15- 
28:31). 21:15-26, arrival in Jerusalem and 
visit of the Jerusalem church; 21:27-40, Paul 
attacked by Jews and rescued by Romans; 
22:1-21, Paul's discourse to the Jews; 22:22- 
29, Paul in Antonia; 22:30-23:11, Paul be- 
fore the council; 23:12-23, attempt on Paul's 
life; 23:23-35, Paul's transfer to Caesarea; 
24:1-23, trial before Felix; 24:24-27, post- 
ponement of trial; 25:1-12, Paul's appeal to 
Caesar; 25:13-26:32, Paul before Festus 
and Agrippa; 27:1-8, voyage to Crete via 
Myra; 27:9—44, storm, shipwreck at Malta; 
28:1-10, Malta; 28:11-16, arrival in Rome; 
28:17-31, two year imprisonment and Paul's 
encounter with the Jews of Rome. 

2. Sources. The style and vocabulary of 
AA are uniform with no substantial differ- 
ences which betray the presence of documen- 
tary sources. There are, however, differences 
between the account of the Jerusalem com- 
munity and the account of the Gentile 
missions; but it is obvious that the author 
depended on testimony for his account of the 
Jerusalem community. There is wide agree- 
ment that the evidence is against written 
sources for this part of the book; several 
attempts to identify such sources have not 
been successful. The author, therefore, de- 
pended on oral tradition and anecdote for 
the material which precedes Paul's second 
journey. These sources must have been more 
than one; Dupont points out that different 
sources should be postulated for the accounts 
of the primitive Jerusalem community (1-5), 
of Peter (9:32-11:18; 12), of Philip (8:4- 
40), of the Antioch community (11:19-30; 
13:1-3), of the conversion of Paul and his 
first journey and part of the second (9:1-30; 
13:4-14:28; 15:36 ff). The second half of 
AA is dominated by the "We Sections" 
(16:10-17; 20:5-21:18; 27:1-28:16). In 
these the use of "we" indicates that the nar- 
rator was present: it can be deduced that the 




narrator joined Paul at Troas on his second 
journey, traveled with him as far as Philippi, 
rejoined him at Philippi on his return from 
the third journey, and was with him from 
this point to the end of the book. Efforts 
to make the narrator of the "We" sections a 
companion of Paul distinct from the author 
of the entire book have never convinced 
many scholars; the uniformity of the style 
of the book is opposed to this hypothesis. 

3. Language and Style. AA has a rich vo- 
cabulary and is written generally in very good 
Gk which attempts to follow classical usage. 
The style usually but not always flows easily, 
and the narrative is generally lively and 
moving, with a flair for the dramatic. This 
general tone is in striking contrast to occa- 
sional vulgar Koine idioms and Semitisms. 
To some extent this is due to the effort of 
the author to adjust the language to the 
persons and situations of the incidents; it is 
also due to the fact that they were found 
in his oral sources for the Jerusalem com- 
munity, for it is in this part of the book that 
most of the differences in style occur. The 
"We Sections" are the most lively and 
graphic part of the book, with abundant and 
exact details, frequent mention of personal 
names, and statements of chronologv (18:11; 
19:8-10; 20:31; 24:27; 28:30). The first 
part of the book is less graphic and attempts 
no chronology at all (cf below). 

4. Historical Character. The "Tendency 
Criticism" of the Tubingen School of the 
middle 19th century placed A A in the 2nd 
century and interpreted it as a theological 
document which was intended to compromise 
the differences between Paulinism and Jewish 
Christianity represented by Peter; little his- 
torical value was given it. Modern criticism 
mostly avoids such extreme historical skepti- 
cism; but an excessive skepticism is shown 
by some writers who believe that AA is apol- 
ogetic, written to vindicate Christianity both 
before Judaism, of which the author wishes 
to show it is the legitimate development, 
and before the Roman government, to which 
the author wishes to represent Christianity 
as a cult harmless to public order and deserv- 
ing of the legal position of religio licila, a 
lawful religion. Such an apologetic purpose 
does indeed seem to be present; but it does 
not weaken the historical character of the 
book unless one assumes that it is impossible 
to present this apologetic by simply stating 
the truth. More evident than the ends sug- 
gested is the desire of the author to vindicate 
the expansion of Christianity to the Gentiles 
as the legitimate fulfillment of the mission of 
Jesus and the work of the Holy Spirit. 

Questions of the historical character of AA 
do not arise concerning the general character 
of the work but about particular passages and 

questions; and it is possible to solve these 
problems only if one grants that the histori- 
cal quality of the work is not uniform 
throughout. The differences of style noted 
above between the first and the second parts 
also extend to the contents. The atmosphere 
of thaumaturgy and charismatic operations is 
much more prominent in the first part than 
it is in the second, and it is not present at all 
in the "We Sections." This suggests that the 
oral tradition concerning the primitive com- 
munity had heightened these elements some- 
what in the accounts which the author re- 
ceived; and there is room for further detailed 
study of the single episodes and of their 

AA establishes no chronology, especially 
for the first part; but where the narrative 
comes in contact with extrabiblical sources 
no chronological difficulty is raised, and a 
combination of AA with these sources per- 
mits solidly probable dates. From the first 
Pentecost to Stephen should have been about 
three years (ad 30-33?). No set time can be 
calculated for the dispersion of the Jerusalem 
community and the conversion of Paul. The 
community of Antioch was probably founded 
between ad 38-40. From external data the 
death of Herod Agrippa is to be placed in 
ad 44, the famine under Claudius ad 49- 
55. Gallio* was at Corinth in ad 51—52, and 
this gives a fixed point for Paul's presence 
there. Festus replaced Felix as procurator 
most probably in ad 59-60, although ad 55 
is a possible date. The end of the book is to 
be set at ad 63. 

The discourses of AA present a special 
problem. They are 18 in number and occupy 
about Vi of the book: Peter ( 1 : 15 ff; 2: 14 ff; 
3:12 ff; 4:8ff); Gamaliel (5:34 ff); Stephen 
(7:2 ff); Paul (13: 16 ff; 14: 15 ff) ; Peter and 
James (15): Paul (17:22 ff); the clerk of 
Ephesus (19:35 ff); Paul (20: 18 ff; 22:1 ff) ; 
Tertullus (24:2 ff); Paul (24:10ff; 26:2 ff; 
28: 17 ff ). It was a standard literary pattern 
of classical historians to compose speeches 
for their characters to be delivered at critical 
moments. Those speeches did not pretend to 
be records of what was said; the historian 
employed them as vehicles of his own analy- 
sis and interpretation of events. Thucydides 
said that where he had no record of the 
words uttered, he wrote what he thought 
the speaker might have said appropriate to 
the occasion. Were Luke's speeches of this 
character, he would have violated no canon 
of ancient historiography; and he did, with 
some slight differences in detail, present the 
characters as speaking in his own style. 

There are indications, however, that Luke 
constructed the speeches upon a summary re- 
port of the discourses themselves. "Their his- 
torical value lies in their faithful preservation 




of the themes of the primitive preaching 
rather than in their exact agreement with the 
situation" (L. Cerfaux). The primitive teach- 
ing of the gospel is reconstructed by modern 
critics from the discourses of AA. The 
Christology and eschatology of the discourses 
of Peter are archaic; and the discourses of 
Paul do not contain the more elaborate 
teaching of the epistles. These are not the 
personal reflections and analyses of the 
author; they are for him constitutive ele- 
ments of the history which he reports, for 
the object of the history is precisely the 
spread of the gospel by its preaching. When 
the apostles speak, they speak that which is 
given them (Lk 21:15). 

The conversion of Cornelius, it has been 
argued by M. Dibelius, has received a theo- 
logical interpretation which is due entirely 
to the author and his desire to justify the 
reception of the Gentiles on terms of free- 
dom. W. C. van Unnik has argued similarly 
that the significance of the episode is not 
presented accurately; Cornelius, as a Gentile 
proselyte*, was eligible for membership in 
the community with no dispute, but the 
author has made it a decisive step toward 
a Gentile Christianity. These hypotheses pre- 
suppose a kind of apologetic which cannot 
be demonstrated in AA; on the difficulties 
which are recorded concerning Peter's accep- 
tance of Gentile Christianity cf peter. 

AA compared to the epistles of Paul does 
not render an account in all respects har- 
monious; and it must be remembered that the 
epistles are a primary source, while AA is 
secondary. There is no discord between the 
personal portrait of Paul in AA and Paul 
as revealed in his own writings, nor between 
the theology of the epistles and the dis- 
courses of AA, although Pauline theology 
appears in AA only in isolated features. A 
number of critics, however, have pointed out 
that Paul's Judaism is emphasized in AA 
(13:46; 16:3; 18:6, 1?; 21:23 ff; 23:6; 
24:14ff; 28:25 ff), while Paul himself 
is inclined to reject his Jewish background 
(Rm 7; Gal 2:3 ff; Phi 3:7). These critics 
deduce that the harmonizing of the author 
consisted not only in making Peter more 
Gentile, but also in making Paul more 
Jewish. The facts seem to be that both Peter 
and Paul showed a flexible and at times an 
uncertain approach to the problem (cf Rm 
9:1 ff; 11:13 ff; 1 Co 9:20; 2 Co 11:18, 22; 
Phi 3:4 ff). The ambiguity of the documents 
seems to be an accurate reflection of the am- 
biguity of the situation. AA also omits some 
interesting features: details of the controversy 
between Jewish and Gentile Christians, the 
conflicts in the churches of Galatia and 

No such easy explanation is available for 

the differences between the accounts of some 
of the episodes of Paul's life in AA and the 
epistles. AA mentions three journeys of Paul 
to Jerusalem up to and including the council 
of Jerusalem (9:26-30; 11:30 and 12:25; 
15:1); Paul insists on two separated by 14 
years (Gal 2:1). If AA 15 and Gal 2:1-10 
describe the same event, there are a number 
of striking divergences; if -they do not de- 
scribe the same event, it is nearly impossible 
to relate the two. Luke describes a council, 
Paul describes a discussion with three of his 
equals. Luke quotes a decision of the council 
which Paul does not mention at all. No 
combination of dates permits the hypothesis 
that Gal was written before the council. AA 
15 and Gal 2 agree that a decision was made 
that circumcision was not necessary for Gen- 
tile converts; it can hardly be supposed that 
such a solemn and far-reaching decision was 
made twice, or that Paul was ignorant of it. 
Some have suggested that Paul did not men- 
tion the decree because he did not think it 
was relevant to predominantly Gentile 
churches; others suggest that it was intended 
only for Antioch, Syria, and Cilicia, where 
there was a large number of Jewish Chris- 
tians. Still others have suggested that the 
decree was not drawn up at the council and 
that Luke has antedated it. These explana- 
tions are highly hypothetical and raise as 
many questions as they answer. J. Dupont 
has proposed a more radical explanation. The 
famine in Palestine is to be dated under 
the procurator Tiberius Alexander, ad 46- 
48; the journey of Paul and Barnabas with 
the collection is to be dated ad 49, the year 
of the council; therefore AA has made two 
journeys (11:30+ 12:25 and 15:1) out of 
one. On the other hand, Dupont suggests 
that AA's "council of Jerusalem" is a con- 
flation of two different discussions, dis- 
tinguished in Gal 2:1-10 and 2:11-14, one 
concerning circumcision and the other con- 
cerning dietary regulations. In this hypothesis 
AA could scarcely have obtained the data 
from Paul, and it is abundantly clear that 
AA does not employ the epistles as a source. 
This is confirmed by the character of the 
council narrative, which represents the 
apostles and elders as the supreme authority 
before whom Paul and Barnabas appear, 
while Paul represents a discussion between 
apostles of equal rank. Critics are unques- 
tionably right in seeing here the Jewish- 
Christian account which is the source of AA. 
An effect of this source is possibly seen in 
the author's conception of apostle, which 
always means the Twelve; he does not give 
the title to Paul. There also seems to be little 
doubt that the "decree" is the author's sum- 
mary of several principles laid down by 




the Jerusalem community which were never 
published in this form. 

5. Author, Place, Dale. Tradition from 
Irenaeus identifies the author of AA as Luke. 
Modern criticism generally accepts the iden- 
tification and with it the identification of 
Luke as the narrator of the "We Sections." 
It is certain that Lk-AA are the work of 
the same author. The place appears to be 
Rome. The date is more ambiguous. Irenaeus 
says AA was written after the death of Paul; 
Eusebius, followed by Jerome, says it was 
written during Paul's Roman imprisonment, 
at the point where the book ends. The ques- 
tion is connected with the question why AA 
ends so abruptly with no further data on 
the death of Paul and on the church of 
Rome, the foundation of which AA does not 
relate. H. F. D. Sparks suggests three ex- 
planations: (I) because that is when AA 
was written; (2) because an intended 3rd 
volume was never written; (3) because Luke 
chose to end his account there. # 1 is ex- 
tremely improbable not in itself, but because 
it is impossible to combine it with the dating 
of the Gospels (cf matthew; mark; luke; 
synoptic question). # 2 is a gratuitous as- 
sumption. #3 is most in accord with the 
characteristics of Luke. That he selects his 
material is evident from the above discus- 
sion of the work. The plan of AA, Jerusalem 
to Rome, corresponds with the plan of Lk, 
Galilee to Jerusalem. Once AA has reached 
Rome, the center of the world, the account 
of the expansion of the Church has reached 
a terminus; the impossible has been achieved, 
and the gospel has become a world gospel. 
The critical consensus places the date of com- 
position in the period ad 70-90. 

Adah (Hb 'adah, "ornament"?), wife of 
Lamech* (Gn 4:19); wife of Esau* (Gn 

Adam (Hb 'adam, "man," etymology uncer- 
tain; "ruddy"?), the first man*. The usual 
translation of the word as a proper name, 
Adam, is an error; he is called "the man" 
up to Gn 4:25, where the proper name first 

The man was made of dust from the soil 
(Hb ' a damah) ; the play on words may rest 
upon an etymological connection. The manu- 
facture of man from clay is found in both 
Egypt and Mesopotamia; the divine com- 
ponent in Mesopotamia was blood (Gn 
2:7). The Hb account replaces this gross 
element with the breath of God, the prin- 
ciple of life* (cf spirit). On the relations 
of Gn 1 and 2 cf creation. The man is 
placed in a garden in Eden*; the contrast 
between this primitive bliss and man's his- 
torical condition is evident (Gn 2:9). No 

restraint is placed upon the man except the 
prohibition to eat of the tree of knowledge 
(Gn 2:16—17). The superiority of man over 
the beasts is shown by his naming them (Gn 
2:19-20). In the ancient world to give a 
name was a sign of authority; it also ex- 
hibits the intelligence of the man. No animal 
is suitable as a companion to the man; God 
creates woman from the body of the man 
(Gn 2:20-24). The creation of woman 
from the man signifies her true humanity 
and equality with the male; God did not 
intend her to be a depressed class, as she 
was in the ancient world (cf eve; woman). 
The couple are unclothed; this signifies con- 
trol of the sexual appetite (Gn 2:25). The 
two are tempted by the serpent* to eat the 
forbidden fruit and are expelled from Eden 
(cf fall). A penalty is inflicted on each 
of the three. The curse of the man implies 
that the soil shall no longer be docile and 
fertile for him; he must wring his living 
from it by hard labor, and ultimately he must 
die (Gn 3:17-19). Neither toil nor death 
were found in the unspoiled simplicity of 
Eden. After the expulsion the man begets 
Cain* and Abel* (Gn 4:1-2) and Seth* (Gn 

This account is neither a scientific explana- 
tion of the origin of man (cf man) nor a 
history of the beginning of the race in the 
proper sense of the word. On the literary 
characteristics of the story cf fall. 

Adam is mentioned in the genealogy of 
1 Ch 1:1. In him and Eve is seen the ideal 
of marriage (Tb 8:6). He is the first man 
(WS 7:1), protected in his solitude by 
wisdom (WS 10:1). All men, like Adam, 
come from the ground (BS 33:10), and he 
was above every living thing in his creation 
(BS 49:16); but a heavy yoke rests upon 
his sons (BS 40:1, the only OT allusion 
which could refer to the Fall). 

In contrast with the OT, Adam is very 
frequently mentioned in the apocryphal* 
books of the Jews, in which the Paradise 
story is embellished with many additional 
features. The Life of Adam and Eve contains 
a fanciful account of the Fall and what 
followed. II Baruch rationalizes the Fall by 
stating that each man is his own Adam. 

Adam is mentioned in the genealogy of 
Lk (3:38), Paul makes Adam a "type* 
of the one to come," i.e., Christ; as death 
and sin came into the world through one 
man, so forgiveness and life come through 
one man (Rm 5:12 ff; cf sin). The same 
typology is employed of the resurrection of 
the body (1 Co 15:45); as the first Adam 
became a living creature, the last Adam 
(Christ) is a life-giving spirit. 

Adam (Hb 'adam), a town on the Jordan 




near Zarethan* where the waters were 
blocked when the Israelites crossed the river 
(Jos 3:16), probably the modern Tell ed- 

Adar (Hb '"ddr), the 12th month of the later 
Jewish calendar*, roughly corresponding to 
our February. 

Adasa (Gk adasa) , a town between Jeru- 
salem and Beth Horon (1 Mc 7:40, 45), 
probably the modern Khirbet Addaseh about 
5 mi N of Jerusalem. 

Admah (Hb 'admah, etymology uncertain), 
one of the five cities of the plain destroyed 
with Sodom* (Gn 10:19; 14:2, 8), a pro- 
verbial example of the anger of Yahweh 
(Dt 29:22; Ho 1 1 :8) ; always mentioned with 

Adonibezek (Hb '"doriibezek, "lord of 
Bezek"?), Canaanite king of Bezek*, defeated 
by Judah* (Jgs 1:5-7). His thumbs and 
great toes were cut off; this barbarous punish- 
ment he himself had inflicted upon others. 
The story is probably a variant of the de- 
feat of Adonizedek* (Jos 10:1 ff) ; this name 
is read in Jgs 1:5-7 by many critics. 

Adonijah (Hb '"doriiyah, "my lord is 
Yahjweh]"), son of David* and Haggith* 
(2 S 3:4). During David's last illness 
Adonijah, the eldest surviving son, expected 
to succeed to the throne; the Israelite 
monarchy had as yet no regular law of suc- 
cession, which lay within the appointment of 
the king and had to be ratified by the 
tribes. In his party were Joab* and Abia- 
thar*. He summoned his supporters to a 
banquet to celebrate his accession. On hear- 
ing this Nathan*, who supported Solomon*, 
warned Solomon's mother Bathsheba* that 
their lives would not be safe if Adonijah 
assumed the throne. Bathsheba then spoke 
to David, who appointed Solomon co-regent 
(1 K Iff). The premature celebration of 
Adonijah was abruptly ended, and he fled 
for sanctuary to the altar (1 K 1:50); but 
Solomon spared his life, confining him to 
his house. Adonijah, after David's death, 
asked Bathsheba to intercede for him that 
he might have Abishag*, who had cared 
for David during his last illness. Solomon 
took this as an arrogation of the privileges 
of royalty and sent Benaiah* to kill him 
(2 K. 2:1 ff). The name Adonijah is borne 
by two other men in the OT (2 Ch 17:8; 
Ne 10:17). 

Adoniram (Hb '"donlrdm, "the Lord [i.e., 
god] is exalted"), also Adoram (2 S 20:24; 
1 K 12:18) and Hadoram (1 Ch 10:18); 

the prefect of forced labor under David* (2 
S 20:24), Solomon* (1 K 4:6; 5:28) and 
Rehoboam* (1 K 12:18). Rehoboam sent 
him to quell the revolt which broke out at 
his accession, but Adoniram was stoned by 
the mob (1 K 12:18). It is possible but 
unlikely that the same officer survived from 
David to Rehoboam, and his name may have 
been put into 2 S 20:24 from a list of Solo- 
mon's officers. In the ancient monarchies of 
Egypt, Mesopotamia, and Syria each 
able-bodied man could be impressed for royal 
labor service; this usually happened during 
the inactive agricultural seasons. Such labor 
service made possible the colossal monu- 
ments of antiquity. 

Adonizedek (Hb '"doriisedek, "my lord is 
righteousness"? or "my lord is Sedek [a 
god]"?), Canaanite king of Jerusalem, one 
of the five kings defeated by Joshua* (Jos 
10:1 ff). The five kings were hanged (or im- 
paled) after the battle. Adonizedek and 
Adonibezek* (Jgs 1 :5— 7) may be variants of 
the same name. 

Adoption 1. OT. No provision for adoption 
is found in Hb law*. The only two clear 
instances of adoption are those of Moses 
by an Egyptian princess (Ex 2:10) and 
Esther* by her uncle Mordecai* (Est 2:7). 
Adoption was extremely common in Meso- 
potamia, however; the legal codes provided 
for it and numerous contracts of adoption 
have been preserved. It is unlikely that this 
common practice did not occur among the 
Hebrews; the reception of non-Hebrew per- 
sons and families into the Hebrew com- 
munity suggests their adoption. The terms of 
the covenants* of Yahweh with Israel* (Ex 
4:22) and David* (Ps 2:7) are those of 

2. AT. The fatherhood of God was cen- 
tral in the preaching of Jesus and is found 
through the NT (cf god; father). Paul 
is the only writer to use the Gk legal term 
of adoption (hyiothesia). The legal process 
of adoption was based upon the despotic 
rights of father over children in Roman law 
(patria potestas) and conferred upon the 
adopted person the full rights and obliga- 
tions of a son. It was analogous to the 
redemption* of a slave*. Paul counts adop- 
tion among the privileges of Israel (Rm 
9:4; cf Ex 4:22). Christian adoption is the 
regeneration of the Christian as a child of 
God. Christ has ransomed us from slavery 
into adoption; we are sons and therefore 
heirs and free from vain observances (Gal 
4:5 ff). Christians have not the fear of slaves, 
but the awareness of their adoption; they 
are heirs of the sufferings and of the glory 
of Christ (Rm 8:15 ff) . By redemption we 




have the glorious freedom of the children 
of God (Rm 8:21 ff). Adoption enables us 
to address God by the familiar title of 
Abba* (Rm 8:15; Gal 4:6). Christ is the 
firstborn of many brothers (Rm 8:29; Col 
1:18). Those who believe in Christ are born 
not of nature, nor of carnal impulse nor 
human desire, but of God (Jn 1:12—13). 
We are sons of God in Christ through faith, 
which we receive through baptism (Gal 
3:26-27). This makes the Christian a new 
being (1 Co 5:17), created in the likeness 
of God, as Adam was, in true righteous- 
ness and holiness (Eph 4:24). It is from 
the Father's love for us that we are called 
His children and hence we shall be like 
Him, because we shall see Him as He is 
(1 Jn 3:1 ff). The child of God has the seed 
of divine life in him and hence cannot sin 
(1 Jn 3:9); he partakes of the divine nature 
(2 Pt 1:4). 

Adrammelech (Hb 'adrammelek, probably 
Akkadian adad-milki, "Adad is my king"). 
1. A god worshiped by the colonists from 
Sepharvaim* settled in Samaria* by Sargon* 
of Assyria* (2 K 17:31), probably identical 
with Hadad*. 2. Son of Sennacherib* of 
Assyria, who with his brother Sarezer* mur- 
dered Sennacherib in 681 bc (2 K 19:37; 
Is 37:38). The murder is recorded in As- 
syrian annals, but the names of the murderers 
are not preserved. 

Adramyttium (Gk adramytteion) , modern 
Edremit in Turkey, a seaport on the NW 
coast of Asia Minor at the head of the Gulf 
of Edremit; the home port of the ship in 
which Paul sailed from Caesarea* to Myra* 
in Lycia (AA 27:2). 

Adria (Gk adrias), the sea of Adria where 
Paul's ship was driven by the storm (AA 
27:27). The ancient name includes not only 
the modern Adriatic (between Italy and the 
Balkan peninsula) but also the sea between 
Crete and Sicily, where the ship of Paul 
was sailing when it was wrecked. 

Adullam (Hb '"dullam), a town of Judah 
(Jos 15:35), included in the list of towns 
conquered by Joshua (Jos 12:15), associ- 
ated with the story of Judah and Tamar* 
(Gn 38:1, 12, 20). It was a camp of David 
during his flight from Saul (1 S 22:1) and 
his war with the Philistines, to which his 
heroes brought him a drink of water from 
the spring of Bethlehem (2 S 23:13; 1 Ch 
11:15). It was fortified by Rehoboam (2 
Ch 11:7) and was one of the towns resettled 
after the exile (Ne 11:30). Mi 1:15 may 
allude to 1 S 22:1; 2 S 23:13; critics suggest 
a slight change to read "Forever will perish 

from Adullam the glory of Israel." This 
would give a play on words ('ad 'Slam [for- 
ever] = '"dullam) characteristic of this pas- 
sage of Mi. David, "the glory of Israel," 
escaped from Saul at Adullam, but the 
dynasty will not escape the coming disaster 
there. The site is probably the modern Tell 
esh Sheikh Madkar in the Shephelah*, 
about 10 mi ENE of Beit Jibrin. 

Adultery. Strictly, sexual intercourse of man 
and woman one or both of whom is bound 
by marriage to another person. 

1. OT. The Hebrew morality of adultery 
rested upon the primitive conception of the 
wife as the property of the husband. Only 
the rights of the husband could be violated. 
Hence illicit intercourse was not adultery if 
the woman were unmarried. The wife and 
her partner could violate the rights of her 
husband, but the wife had no rights which 
her husband could violate. Adultery is pro- 
hibited both in act and in desire in the 
Decalogue* (Ex 20:13, 17; Dt 5:18, 21). 
It is also prohibited in the Holiness Code 
(cf law; Lv 20:10) and in Dt 22:22. Inter- 
course with a betrothed maiden is treated 
as adultery (Dt 22:23 ff); but intercourse 
with an uncommitted girl involves the ob- 
ligation of payment of damages and mar- 
riage (Dt 22:28 ff). The punishment of 
adultery is death for both parties; stoning* 
is the penalty in Ezk 16:40 (cf Jn 8:3); 
burning was threatened for Tamar*, a be- 
trothed widow, by Judah*, but this belongs 
to an earlier period (Gn 38:24). Ezk 16:37 ff 
(cf Ho 2:5) indicates that the adulteress was 
stripped naked before execution; probably 
her hair was cropped also. 

The number of warnings against adultery 
in wisdom literature suggests that the crime 
was fairly common; the sages imply some 
reflection on the looseness of Israelite wives. 
This may be founded in fact; marriages by 
contract of purchase must frequently have 
been loveless (cf Pr 2: 16 ff; 5: 15 ff; the 
vivid description of the adulterous wife in 
Pr 7:1 ff; 23:27 f; 30:20). Apostasy of Is- 
rael from Yahweh is termed adultery in 
Je 2:20 ff; 3:8; Ezk 16: 1 ff; Ho 2:4 ff: 3: 1; +. 


2. NT. Jesus repeated the 6th command- 
ment (Mt 5:27; 19:18; Mk 10:19; Lk 
18:20), adding that the desire is as malicious 
as the deed (Mt 5:28). The commandment 
is repeated in Rm 13:9; Js 2:11. On the 
adulteress of Jn 8:1 ff cf John, gospel. 
Fidelity to the marriage bond is enumerated 
among the obligations of Christians ( 1 Th 
4:3; Heb 13:4). 

Adummin (Hb '"dummim, "redness"?) , the 
name of a pass on the boundary between 




Judah and Benjamin. It is very probably 
to be located in the Wadi el Kelt on the 
modern road from Jerusalem to Jericho 
at the site of Khan el Hatrur, "Inn of the 
Good Samaritan," where the soil is heavily 
reddened by patches of red ochre. 

Aeneas (Gk aineas), a Christian of Lydda* 
cured of paralysis by Peter* after eight years' 
illness (AA 9:33-34). 

Aenon (Gk ainon), where John baptized 
(Jn 3:23); "near Salim" in the Jordan* val- 
ley, but the exact location is unknown. 

Agabus (Gk agabos), probably a Gk form 
of a Semitic name; a Jewish-Christian 
prophet* from Jerusalem who came to 
Antioch and predicted a famine through- 
out the Roman Empire (AA 11:28). The 
famine under Claudius occurred ad 49. It 
was doubtless the same Agabus who later 
predicted the imprisonment of Paul* at Jeru- 
salem (AA 21:10 ff). 

Agag (Hb '"gag, etymology uncertain) . The 
word appears in Phoenician. Possibly the 
word is a royal title (like Pharaoh), not a 
personal name. 1. A king (Nm 24:7); the 
context suggests a mythological character. 
2. King of the Amalekites* (1 S 15:8 ff). 
Under instructions of an oracle from 
Samuel* Saul* put the Amalekites under 
the ban*. When he spared the life of Agag, 
he was bitterly rebuked by Samuel for his 
disobedience. Samuel himself then hewed 
Agag to pieces before the altar of Yahweh 
in Gilgal*. In one tradition this was the 
occasion of the schism of Saul and Samuel; 


Agar. Cf hagar. 

Agora. Cf market. 

Agrippa. Marcus Julius Agrippa (Agrippa II) , 
son of Herod* Agrippa (Agrippa I), called 
Agrippa in the NT (AA 25-26). When his 
father died in ad 44 Agrippa was regarded by 
Claudius as too young to succeed him, and 
the rule was entrusted to his uncle, Herod*, 
brother of Agrippa I and king of Chalcis, 
a small principality lying between the Leba- 
non and the Anti-Lebanon. His uncle died 
in ad 48, and the kingdom was granted to 
Agrippa II in ad 50. In ad 53 in exchange 
for Chalcis he was granted the territories 
which had formerly been governed by Philip* 
and Lysanias* as well as some portions of 
Galilee and Perea. Like his father, he was 
careful to win the goodwill of the Jews by 
deference to Jewish law and custom; at the 
same time he was a patron of Hellenistic 

culture and religion. He contributed to the 
erection of the temple in Jerusalem, but 
a dispute arose when he constructed a ter- 
race on his palace from which he could 
observe the temple area. Agrippa and Ber- 
nice* were present at Caesarea* when the 
new procurator, Festus*, found Paul in 
prison, and they asked that Paul might be 
permitted to speak to them. The discourse 
moved Agrippa so much that he said that Paul 
almost made him a Christian; it is doubtful, 
however, that the remark was made seriously. 
The Bernice who accompanied him was his 
sister, the widow of Herod of Chalcis, and 
the relation of the two was openly in- 
cestuous. When the Jewish revolt broke out 
in ad 66, Agrippa and Bernice returned to 
Palestine and did all they could to prevent 
the revolt from going any further. When 
they were unsuccessful, they remained stoutly 
loyal to Rome throughout the war. After 
the war he received territories temporarily 
lost together with new grants. The date of 
his death is not certain, but he seems to have 
governed his territories peacefully until about 
ad 100. 

Agur (Hb 'agur, etymology uncertain), son 
of Jakeh; the sage to whom the collection 
of proverbs in Pr 30: 1-33 is attributed. 

Ahab (Hb 'ah ab, "father's brother"? but 
explanation uncertain). 1. The son of Omri* 
and king of Israel 869-850 bc. His queen 
was Jezebel*, daughter of Ethbaal*, king of 
Tyre*. The point of interest in the biblical 
account of Ahab (1 K 16:29-22:40) lies 
not in the king himself, but in his encoun- 
ters with the prophets, especially Elijah. 
Four of these are related. The first is the 
account of the drought threatened by Elijah 
(1 K 17:1 ff) which ended with the ordeal 
on Mt Carmel (1 K 18:16-46), at which 
Ahab was present; cf Elijah. The second in- 
volved two unnamed prophets, one of whom 
encouraged Ahab in his resistance to Ben- 
hadad* of Damascus* (1 K 20:22), while 
the other rebuked him for sparing the life 
of Ben-hadad after his victory (1 K 20:35- 
43). The third was the episode of the 
vineyard of Naboth*. Naboth refused to sell 
Ahab his vineyard; Jezebel suborned false 
witnesses who charged Naboth with blas- 
phemy, and the king took possession of the 
land after the execution. For this Elijah 
threatened the total destruction of his house, 
and Ahab did penance for his part in the 
crime (1 K 21:1 ff). The fourth occurred 
in the beginning of the campaign of Ahab 
to recover Ramoth-Gilead* from the Ara- 
maeans (1 K 22:1 ff). A group of prophets 
predicted success for the king. Jehoshaphat* 
of Judah, his ally, distrusted these prophets 




and asked that others be summoned. The 
man summoned was Micaiah* ben Imlah, 
who at first also predicted success; but when 
pressed for an honest answer, he foretold 
defeat. The king had him put in custody 
until his return from the campaign; this 
never happened, for Ahab was killed by an 
archer in the battle. 

The judgment of the compiler of 1-2 K 
on Ahab is extremely harsh. Ahab probably 
did not abandon the worship of Yahweh; 
but he permitted Jezebel to patronize the 
cult of the Baal of Tyre. He did not com- 
mit the crime of Naboth's murder, but was 
willing to accept its profits. He seems to have 
been religiously indifferent; to him Elijah was 
the "troubler of Israel" (1 K 18:17), because 
he made an issue of whether Israel should 
worship the Baal or Yahweh. 

The account in Kings does not reveal 
the ability and success of Ahab as a ruler. 
The excavations of Samaria* have disclosed 
the magnificence of his buildings ( 1 K 
22:39). The two accounts of his battles with 
the Aramaeans of Damascus show that his 
father, Omri, had been unable to shake off 
the Aramaean hegemony. Ahab was besieged 
in Samaria by Ben-hadad, but defeated him 
by a sortie (1 K 20: 15 ff) . The Aramaeans 
excused their defeat because they had fought 
the Israelites on their own ground; the gods 
of Israel were gods of the mountains. In the 
following year they drew Israel into battle 
in the plain near Aphek*, where their 
chariotry could maneuver; here also Ahab 
defeated them. As a result Ben-hadad con- 
ceded the Israelites the same trading rights 
in Damascus which the Aramaeans had 
hitherto enjoyed in Samaria (1 K 20:34); 
from this we learn at least one of the causes 
of the constant wars of Israel and Damascus. 
Ahab failed to recover Ramoth-gilead; but 
his conduct after he was wounded by an 
arrow was that of a brave man. He insisted 
that he be propped up in his chariot so that 
his troops might not fall into panic if they 
saw the king shot down, and as a conse- 
quence he bled to death. 

The overlordship of Ahab over Judah is 
shown by his treatment of Jehoshaphat in 
the campaign of Ramoth-gilead. His daugh- 
ter Athaliah* married Jehoram* of Judah 
and held the throne for six years after Je- 
horam's death. Ahab also held Moab* in 
subjection; after his death Mesha*, king 
of Moab, successfully revolted. The revolt is 
recorded in the inscription of Mesha. The 
"son" of Omri mentioned by Mesha must 
be Jehoram* of Israel, not Ahab. Ahab is 
mentioned by Shalmaneser* III of Assyria 
as one of the allied kings at the battle of 
Karkar in 853 bc. Ahab's contingent of 
chariots, 2000, is the largest of the allies, and 

the number of soldiers, 10,000, is exceeded 
only by Damascus. 

2. The name Ahab is also born by a false 
prophet, the son of Kolaiah. Jeremiah ac- 
cused him of adultery and impiety and 
threatened him with death by fire by 
Nebuchadnezzar (Je 29:21 ff). 

Ahasuerus (Hb '"hashwerosh, Persian khsha- 
yarsha, Gk Xerxes), king of Persia* 485- 
465 bc (Ezr 4:6); a son, Darius*, is men- 
tioned in Dn 9:1. After the defeat of his 
expedition against Greece at Salamis (480 
bc) and Plataea (479 bc) Xerxes was assas- 
sinated. According to the book of Esther he 
quarreled with his queen Vashti* and sought 
out the most beautiful maiden in his empire 
to replace her; the Jewish maiden Esther* 
was selected. Cf Esther; haman; mordecai; 

Ahava (Hb 'ah"wa\ etymology uncertain), a 
local name in Babylonia, given to a place 
(Ezr 8:15) and to the neighboring stream 
(Ezr 8:21, 31). It is not mentioned else- 
where and can be located only near Baby- 
lon. At this point Ezra* assembled the 
party which was to return to Jerusalem. 

Ahaz (Hb 'ahaz, probably abbreviated from 
Jehoahaz, "Yahweh grasps the hand"), son 
of Jotham* and king of Judah 735-715 
bc. Almost immediately after his accession 
he was invited by Rezin* of Damascus* 
and Pekah* of Israel* to join a coalition 
against the advance of the Assyrians under 
Tiglath-pileser* III (2 K 16:1 ff: Is 7:1 ff). 
When Ahaz refused, the two kingdoms in- 
vaded Judah and Ahaz appealed to the As- 
syrians for help, offering submission and 
tribute (2 K 16:7 ff). The Assyrians took 
Samaria* in 734 bc and Damascus in 732 
bc, and Ahaz was saved by becoming a vas- 
sal of Assyria. This policy was stoutly op- 
posed by Isaiah*, who counseled political 
inactivity and faith in Yahweh, which he 
offered to strengthen by a sign (Is 7:3 ff). 
Ahaz refused the sign and received instead 
the sign of Emmanuel* (Is 7:14), with a 
threat that his policy would prove disastrous. 
The Chronicler mentions military disasters 
suffered in the Syro-Ephraimite invasion 
which are not mentioned in Kings (2 Ch 
28:5 ff). The same source reports invasion 
by the Philistines* and loss of several cities 
(2 Ch 28:18 ff); both sources mention the 
invasion by Edom* in which Elath* was re- 
covered (2 K 16:6; 2 Ch 28:17). Ahaz 
initiated a religious movement of syncretism: 
but his model was Assyria rather than 
Damascus (2 Ch 28:23). A new altar for 
the temple was constructed after the model 
of an altar of Damascus (2 K 16:1 Off). 




Some of the temple furniture was removed, 
doubtless to make up the tribute to Assyria 
(2 K 16: 17 ff; 2 Ch 28:21, 24 ff). The 
"steps" of Ahaz (sundial? 2 K 20:11; Is 
38:8) and the upper chamber of Ahaz re- 
moved by Josiah* (2 K 23:12) may refer 
to some religious innovation. Ahaz is the 
Iauhazi (Jehoahaz) of Judah mentioned in 
a list of tributary kings of Tiglath-pileser 
III. The harsh judgment of the historians of 
Kings and Chronicles upon his religion is 
shared by Isaiah, who also condemned his 

Ahaziah (Hb '"hazyah, '"hazydhu, "Yahweh 
grasps [the hand]"). 1. Son of Ahab* and 
king of Israel c 850-849 bc. According to 
2 Ch 20:35 ff Ahaziah was associated with 
Jehoshaphat* of Judah in the expedition to 
Ophir which was wrecked at Ezion-geber*, 
the port of departure; a variant tradition 
asserts that he asked to be associated, but 
Jehoshaphat refused (1 K 22:48 ff). The 
tradition in Ch is probably a rationalization 
of the failure of the expedition. Moab re- 
belled under Ahaziah (2 K 1:1) but no 
action was taken. Ahaziah fell from a win- 
dow and sent to ask an oracle of Baal- 
zebul*, the god of Ekron*. For this super- 
stition Elijah* threatened him with death, 
which followed shortly (2 K 1:2-18). 

2. Son of Jehoram* and Athaliah* and 
king of Judah c 842 bc. He was allied with 
Jehoram* of Israel in an unsuccessful cam- 
paign to recover Ramoth-gilead* from 
Hazael* of Damascus* (2 K 8:28). Jehoram 
was wounded in the battle and rested from 
his wounds in Jezreel. Ahaziah visited him 
there, and during the visit Jehoram was 
assassinated by Jehu* (2 K 9:1 ff). Ahaziah 
fled in his chariot, but was pursued by Jehu's 
archers and wounded near Ibleam*; he con- 
tinued to Megiddo*, where he died (2 K 
9:27 ff). In the variant tradition of 2 Ch 
22:7—9 he was captured, taken to Samaria, 
and there killed. 

Ahijah (Hb '"hiyah, "brother of Yahfweh]"), 
a prophet of Shiloh* who urged Jeroboam* 
to rebel against Solomon*, promising him 
that ten tribes would follow him (1 K 
ll:29ff). As a symbolic action to emphasize 
his prediction he tore his new garment into 
12 pieces and gave ten to Jeroboam. Ahijah 
was the spokesman for the prophetic groups, 
whose dissatisfaction with Solomon's religious 
laxity joined with the popular dissatisfaction 
at his absolutism to create the rebellion. 
Jeroboam had to flee the assassins of Solo- 
mon, who must have heard of the message 
of Ahijah, and the rebellion did not occur 
until after Solomon's death. Ahijah in turn 
found that Jeroboam was no better religiously 

than Solomon. When Jeroboam's son fell ill, 
his mother came to seek an oracle from 
Ahijah, who predicted the violent extinction 
of the house of Jeroboam (1 K 14:1 ff). 
The name Ahijah is borne by eight others in 
the OT, including a priest of Shiloh of the 
house of Eli* (1 S 14:3), one of Solomon's 
scribes (1 K 4:3), and the father of 
Baasha*, who assassinated Nadab, the son 
of Jeroboam, and succeeded to the throne 
of Israel (1 K 15:27). 

Ahikar. Among the Aramaic papyri dis- 
covered at Elephantine* in Egypt and first 
published in 1906 were included extensive 
fragments of the story of Ahikar, which was 
much diffused in the ancient E. Ahikar was 
chancellor of Sennacherib* and Esarhaddon* 
of Assyria. In his old age his son Nadin 
succeeded to his office; but Nadin slandered 
Ahikar to the king, who ordered the execu- 
tion of Ahikar. Ahikar escaped by persuad- 
ing the officer Nabusumiskun to substitute 
another in his place. With the story is in- 
cluded a selection of wise sayings of Ahikar. 
This story is unquestionably alluded to in 
Tb, where Achiacharus is the chancellor of 
Esarhaddon (Tb 1:21), who supports Tobit 
after his blindness (Tb 2:10) and visits him 
after his cure with his nephew Nasbas 
(Nadin? Tb 11:18). The misadventure of 
Ahikar is alluded to in Tb 14:10, where his 
adversary is called Haman. Ahikar is repre- 
sented as a nephew of Tobit, and therefore 
Jewish (1:21). Only one of these allusions 
(11:18) is found in the recension of Tobit 
which is translated in the Vulgate. 

Ahimaaz (Hb ' a hlma'as, meaning uncertain), 
son of Zadok*, priest. While Zadok and 
Abiathar* remained in Jerusalem during 
the rebellion of Absalom*, Ahimaaz and 
Jonathan* concealed themselves at En-rogel 
to communicate with David. The plans of 
Absalom were disclosed to them by Hushai* 
and the priests; but they were discovered by 
a boy and forced to hide in a well at 
Bahurim* with the assistance of a family 
of David's sympathizers (2 S 17:17 ff). Then 
they hurried to tell David that Absalom's 
pursuit, on the counsel of Hushai, had been 
delayed. Ahimaaz also begged the privilege 
of bearing the news of Absalom's death to 
David, but when he arrived he lost courage 
and announced only the victory and waited 
for another messenger to tell the death of 
Absalom; for "a good man brings good 
news" (2 S 18:19 ff). The bearer of bad 
news might easily be slain. The name 
Ahimaaz is also borne by the father of 
Ahinoam*, Saul's wife (1 S 14:50), and 
by the prefect of the district of Naphtali* 




under Solomon, who was married to Base- 
math, a daughter of Solomon (1 K 4:15). 

Ahimelech (Hb '"h'tmelek, "the brother is 
king," or "the brother is Milk"?), son of 
Ahitub of the house of Eli*, and priest* at 
Nob*. David fled to Nob from Saul* and 
quieted Ahimelech's fears by telling him 
that he was on a secret mission. David asked 
for refreshment, but Ahimelech had nothing 
except the shewbread*, which David took 
(1 S 21:1 ff; cf Mt 12:1-8; Mk 2:23-28; 
Lk 6:1-5). David also asked for a sword, 
but found nothing except the sword of 
Goliath*. This hospitality was disclosed to 
Saul by Doeg* the Edomite, and Saul ac- 
cused Ahimelech of conspiracy with David. 
Saul's retainers would not carry out the 
order of execution, because the priests' per- 
sons were sacred; but no scruple troubled 
Doeg, who killed all the priests, eighty-five 
in number, except Abiathar*, and sacked 
the city of Nob. The name Ahimelech is 
also borne by a Hittite*, an early companion 
of David (1 S 26:6). 

Ahinoam (Hb '"hino'am, "my brother is de- 
light"). 1. Wife 'of Saul (1 S 14:50). 2. A 
woman of Jezreel*, wife of David* and 
mother of his eldest son Amnon* (1 S 25:43; 
2 S 3:2 +). 

Ahio (Hb 'ahyo, meaning uncertain), son of 
Abinadab* and brother of Uzzah*, with 
whom he carried the ark from the house of 
Abinadab to Jerusalem (2 S 6:3 ff). The 
name is borne by two other men in the OT. 

Ahithophel (Hb 'ahitopel, meaning uncertain), 
a man of Giloh (a city of Judah, site un- 
known) and member of David's council. 
Ahithophel joined the rebellion of Absalom* 
(2 S 15:12, 31). He advised Absalom to 
take public possession of David's harem, a 
treasonable act which would create an ir- 
reparable breach (2 S 16:20 ff). He sug- 
gested that he himself pursue David with 
a small force immediately after David's flight 
and kill him before he could gather a force. 
This sound plan was overruled by Absalom 
on the advice of Hushai*, who was secretly 
working for David (2 S 17:1 ff). Ahithophel 
realized that this meant the failure of the 
revolt and went home and hanged himself 
(2 S 17:23). 

Ai (Hb always with the article, ha'ai, "the 
ruin"), a city. Abraham camped between 
Bethel* to the W and Ai to the E (Gn 12:8; 
13:3). It was the second Canaanite city 
to be taken by Joshua (Jos 7:2-8:29). A 
first attack on the city failed, which was 
attributed to Achan's* theft of some of the 

plunder seized at Jericho*, and dedicated to 
Yahweh. A second attack, which employed 
a ruse to draw the defenders from the city, 
was successful, and the city was utterly 
destroyed as Jericho had been. The account 
relates that the city remained uninhabited 
thereafter. The place was inhabited after the 
exile (Ezr 2:28; Ne 7:32), and it is pos- 
sibly to be identified with Ayyah of Ne 
11:31. The identification of Ai with et-Tell 
(which also means "the ruin") about two 
mi E of Bethel* and ten mi N of Jerusalem 
is generally accepted. The site contains ex- 
tensive ruins and large fortifications and 
occupies an eminence which rises sharply in 
the hill country of Ephraim. The excava- 
tion of the site by Mme. Marquet-Krause in 
1933-1934 disclosed occupation between 
3000-2400 bc; but the site was entirely un- 
occupied after 2400 until a small Israelite 
settlement c 1000 bc. This creates problems 
concerning the account of the capture of Ai 
by Joshua. Modern explanations fall into 
three classes. ( 1 ) Some scholars suppose that 
the account is entirely fictitious and is an 
etiological story of the ruin. Later Israelites, 
it is supposed, attributed the destruction of 
the city to their great conqueror. This hy- 
pothesis seems improbable and has few de- 
fenders. (2) A second hypothesis supposes 
that Ai was an outpost of Bethel and had to 
be taken by the Israelites before Bethel could 
be attacked. It is difficult to combine this 
with the explicit mention of the capture and 
execution of the king of Ai (Jos 8:23, 29: 
12:9). (3) A theory proposed by W. F. 
Albright and accepted by a number of mod- 
ern scholars seems the most probable ex- 
planation. In this view the ruin of Ai attracted 
to itself the story of the conquest of Bethel. 
This is supported by the fact that no con- 
quest of Bethel is mentioned in Jos, although 
the progress of the Israelite movement de- 
manded the reduction of this city. The cap- 
ture of Bethel is alluded to in Jgs l:22ff, 
but it is not there attributed to Joshua. The 
men of Bethel are mentioned among the 
defenders of Ai (Jos 8:17). Jos 7-8 is 
therefore really an account of the conquest 
of Bethel. A few scholars have questioned 
the identification of Ai with et-Tell; but 
there is no basis for this doubt except the 
literary evidence, which admits the explana- 
tion of Albright. The archaeological evidence 
indicates that the site was already abandoned 
at the time when Abraham camped there. 
It is most unlikely that "the ruin" was the 
original name of the city, which has been 

Aijalon (Hb 'ayyalon, meaning uncertain) , 
a town located in the Shephelah*. Its history 
is complex; it is the scene of Joshua's vie- 




tory over the confederated kings, mentioned 
in the victory song of Jos 10:12. It was 
held by the Amorites* after the Israelite 
settlement of Canaan* (Jgs 1:35). It is 
listed as a town of Dan (Jos 19:42) and 
as a Levitical town of Dan (Jos 21:24); 
the territory was abandoned by Dan after 
the tribe's migration to the N. It is listed 
as a Levitical town of Ephraim (1 Ch 6:54) 
and as a Levitical town of Benjamin ( 1 
Ch 8:13), and it is very probably to this 
tribe that the town belonged during most 
of its history. A victory of the men of 
Aijalon over the men of Gath* is related 
in 1 Ch 8:13. It was involved in the victory 
of Saul over the Philistines (1 S 14:31) 
as the W limit of the Israelite pursuit. The 
town was fortified by Rehoboam (2 Ch 
11:10) and was taken by the Philistines dur- 
ing the reign of Ahaz* (2 Ch 28:18). Aijalon 
should be read for Elon* in Solomon's 2nd 
district (1 K 4:9). The valley of Aijalon, 
the Wadi es Selman, is one of the most 
important routes from the coastal plain to 
the central mountains (cf shephelah). The 
site is the modern Yalo in the Wadi es Sel- 
man W of Gibeon. Another Aijalon in 
Zebulun, the site of the burial of the minor 
judge Elon*, should probably be read Elon 
(Jgs 12:12). 

Akeldama (Gk akeldamach, Aramaic h a kel 
d f ma', "field of blood"), the land purchased 
by the council with the money for the be- 
trayal of Jesus which Judas returned to 
them (AA 1:19), formerly called the pot- 
ter's field (Mt 27:7). Tradition locates the 
field S of the valley of Hinnom (cf 
Gehenna), the modern Wadi er Rababi, and 
W of the spring En Rogel*, the modern 
Bir Ayyub. 

Akkad (Hb 'akkad), mentioned only in Gn 
10:10 with Babel* and Erech* as part of 
the kingdom of Nimrod*. The city of Akkad 
lay on the Euphrates* in northern Babylonia*; 
the exact site is not certainly known. The 
name Akkad was also given to the region 
of Mesopotamia N from Babylon to As- 
syria; the double name "Sumer and Akkad" 
designated Mesopotamia S of Assyria to the 
Persian Gulf. Akkad was the center of a 
world kingdom during the 3rd millennium 
BC (2360-2180 bc, Albright; 2350-2150 
bc, Moortgat). The two greatest kings of 
the dynasty were Sargon and Naram-Sin; 
the empire of Akkad included all of Meso- 
potamia and at times Syria* and Elam*. 
The dynasty fell under the invasion of 
Gutians in the 22nd century BC. The dy- 
nasty of Akkad saw great advances in cul- 
ture and the arts, and was long remembered 
in saga, despite its brevity; perhaps some 

memory of it is reflected in the biblical 
allusion to Nimrod (Gn 10:8 ff). The dy- 
nasty of Akkad represents the successful ir- 
ruption of Semitic peoples into Mesopo- 
tamia. Its ideal of a world kingdom was re- 
flected for centuries in the titles of the kings 
of Babylon and Assyria, "king of all," "king 
of the four quarters," " the great king," etc. 

Akkadian. The name now given to the lan- 
guage spoken in Mesopotamia generally 
from about 2000 bc until about 500 BC; 
classified as eastern Semitic. The language 
was formerly called Assyrian* because the 
literary monuments first discovered were in 
the Assyrian dialect. Akkadian appears in 
Mesopotamia during the 3rd millennium BC. 
With the domination of Semitic peoples it 
gradually supplanted Sumerian* and remained 
the common language until it was supplanted 
by Aramaic*. It appears in two principal 
dialects, Babylonian and Assyrian. It was 
written in the cuneiform* signs of Sumerian, 
which had no signs for some of the con- 
sonants characteristic of the Semitic lan- 
guages, and has absorbed a number of Su- 
merian words. The literary remains of 
Akkadian, which have been discovered and 
interpreted since 1835, are extensive; they 
are not only a unique source for the 
world of the OT, but the language itself has 
furnished invaluable light for the under- 
standing of Hebrew. 

Akrabbim. Cf scorpion. 

Alabaster (Gk alabastron, "without handles"), 
probably refers to the type of vessel rather 
than to the material. It is mentioned in the 
entire Bible only in Mt 26:7; Mk 14:3; Lk 
7:37, in the story of the woman who broke 
an alabaster vessel of perfume to anoint the 
head of Jesus. In Hellenistic and Roman 
usage the word was applied to any vessel 
of any material without handles in which 
perfume was sealed; to use the contents the 
neck of the vessel was broken, as in the 
gospel episode. Alabaster now means gyp- 
sum; the material used in ancient Egypt, 
however, was calcite, a compact crystalline 
form of calcium carbonate, white or yellowish 
white in color. In ancient times alabaster 
was quarried only in Egypt and the products 
which have been found are either Egyptian 
made or imitations of Egyptian models. The 
little translucent vessels of alabaster, mostly 
for cosmetics and perfumes, which are 
found in Palestine come almost entirely 
from pre-Israelite levels and were luxury 
articles. It is very likely that wealthy Israe- 
lites of the 8th-7th centuries BC were 
able to procure these, which makes their 




absence in the OT and their rarity in ex- 
cavated Israelite sites surprising. 

Alcimus (Gk alkimos, Hellenized form of 
Hb Eliakim) . Alcimus was a leader of the 
hellenizing faction among the Jews in the 
Maccabean* period. He was confirmed as 
high priest* by Demetrius* I in 159 bc 
and installed under the protection of Bac- 
chides*. Shortly after his arrival he mur- 
dered sixty Hasideans who had come to 
discuss peace (1 Mc 7:5 ff). Judas con- 
tinued the war and defeated Nicanor*, who 
was sent to destroy him. Alcimus accom- 
panied Bacchides at the battle in which 
Judas was killed (1 Mc 9:1 ff). While en- 
gaged in razing the wall of the inner court 
of the temple he fell ill of paralysis and 
died (1 Mc 9:55 ff, 160 bc). 

Aleph. The first letter of the Hb alphabet, 
represented by '; the sound, a glottal stop, is 
not represented in the English alphabet. 

Alexander (Gk alexandros, "defending men''). 
1. Alexander the Great (357-323 bc), son 
and successor of Philip of Macedon. He 
acceded to the throne in 336 bc and in the 
following year, after imposing unity upon 
Greece, he embarked on the campaigns in 
which he conquered the Persian* Empire 
and reached India. He is mentioned in the 
Bible only in 1 Mc 1:1-9; 6:2. It was his 
conquests which diffused Greek culture 
throughout the ancient Near East; this 
wrought profound changes in Jewish life 
and thought (cf Hellenism). Josephus's 
story that he visited Jerusalem is generally 
thought to have no historical basis. Alex- 
ander may be alluded to in the world empires 
of Daniel*. 

2. Alexander Balas, pretended son of 
Antiochus* Epiphanes; the claim was ac- 
cepted by the Jews, but rejected by ancient 
historians. Alexander took the throne of 
Syria when Demetrius* I Soter fell in 
battle in 150 bc. Both Alexander and Deme- 
trius sought the assistance of the Jews under 
Jonathan* and promised many privileges; 
but the Jews favored Alexander, both be- 
cause he appointed Jonathan high priest and 
because of their resentment toward Deme- 
trius. Ptolemy* VI of Egypt also favored 
Alexander and gave him his daughter Cleo- 
patra in marriage; but he betrayed Alexander 
in favor of Demetrius II, son of Demetrius 
I, seized the cities held by the Syrians in 
Palestine, took Cleopatra from Alexander 
and gave her to Demetrius. Jonathan remained 
faithful to Alexander and defeated the forces 
of Demetrius under the command of Apol- 
lonius*. The rest of the Syrian kingdom, 
however, accepted Demetrius; Alexander, de- 

feated, fled to Arabia, where he was be- 
headed by the Arab chieftain Zabdiel in 
145 bc (1 Mc 10:1 — 11:19). 

3. Son of Simon of Cyrene* and brother 
of Rufus* (Mk 15:21). 

4. Priest and member of the council be- 
fore which Peter was summoned to justify 
his preaching (AA 4:6). 

5. A Jew who attempted to speak in de- 
fense of the Jews during the riot at Ephesus 
aroused by the silversmith Demetrius* (AA 

6. A Christian who abandoned the faith 
and was excommunicated by Paul ( 1 Tm 

7. A smith who wronged Paul in a man- 
ner not specified; perhaps identical with 6 
(2 Tm 4:14). 

Alexandria. A city of Egypt*, mentioned 
in the NT as the home of Apollos*, Paul's 
companion (AA 18:24), and as the home 
port both of the ship in which Paul was 
wrecked at Malta (AA 27:6) and of the 
ship in which he traveled from Malta to 
Rome (AA 28:11). The Jews of the syna- 
gogue are mentioned among those with 
whom Stephen disputed (AA 6:9). The 
city was founded by Alexander* 332/331 bc, 
after whom it was named. It lay on a nar- 
row strip of land between the Mediterranean 
and Lake Mareotis near the Canopic mouth 
of the Nile*, with which Lake Mareotis was 
joined by a canal. The harbor was largely 
artificial; its outstanding work was the mole 
connecting the city with the Island of Pharos, 
where stood the lighthouse which was one 
of the seven wonders of the ancient world. 
It was the capital city both of the Ptolemies* 
and of the Roman administration of Egypt; 
ancient writers praise its beauty and its 
extensive parks and colonnaded avenues. 
With Rome and Antioch it was one of the 
three principal cities of the Roman world, 
and possibly had 500,000 inhabitants at its 
peak. This makes it somewhat surprising 
that Paul, who knew the other two cities 
well, seems never to have thought of going 
to Alexandria. One of the five districts of 
the city was inhabited by Jews under their 
own municipal officer called an alabarch; this 
was possibly the largest concentration of Jews 
in the ancient world, and one of the richest 
and most influential. Anti-Jewish riots oc- 
curred there more than once, and reached 
serious proportions in 88 bc. Alexandria 
became the greatest intellectual center of the 
Hellenistic world with its libraries and its 
assembly of renowned scholars. Here Jews 
actually came to grips with Hellenistic cul- 
ture and absorbed more of its thought and 
its way of life than they knew. In Alexandria 
the OT was translated into Greek (cf septua- 




gint). Here also Jewish scholars made efforts 
to identify their own wisdom* and law* with 
Greek philosophy; the most famous of these 
scholars was Philo, and it is possible that 
the intellectual currents stirred up at Alex- 
andria have left traces in the language of 
the NT, especially in Paul and Heb. Hellen- 
istic ideas are most clearly seen in the 
Wisdom* of Solomon, composed at Alex- 
andria in the 1st century BC. There are no 
certain records of the establishment of Chris- 
tianity at Alexandria; its traditions made 
Mark* its apostle and founder. 

Allegory. A literary composition in which 
each detail signifies some reality. Sustained 
allegories are rare in any literature, and 
there are none in the Bible. The allegory is 
distinguished from the parable* and the 
type*, although each of these may contain 
allegorical elements; the parables of the 
sower and the tares or cockle (Mt 13:1 ff) 
are largely allegorical. The allegorical inter- 
pretation of the Bible first appears in Jewish 
interpreters and was widely practiced by 
many of the Fathers of the Church. In this 
view the entire OT signifies by allegory the 
entire Christian revelation; since the presup- 
position is false, allegorical interpretation is 
usually fanciful. The word is mentioned once 
in the NT (Gal 4:24) of the two wives of 
Abraham, which are interpreted "by alle- 
gory" as the two covenants. This type of 
allegorizing, in which a homiletic application 
is drawn from details of the text, is common- 
place in rabbinical interpretation, of which 
Paul offers a number of examples; cf inter- 
pretation; PAUL. 

Alleluia. A Hb word employed in the Roman 
Mass and breviary, Hb haMu yah, "praise 
Yah[weh]" (cf hallelujah). 

Almond (Hb sdked, "the waker") ; the name 
comes from the early blossoming of the 
tree in late January or early February. The 
tree grows wild in Palestine and reaches a 
height of 16 ft; its flowers are white with 
a tinge of pink. Je 1:11 draws from the 
sight of an almond twig the word that 
Yahweh is awake (sdked) to execute His 
threats. The almond is a part of the allegory 
of Ec 12:5. The almond twig was the means 
by which the priesthood of Aaron was vin- 
dicated (Nm 17:23). The almond nut was 
and is esteemed as a delicacy in the Near 
East and was included in the gifts of Jacob 
to Joseph (Gn 43:11). 

Alms. The duty of giving to the poor is 
not mentioned in the earlier books of the 
OT. The prophets often speak of the duty 
of compassion to the poor, but their em- 

phasis falls upon justice rather than upon 
charity. Charity to the poor is praised in 
Pr 3:27 f; 22:9; 28:27. Almsgiving becomes 
one of the principal works of charity in the 
Greek period: Tb 4:6-11; BS 3:30-4:10; 
17:22; Dn 4:24. The Talmud often praises 
almsgiving. Jesus mentions it to correct 
ostentation in almsgiving (Mt 6:2 ff) and 
makes the gift of all one's goods to the 
poor a condition of becoming His follower 
(Mt 19:21; Mk 10:21; Lk 18:22; cf Mt 
5:42; Lk 6:30). Tabitha* (AA 9:36) and 
Cornelius* (AA 10:2 ff) are praised for 
their almsgiving, and Paul speaks of ful- 
filling the duty of almsgiving in Jerusalem 
(AA 24:17); no doubt pilgrims to Jerusalem, 
presumably men of means, were expected to 
give to the poor of the city. The social 
background of the practice was the rise of 
a numerous and extremely poor class during 
the Greek period, although this division be- 
tween a few wealthy and a poor populace 
already appears under the monarchy. But 
the social duty of almsgiving appears just 
during the period when such class divisions 
became fixed (cf righteous). 

Aloes. An aromatic oil derived from a tree 
native to India, from which both the product 
and the name are probably derived. It was 
a perfume much esteemed in Palestine; 
employed for the clothing, the bed, and for 
burial (Pr 7:17; SS 4:14; Jn 19:39). 

Alpha. The first letter of the Gk alphabet, 
mentioned with omega, the last letter (Ape 
1:8; 21:6; 22:13) to signify the beginning 
and the end, the totality. 

Alphabet. Alphabetic writing is the term of 
a long development which was reached only 
once in human history; from this single term 
all existing alphabets are derived and man 
has not advanced beyond it. The earliest 
stage in written communication is "picture 
writing": for example, picture of man — spear 
— bear represents "man kill bear." The 
limitations of such communication are at 
once apparent; besides, it does not represent 
speech and can be read in any language. The 
next stage is the use of the conventionalized 
picture (sign) to represent a single spoken 
word (logogram). This also has limitations; 
abstractions and grammatical modifications 
(number, mood, tense) cannot be repre- 
sented. This stage was reached by the Su- 
merians* probably in the 4th millennium 
BC. But almost as soon as the method was 
devised it was modified by the use of the 
logogram to represent the sound even when 
it occurs elsewhere than in the word (phono- 
gram); this is "rebus writing," as if "apply" 
were written by the picture of the fruit and 

















T S 








































































































( Z *T «M»J 

















®, ® 

























































































































































Comparative chart of 
Greek and West Semitic 
writings. Even the 
order of the letters of 
the two writings is the 
same, as can be seen 
from the names of the 
first letters. The 
Semitic signs 
iran\ sade, and qoph, 
which do not exist in 
classical Greek, occur 
in the older periods as 
wau or digamma, san, 
and qoppa. Further- 
more, in later times 
these three signs con- 
tinue ta be used in the 
Greek numerical system, 
in which they have 
almost the some values 
as their counterparts 
have in the Semitic 

of the organ of vision. Once the device of 
using the sign to represent the syllable rather 
than the word is employed, the signs become 
much more flexible and can be used to write 
anything that is spoken. In the Sumerian 
syllabary, however, and in its use for Ak- 
kadian*, the logograms survive with the 
phonograms. The signs are so conventional- 
ized in the cuneiform* writing that the pic- 
ture cannot be identified unless the original 
sign is known. But the system is cumbersome 
and the entire syllabary of Akkadian includes 
several hundred signs, although they were 
not all in use in any one time and place. 
It was probably early in the 2nd millennium 
BC and somewhere between Asia Minor 
and Egypt, although it cannot be dated 
or located precisely, that the next decisive 
step was taken of isolating the consonants 
from the vowels. The linear scripts which 
remain from this area and period, many of 
them still undeciphered because of the scarcity 
of material, indicate that there were a num- 
ber of efforts to reach the alphabetic prin- 

ciple: the proto-Sinaitic script (1500 bc), 
the scripts from Gezer*, Shechem*, and 
Lachish* in Canaan* (1800-1500 bc), and 
the hieroglyphs of Byblos*, roughly the same 
period or earlier. At Ugarit* the cuneiform 
signs were adapted to an alphabetic script 
by 1400 bc, but this was done on the basis 
of the principle already discovered. The iso- 
lation of the consonants reduces the number 
of signs very sharply — in the Semitic 
languages, between 20 and 30. The oldest 
writing in the alphabetic script which finally 
prevailed is found in the inscription of 
Ahiram of Byblos, about 1000 bc. This al- 
phabet was adopted by the Greeks hardly 
before the 9th century; no Greek inscription 
is earlier than the 8th century. When first 
adopted by the Greeks the script was written 
right to left, as in the Semitic alphabet, and 
the earliest Greek letters exhibit their deriva- 
tion. The Greeks took the final step toward 
the true alphabet. The letters Aleph, He, 
Waw, Heth, Yod, Ayin, had no correspond- 
ing phonemes in Greek, and they were used 




to represent the vowels isolated from the 
consonants: Aleph/ Alpha — a, He/Epsilon 
— e, Waw/Upsilon — u, Heth/Eta — e, 
Yod/Iota — i, Ayin/Omicron — 6. The 
Greeks added a few other signs (possibly 
derived from the Semitic script) to signify 
phonemes not represented in the Semitic al- 
phabet; it is the Greek alphabet as taken 
over by Latin that is the parent of all mod- 
ern alphabetic scripts except those which 
come directly from the Semitic alphabet. The 
Hebrew alphabet as exhibited in ostraca 
and inscriptions from the 8th century was 
identical with the Canaanite-Phoenician. The 
"square" characters in which modern Hebrew 
is printed and which appear in the Dead 
Sea Scrolls (earliest from 2nd century BC, 
cf qumran) were not developed before the 
5th or 4th century BC. 

Alphaeus (Gk alphaios from Aramaic hal- 
fay, meaning unknown), the father of the 
apostle James (Mt 10:3; Mk 3:18; Lk 
6:15; AA 1:13); the father of Levi (Mat- 
thew) (Mk 2:14), almost certainly to be 
distinguished from the first. 

Altar. The altar is primarily the place of 
sacrifice, and this is signified by its Hb name 
mizbe a h; hence it is to be found wherever 
sacrifice is offered, and may be temporary. 
It usually stood outside rather than inside 
ancient temples* and was found on the high 
places* of Canaan*, where there were no 
temples. Altars are mentioned in the patri- 
archal stories and even in the story of Noah* 
(Gn 8:20; 12:8; 13:18; 22:9 etc.); this 
retrojection is justified, since the altar ap- 
pears at the beginning of human history. The 
altars found in Canaan ite sites are of stone, 
either a block table of hewn stones or a 
single block of stone. The altar described 
in Ex 20:24 ff is doubtless the oldest form 
of Israelite altar and more primitive in 
general; it is to be made of earth heaped 
up, or of a heap of unhewn stones. Working 
the stone "profaned" it, i.e., established con- 
tact with the "unholy," the creature, and 
changed it from the state in which it came 
from God; hence it was unfit for sacred 
use. This early scruple did not remain. The 
altar is not to have steps; altars with steps 
have been discovered at Zorah* and Me- 
giddo*. The altar described in the priestly 
code (Ex 27:1 ff) is made of acacia wood 
covered with a bronze grating and left hol- 
low, perhaps to be filled with earth; this 
is doubtless a description of the altar in the 
temple of Solomon (1 K 8:64). The altar 
described in Ezk 43 : 1 3 ff is built in three 
stages, each stage two cubits shorter than the 
side below it; this recalls the ziggurat of 
Mesopotamian temples, and this feature 

should probably be added to the description 
in the priestly code. The altar had horns at 
the corners; these have appeared on altars 
discovered at Megiddo. 

The altar symbolized the deity in the 
sacrificial ritual, and the victim was pre- 
sented to the deity by contact with the altar. 
In earlier times it does not appear that the 
altar was employed for burning the victim 
or the portions given to the deity; the offer- 
ing was made by applying the blood of the 
victim, which symbolized its life, to the 
altar (cf sacrifice). Nor was the altar 
strictly a table symbolizing the sacred ban- 
quet. The horns also symbolized the deity, 
but with no distinct symbolism from the 
altar as a whole that can be detected. The 
priestly code also describes the golden altar 
of incense (probably part of Solomon's tem- 
ple, Ex 30:1 ff; 1 K 6:20). The type of 
construction is not described, but incense 
altars have been discovered at Megiddo. In 
732 bc, Ahaz* had an altar made after the 
model of an altar which he saw at Damas- 
cus, but details of construction are not 
given; the bronze altar was removed to the 
N side of the temple to make room for it 
and both were used (2 K 16: 10 ff). The 
table of "shewbread*" probably should not 
be called an altar, since no sacrifice was 
involved. The NT references to altar all con- 
cern either the altar of the temple or the 
altar of incense or altars in pagan cults; 
in the NT there was as yet no altar in Chris- 
tian cult. The single reference to a Christian 
altar is in Heb 13:10, which most probably 
refers to the Eucharist*. The altar of Ape 
6:9; 8:3, is the altar of the heavenly temple. 

Amale kites (Hb '"malek, meaning unknown), 
a nomadic tribe first mentioned in Gn 14:7, 
listed among the tribes in the genealogy of 
Esau* (Gn 36:12); not known outside the 
OT. Amalek dwelt in the Negeb* (Nm 
13:29) in the desert between Sinai and 
Canaan (1 S 15:7). "The city of Amalek" 
(1 S 15:5) is not otherwise known; the 
term city may be loosely used for a nomad 
encampment. Amalek always appears at war 
with the Israelites. The first encounter was 
the battle at Rephidim* during the passage 
from Egypt to Canaan (Ex 17:8 ff). An- 
other encounter at Hormah* may be a variant 
tradition of the Rephidim battle (Nm 14:45). 
The Amalekites attacked the Israelites in 
alliance with Eglon* of Moab* (Jgs 3:13) 
and with the Midianites* (Jgs 6:3, 33; 7:12). 
Under the direction of Samuel* Saul* under- 
took a war of extermination against the 
Amalekites (1 S 15:1 ff); his failure to carry 
out the ban* against Agag*, the king of 
the Amalekites, caused a breach between 
Samuel and himself. Amalek was one of 




thc tribes which David raided during his 
service with Achish* of Oath* (I S 27:8). 
In revenge the Amalekites raided David's 
base at Ziklag* while David was absent at 
Gath; they burned the city and carried off 
the women and children, including David's 
family (1 S 30:1 ff). David overtook them 
and destroyed all except 400 men. This blow 
was effective; the Amalekites do not appear 
again as actively hostile (cf the curse of 
Balaam*, Nm 24:20, and the "remnant of 
Amalek" I Ch 4:43). The enmity of Israel 
and Amalek, which the tradition represents 
as ancient, was conducted according to the 
primitive ethics of the blood-feud, which 
demanded the total extermination of the 
enemy (cf avenger). This is even read into 
the accounts of the early conflicts (Ex 17:14, 
16; Dt 25:17, 19), and was at the base of 
Samuel's demand that Saul execute vengeance 
(1 S !5:1 ff). Since the feud was the only 
protection of the life of the individual and 
the tribe, its execution was a sacred duty. 

Amana (Hb '"manah, meaning unknown), a 
peak in the Lebanon* or an alternate name 
for Lebanon itself (SS 4:8). 

A mama, Tell el-. The site of the ruins of 
Akhctaton, the royal city of the Pharaoh 
Amenophis IV (Ikhnaton, 1377-1358 bc), 
halfway between Cairo and Luxor on the 
right bank of the Nile*'. The ruins, dis- 
covered in 1887, contained the correspond- 

ence from the chancery of Amenophis 111 
(1413-1377 bc) and Amenophis IV, his 
successor, over 350 letters from foreign rulers. 
Both the great powers (Babylon*, Assyria*, 
Mitanni, Hittites*), and the petty kingdoms 
of Syria* and Canaan* {Byblos , Sidon*, 
Tyre*, Ashkelon 1 ", Jerusalem", Cezer*, 
Lachish*, Megiddo*, and many others) are 
represented. The importance of these docu- 
ments for the history of the period of the 
exodus* is unique. The letters with a few 
exceptions are written in Akkadian* in the 
cuneiform* script; from this we learn the 
wide cultural influence of Mesopotamia in 
the west. The language is full of Canaanite 
dialectal peculiarities, which are a principal 
source of information for the language of 
Canaan, It is clear that the Hebrews adopted 
the language of Canaan with only slight dif- 
ferences. The documents also furnish the 
political background for the settlement of 
the Hebrews in Canaan. Under the earlier 
kings of the 1 8th dynasty in the 1 6th- 15th 
centuries BC Egypt* had effectively conquered 
Syria and Canaan. The documents show that 
under Amenophis IV the control of Egypt 
was ineffective and the country was dis- 
united and disorderly. The satellite kings of 
the Canaanite city-states were nominal sub- 
jects of Egypt, but many of them, openly 
or covertly, were in revolt or plotting revolt. 
The documents reveal these plots and the 
conflicts between loyal and rebellious vassals. 
Lack of a strong central authority meant 


Amorno, sife of the 
| royal city of Ikhnaton. 




that Canaan was open to incursions from 
the nomadic tribes of the desert, whom the 
petty states could not control. It is evident 
that in such conditions the Hebrews had 
little difficulty in establishing themselves in 
the country; conditions had not improved 
in the following century, when the settle- 
ment is probably to be dated (cf exodus). 

Amasa (Hb '"mdsa, meaning unknown), son 
of Jether and Abigail, David's* sister, ap- 
pointed commander of the army by Absalom* 
after Joab* had fled with David (2 S 17:25). 
After the defeat of his army Amasa per- 
suaded the men of Judah to restore their 
allegiance to David (2 S 19:14). Probably 
in return for his demonstration of loyalty 
and in punishment of Joab for his disobedi- 
ence in killing Absalom, David retained 
Amasa in command of the army and sent 
him to put down the rebellion of Sheba* ben 
Bichri (2 S 20:4 ff). Amasa joined the forces 
under Abishai* at Gibeon, where Joab 
killed him while they were exchanging greet- 
ings (2 S 20:7 ff). This treacherous murder 
was not merely an act of envy; Joab doubt- 
less thought that Amasa, a kinsman of David 
like himself, should die for following Ab- 
salom. The crime was mentioned among those 
for which David charged Solomon* to kill 
Joab (1 K 2:5, 32). 

Amaziah (Hb '"masyah, '"masyahu, "Yahweh 
is mighty"). 1. Son and successor of Joash* 
and king of Judah 800-783 bc. He exe- 
cuted the murderers of his father but spared 
their families. He conducted a successful cam- 
paign against Edom and fortified the port 
of Elath*. He challenged Jehoash* of Israel 
in an attempt to shake off the overlordship 
of Israel and was defeated; Jehoash wrecked 
part of the wall of Jerusalem and plundered 
the temple. Amaziah himself was assassi- 
nated (2 K 14:1 ff). He is judged favorably 
in Kings; the judgment is repeated in Chroni- 
cles, but the Chronicler, to explain his defeat, 
has added an episode of doubtful historical 
value in which Amaziah worshiped the gods 
of Edom (2 Ch 25:1 ff). 

2. The priest of the sanctuary of Bethel* 
who forbade Amos to speak there. Amos 
threatened him and his family with annihila- 
tion (Am 7:10 ff). 

Amen (Hb 'amen; "truly," "it is true" al- 
ways expressing acceptance of what has just 
been said [except Is 65:16, where perhaps 
another word should be read]). It appears 
in doxologies in the Pss (41:14; 72:19; 89: 
53; 106:48). Its use in the NT outside the 
Gospels is confined to doxologies; this litur- 
gical form was taken over from Judaism. 
In Ape 3:14 Jesus Himself is called "the 

Amen," the one who is faithful to His word. 
Its use by Jesus Himself in the Gospels is 
frequent and has no real parallel elsewhere. 
It is used to introduce solemn affirmations 
and adds a note not only of asseveration but 
also of authority. 

Ammonites (Hb 'ammon, b e ne 'ammon, "sons 
of Ammon" [cf "sons of Israel" etc]); an 
Aramaean* tribe which settled on the upper 
Jabbok*, probably not much earlier than the 
12th century BC. The Aramaic origin of 
the Ammonites is expressed by the Hebrew* 
account of their descent from Lot* (Gn 
19:38), in which they are also connected 
with the ancestors of the Hebrews. They are 
represented as already settled at the time 
of the entrance of the Israelites into 
Canaan (Dt 2:19, 37), but this tradition 
may be anachronistic; in any case, the settle- 
ment of the Ammonites must have been 
closely contemporaneous with that of the 
Israelites. The Jabbok was the border of 
the two peoples from early times (Dt 3:16; 
Jos 12:2). The Ammonites displaced the 
Rephaim*, the earlier inhabitants, whom they 
themselves called the Zamzummim* (Dt 2: 
20). They appear at war with the Israelites in 
alliance with the Moabites* and Amalekites* 
(Jgs 3:13), and were defeated by the tribes 
of Gilead* under Jephthah* (Jgs 10:6 ff). 
Nahash, king of the Ammonites, besieged 
Jabesh-gilead*; his contemptuous threats 
against it were the occasion on which Saul* 
began to exercise his leadership, and he de- 
feated the Ammonites (1 S 1 1 : 1 ff) . David 
enjoyed friendly relations with Nahash, per- 
haps because both were enemies of Saul. 
When he sent an embassy to Hanun, son 
and successor of Nahash, to console him on 
his father"s death, Hanun, suspecting treach- 
ery, insulted the ambassadors. In the cam- 
paign which followed Ammon and its 
Aramaean allies were defeated and the royal 
city, Rabbah*, was taken; David himself 
put on the crown of Ammon, but seems to 
have left a satellite king (2 S 10:1 ff). It 
was during this campaign that the episode 
of Bathsheba* and Uriah* occurred (2. S 
11:1 ff). The Ammonites paid tribute to 
Azariah* (2 Ch 26:8) and Jotham* (2 Ch 
27:5) and were probably tributary to the 
kingdoms of Israel and Judah until the 
Assyrian conquest. They raided Judah dur- 
ing the revolt of Jehoiakim against Ne- 
buchadnezzar (2 K 24:2). After the fall 
of Jerusalem in 587 bc Baalis*, king of 
Ammon, sent Ishmael* to murder Gedaliah*, 
appointed governor of Judah by Nebuchad- 
nezzar, and furnished him asylum after the 
murder. The Ammonites were among those 
who opposed the rebuilding of the walls of 
Jerusalem by Nehemiah* (Ne 4:1). Judas 




the Maccabee conducted a campaign against 
the Ammonites (1 Mc 5:6 ff). Oracles 
against Amnion are found in Je 9:25; 49: 
1-6; Ezk 21:33-37; 25: 1-7; Am 1:13-15; 
Zp 2:8-11. The Assyrian records of Shal- 
maneser* III mention Ba'sa, son of Ruhubi, 
the Ammonite, among the allies at the battle 
of Karkar in 853 bc. Several Ammonite 
kings are listed as tributary by the Assyrians: 
Sanibu of Beth-Ammon by Tiglath-pileser* III 
(745-727 bc), Pudu-ilu of Beth-Ammon by 
Sennacherib* (705-681 bc) and Esarhaddon* 
(681-669 bc), Ammi-nadbi of Beth-Ammon 
by Ashur-bani-pal (668-626 bc). The name 
of Amnion is preserved in the modern city 
of Amman, capital of the kingdom of Jor- 
dan, on the site of the ancient Rabbah. 

Amnon (Hb 'amnon, "faithful"? perhaps ab- 
breviated), eldest son of David* and 
Ahinoam* (2 S 3:2). Amnon fell in love 
with his half-sister Tamar*, daughter of 
David and Maacah* and sister of Absalom. 
On the advice of Jonadab* his friend he 
feigned illness and asked Tamar to attend 
him, and raped her when she came to his 
room. Absalom waited two years for re- 
venge; then he invited all the king's sons 
to celebrate the sheepshearing and ordered 
his retainers to murder Amnon at the banquet 
(2 S 13:1 ff). 

Amon (Hb 'amon, "faithful"? perhaps an ab- 
breviation). 1. Son and successor of Manas- 
seh* and king of Judah (642-640 bc). 
He maintained the religious perversions of 
his father and was assassinated, perhaps by 
a conservative group; but the conspirators 
themselves were killed by the "people of the 
land" and his son Josiah*, then an infant, 
was installed as king (2 K 21 : 18 ff). The 
name is borne by two others in the OT. 
2. An Egyptian god, mentioned only in 
Je 46:25. The name may mean "the hidden 
one." Amon first appears in Thebes* in the 
11th dynasty; in the opinion of some scholars 
he is not native to Thebes, although he be- 
came the local god of the city. His original 
character is obscure; some resemblance to 
Min can be seen in his crown and in occa- 
sional ithyphallic images, which suggest that 
he was a god of fertility. With the rise of 
the 18th dynasty and the Egyptian empire 
(cf egypt) Amon became the chief god 
of the Egyptian pantheon. He was identified 
with Re the sun god and invoked under 
the title Amon-Re, taking on solar attributes. 
Amon, his consort Mut, and their son Khonsu 
formed one of the divine triads of Egyptian 
religion. With the 1 9th dynasty Amon yielded 
ground to other gods, but never lost his 
preeminence. The remains of his magnificent 
temple at Karnak may still be seen. 

Amorites (Hb ' e mori, etymology uncertain), 
one of the pre-Israelite tribes in Canaan*. 
In the Table* of Nations (Gn 10:16) 
the Amorites are classed with the other 
Canaanite tribes as sons of Canaan and de- 
scendants of Ham; this classification is 
geographical, not ethnological. They appear 
near the Dead Sea at Hazazontamar* (Gn 
14:7); and Mamre*, an ally of Abraham*, 
is an Amorite (Gn 14:13). Shechem* is 
called an Amorite city in Gn 48:22. They 
have a kingdom in eastern Palestine under 
Sihon* which was conquered by the Israelites 
(Nm 21:21 ff). In western Palestine, accord- 
ing to Israelite tradition, they dwelt in the 
mountains while the Canaanites* dwelt on 
the seashore and in the Jordan valley (Nm 
13:29), but the picture given by tradition is 
not consistent. The kings of western Palestine 
who governed in Joshua's time were Amor- 
ites (Jos 5:1), in particular the five kings 
who were defeated at Gibeon (Jos 10:5ff). 
The Amorites kept the tribe of Dan* from 
the seashore and retained their cities in the 
Shephelah* (Jgs 1:34-35). In these tradi- 
tions the Amorites are well distributed over 
the entire area of Canaan. The relationship 
of the Amorites to the Canaanites is, con- 
sequently, somewhat obscure. 

Amurru appears in Mesopotamian records 
both as a geographic name and as a gentilic. 
Geographically the name signifies the terri- 
tory NW of Babylonia; and this is the 
region from which the Amorites invaded 
Babylonia. Amurru is first mentioned by 
Sargon of Akkad* in the 3rd millennium 
BC, and one of his successors, Sarkalisarri, 
reports a victory over Amurru. Beginning 
with the 21st century BC there is evidence 
of a large Amorite invasion of Babylonia. 
Mari* on the Euphrates became a capital 
city and the Amorites established under 
Sumuabum (about 1830 bc) the first dy- 
nasty of Babylon, which under Hammurabi* 
became an empire (c 1728-1686 bc). Be- 
sides, there were numerous unsettled nomadic 
groups of Amorite and Aramaean nomads 
moving through Mesopotamia and Syria. The 
archaeology of Palestine shows a progressive 
depopulation from the 22nd to the 20th 
century BC, after which reoccupation begins. 
This fits so well the Amorite invasion of 
Mesopotamia that there can hardly be no 
connection; and it is from this period that 
we should date the Amorite settlements in 
Palestine mentioned above. The Amorite 
states in Mesopotamia were swallowed up in 
a barbarian invasion after 1780 bc, but the 
Palestinian settlements escaped this invasion. 
It is in this period of invasion and migration 
that Abraham* falls. Haran* and Nahor*, 
cities associated with Abraham, were both 
Amorite in the period when Abraham is 




best dated. Hebrew connection with the 
Amorites is also seen in a number of Amorite 
type personal names which are found in 
Hebrew. Hebrew ancestry, which is mixed 
in any case, must derive in part from the 
Amorites; but this is reflected in the OT only 
in Ezk 16:3, 45, where it is said to Jeru- 
salem, "Your father was an Amorite." In 
the Amarna* letters Amurru means Syria N 
of the modern Beirut; but some cities N 
of this line are sometimes said to lie in 

Amos (Hb 'amos, meaning unknown). 1. A 
prophet whose discourses are preserved in 
the book of Amos. These were delivered in 
Israel* during the reign of Jeroboam* II 
(786-746 bc), probably between 760-750 
bc. This was a period of peace and pros- 
perity, reflected in the book. Nothing is 
known of his personal life except from the 
book. He is called a shepherd of Tekoa* 
in Judah (1:1), a shepherd and a dresser 
(?) of figs (7: 14). He was not a professional 
prophet (7:14) but spoke in obedience to 
a divine vocation. Some, perhaps all, of his 
discourses were delivered at the shrine of 
Bethel*, from which he was expelled by 
the priest Amaziah* (7:10ff). 

2. The Book of Amos stands third among 
the 12 prophets in Hb and Lt Bibles, second 
in Gk. The book is the oldest of the prophetic 
books. It begins with a title (1:1) and an 
exordium cited from Je 25:30 and Jl 4:16. 
There are three major divisions: (1) Judg- 
ment against the nations (1:3-2:16); (2) 
The Discourses (3:1-6:13); (3) The Visions 
(7:l-9:8a). The conclusion (9:8b-15) is 

I. Judgment against the nations; Amos 
utters oracles against Damascus* (1:3-5), 
Gaza* (1:6-7), Tyre* (1:9-10), Edom* 
(1:11-12). Ammon* (1:13-15), Moab* 
(2:1-3), and Judah* (2:4-5). These are 
all composed in similar style and structure 
and serve as an introduction to the judgment 
against Israel (2:6-16); if these nations 
are to be punished for their crimes, then 
Israel must also expect judgment, since its 
crimes are more serious and its responsibility 
is greater. 

II. The Discourses. The introductory for- 
mula "Hear this word" occurs in 3:1; 4:1; 
5:1; but it does not indicate three discourses 
so much as three collections of fragments or 
short utterances. We may distinguish: the 
election of Israel (3:1-2), the inevitability 
of disaster (3:3-6), the prophetic vocation 
(3:7-8), the sins of Samaria (3:9-11), 
the remnant of Israel (3:12), the fall of 
Bethel* and the palaces (3:13-15), the 
sacrifice (4:4-5), punishment — drought 
women of Samaria (4:1-2), the vanity of 

blight, pestilence, earthquake — and obstinacy 
in malice, followed by final judgment (4: 
6-12), doxology (4:13), dirge for Israel 
(5:1-2), gloss (5:3), invitation to seek 
Yahweh (5:4-7), doxology (5:8-9), injus- 
tice (5:10-13), repeated invitation (5: 
14-15), a cry of woe (5:16), the day of 
Yahweh (5:18-20), repudiation of super- 
stitious worship (5:21-27), fall of Samaria 
(6:1-8), death by pestilence (6:9-10), de- 
struction in war (6:11-14). 

III. The Visions: the locusts (7:1-3), the 
fire (drought?) (7:4-6), the plumb-line of 
destruction (7:7-9). The visions are inter- 
rupted by the episode which relates the ex- 
pulsion of Amos from Bethel by Amaziah 
(7:10-17). The visions are continued with 
the basket (a pun on kayis, "basket," kes, 
"end"), expanded by a discourse against ava- 
rice and injustice (8:4-8) and a threat of de- 
struction and privation of the prophetic word 
(8:9-14). The last vision is that of Yahweh 
standing upon the altar, followed by a 
threat of total destruction from which no 
one can flee (9:1—4) and a doxology (9: 
5-6). A final statement leaves Israel to be 
treated like any other nation (9:7-8a). The 
conclusion predicts a restoration of Israel 
from exile and the rebuilding of the fallen 
hut of David, to be followed by the marvel- 
ous prosperity of the messianic age. 

The doxologies (4:13; 5:8; 9:5-6) are 
probably liturgical additions not written by 
Amos. His authorship of the conclusion 
(9:8b-15) is also questioned by many critics. 
These lines seem to presuppose the exile of 
Israel and the fall of the dynasty of David 
as something which has already happened. 
These messianic commonplaces may have 
been added by a compiler to soften the severe 
impact of 9:8a, with which the original book 
closed. The originality of the oracle against 
Judah is also questioned, since it lacks the 
vigorous concrete character of the rest of 
the words of Amos. It may have been added 
by a compiler who felt that Judah should 
not be spared from threats delivered to the 
other peoples of Palestine and Syria. 

If the conclusion is detached from the 
work of Amos, it must be admitted that 
the tone of his book is almost entirely 
threatening, and that the hope of a messianic* 
future did not fall within his prophetic vision 
— or, at least, was not included in his 
prophetic message. In his historical situation 
there is no need to explain this omission; 
he was a prophet of judgment and the mes- 
sage of forgiveness and hope was left for 
others — his younger contemporary Hosea* 
was one of these. The dominant note in 
Amos is his conviction of the moral will 
of Yahweh imposing itself upon man through 
the operations of nature and the course of 




history. God, who is supremely good, cannot 
permit Himself to be overcome by evil. From 
this arises the insight, distinctive in Amos 
but adopted by later prophets, that Israel, 
the chosen people, cannot be excluded from 
the moral will of God. In this message, 
which is only a part of the prophetic doc- 
trine, there is little room for emphasis upon 
the saving attributes of Yahweh. The place 
which he gives to the moral will of Yahweh 
in religion leads him to treat the Israelite 
cult not only as less important but as with- 
out value. This attitude must be understood 
in the light of the fact that the Israelites 
attached a superstitious value to the cult 
as a mechanical and certain means of main- 
taining good relations with Yahweh. The 
relationship between God and His people 
was a union of will, not of nature, which 
could be ruptured by malice on the side 
of Israel. 

Amphipolis (Gk amphipolis, "double city," 
so called because two arms of the river 
Strymon flowed around it.) The city lay near 
the sea in NE Macedonia on the Gulf of 
Strimon, E of Thessalonica*. It was a free 
city, a Roman military post on the Via 
Egnatia, the principal route from Italy to 
Asia. Paul passed through Amphipolis trav- 
eling from Philippi to Thessalonica (AA 

Ampliatus (Lt ampliatus, found several 
times in Latin inscriptions as the name of 
a slave), a Christian at Rome greeted by 
Paul as "beloved in the Lord" (Rm 16:8), 

Amram (Hb 'amram, "the kinsman [i.e., god] 
is exalted"?), son of Kohath* and father of 
Moses* and Aaron* (Ex 6:18, 20), men- 
tioned only in genealogies*. 

Amraphel (Hb 'amrapei, meaning and ety- 
mology unknown), one of the four kings 
who invaded Canaan and were defeated by 
Abraham* (Gn 14:1, 9). Amraphel was 
king of Shinar*, elsewhere a name of Baby- 
lonia*. The identification of this king with 
Hammurabi* of Babylon* has been given 
up, and no king is known in the first half 
of the 2nd millennium BC with whom Am- 
raphel can be identified. The maneuver de- 
scribed in Gn 14 was classic; it was a raid, 
probably on a small scale, conducted by the 
Mesopotamian overlords to impress their un- 
ruly vassals. It is doubtful that the king or 
kings would be personally active in such a 
raid. It may be suspected that the names 
of the kings involved were not correctly 
preserved in oral tradition, and that Am- 
raphel of Shinar is actually a garbled form 
of Hammurabi; cf separate articles on other 

Amulet. A small religious symbol worn on 
the person as a protection against evil spirits. 
There is no Hb word which directly signifies 
amulet and there is no polemic in the OT 
against them. Most of the amulets found in 
Palestine are of Egyptian origin and belong 
to pre-Israelite levels of occupation; but a 
few have been discovered which are of Israel- 
ite manufacture. Most of them are found 
in graves. The most popular Egyptian type 
was the scarab; an oval stone shaped like 
a beetle (Gk skarabaios), originally a seal. 
The flat undersurface was engraved with 
divine images or scenes from mythology. 
In addition there were small divine images 
of gods or of divine emblems ( such as the 
eye of Horus or the ded pillar). The amulet 
was usually attached to the person by a cord. 

Collection of Egyptian jewelry including amulets. 




Anakim (Hb '"ndklm, b e ne m nak, "sons of 
Anak"), one of the pre-Israelite tribes of 
Canaan*. They were located in the vicinity 
of Hebron* (Nm 13:22); the names of the 
three chieftains (ibid) Ahiman, Sheshai, and 
Talmai are Aramaic. Some forms of Hb 
tradition described them as giants (Nm 13: 
28, 33; Dt 2:10, 21; 9:2). Joshua* is 
credited with conquering them in Hebron*, 
Debir*, and Anab; the survivors settled in 
Philistine* territory: Gaza*, Gath*, Ashdod* 
(Jos 11:21-22). Another tradition credits 
Caleb* with the conquest of Hebron and the 
three chieftains (Jos 15:13-14). Israelite 
heroes in the Philistine wars slew Anakim, 
all men of gigantic size (2 S 21:16-22). 
The name is possibly identical with ly-'anak, 
mentioned in the Egyptian execration texts 
of the 12th-13th dynasties (1900-1700 bc; 
ANET 328). 

Anammelech (Hb '"nammelek) with Adram- 
melech* one of the gods worshiped by the 
colonists from Sepharvaim* settled in Sa- 
maria* by Sargon*. Possibly the name repre- 
sents Akkadian* Anu-milki, "Anu is my king" 
(W. F. Albright). Anu, the god of the sky, 
was the senior member of the Mesopotamian 
pantheon, the king of the gods; in historical 
times he had generally yielded his primacy 
to others (Bel of Nippur, Ashur of As- 
syria, Marduk of Babylon). This was 
explained as a voluntary transfer of his "Anu- 
ship" (Akkad anutu) to the younger god. 

Ananias (ananias, Gk form of Hb Hana- 
niah*) . 1. A Jewish Christian of Jerusalem. 
When the Christians pooled their goods 
Ananias and his wife Sapphira* withheld 
some of their own. When charged by Peter* 
with falsehood, Ananias suddenly died, and 
the same fate came to his wife a few hours 
later under the same conditions (AA 5: 1 ff). 
It seems that the traditions of the Jerusalem 
community invested the deaths of these two 
with an element of wonder and a reference 
to their mendacity. 

2. A Jewish Christian of Damascus to 
whom Paul* was directed during the illness 
which followed his experience on the road 
to Damascus. Ananias' prayer and imposi- 
tion of hands restored sight to Paul (AA 
9:10ff; 22:12). 

3. The high priest at the time of Paul's 
arrest in Jerusalem. At the first hearing be- 
fore the council Ananias ordered Paul to be 
struck on the mouth, for which Paul cursed 
him (AA 23:1 ff). Ananias was a member 
of the party which attended the hearing in 
Caesarea before the governor Felix* (AA 

Anath. A goddess of Canaan, consort of 

Aleyan Baal*. W. F. Albright explains the 
name as meaning "indication of purpose, 
active will" i.e., the personified will of Baal. 
Anath was one of a type of goddess which 
was diffused throughout the ancient Near 
East. She was a deification of the female 
principle; her primary function was sex, and 
she combined the two most desirable fea- 
tures of her sex, virginity and maternity. 
Anath is commonly represented as nude 
with emphasis upon her sexual characteristics. 
In the mythology of Ugarit* her function is 
to raise her consort Aleyan Baal from the 
dead and to fight his adversary Mot; after 
his resurrection, the cycle of fertility is re- 
newed by the union of Baal and Anath. She 
is also a goddess of war, represented in one 
myth as wading in blood up to her neck; 
she is sometimes represented in a military 
posture. The worship of Anath spread into 
Egypt under the title Qudshu, "the holy 
one," where she is represented with some 
features of Egyptian goddesses. The only 
visible trace of Anath in the OT is the name 
of Anath, father of the judge Shamgar* 
(Jgs 3:31; 5:6, possibly abbreviated) and in 
the place named Beth-anath, a Canaanite 
city (Jos 19:38), possibly also Anathoth*. 

Anathoth (Hb ' a ndtot, connected with the 
name of the goddess Anath*), Levitical town 
of Benjamin (Jos 21:18; 1 Ch 6:45). Is 
10:30 places it near Jerusalem to the N. 
It was the home of Abiathar*, the priest 
deposed by Solomon* (1 K 2:26) and of 
the priestly family of which Jeremiah* was a 
member (Je 1:1; 29:27). The property which 
Jeremiah had to buy from his cousin Hana- 
mel* lay at Anathoth (Je 32:7-9). The men 
of Anathoth were hostile to their own prophet 
(Je 11:21-23). The town was also the home 
of two of David's heroes, Abiezer ( 1 Ch 
11:28; 27:12) and Jehu (1 Ch 12:3). The 
party which returned from exile in Babylon 
included 128 men of Anathoth (Ezr 2:23; 
Ne 7:27). The town was resettled after the 
exile (Ne 11:32). Anathoth appears as a 
clan name (1 Ch 7:8) and as a personal 
name (Ne 10:20); the text can hardly be 
correct in these two instances. The site is 
the modern Anata, which lies about 5 
or 6 mi N of Jerusalem. 

Andrew (Gk andreas, "manly") brother of 
Simon Peter* and one of the 12 apostles*. 
Andrew came from Bethsaida* in Galilee* 
(Jn 1:44) and was a disciple of John* the 
Baptist before his call (Jn l:40ff). There 
are two traditions about his call: in Mk 1: 
16 ff he was called with Peter while they 
were fishing in the Sea of Galilee; in Jn 
l:40ff he was called with John while they 
were in the company of John the Baptist, 




who pointed out Jesus as the lamb of 
God. Outside of the lists of the apostles An- 
drew appears only in Jn 6:8, where he calls 
attention to the boy who had the loaves and 
fish which were distributed, and in Jn 12:22, 
where he acts as mediator between Jesus 
and the Greeks who asked Philip* for an 
interview with Jesus. According to some 
traditions preserved by Eusebius and the 
Acts of Andrew (cf apocrypha) Andrew 
preached in Bithynia*, Scythia*, Macedonia*, 
and Achaia*, where he was crucified at 
Patras; the historical validity of these tradi- 
tions is not confirmed. 

Andronicus (Gk andronikos, "victorious over 
men"). 1. Appointed viceroy at Antioch* by 
Antiochus* IV Epiphanes, bribed by Mene- 
laus*, Andronicus had the high priest Onias* 
arrested and murdered. He was punished by 
public disgrace and execution (2 Mc 4:30 ff). 
2. A Christian at Rome, greeted with Junias 
by Paul as fellow-Jews, companions in 
prison, distinguished apostles* who were 
Christians before him (Rm 16:7). 

Angel (From Lt angelus, a transcription of 
Gk angelos, used in LXX to translate Hb 
mal'ak, "messenger"), in modern Christian 
belief, a heavenly spirit. 

1. OT. I. The Angel of Yahweh. The 
most primitive form of OT belief in angels 
seems to be the "messenger of Yahweh." The 
messenger appears to Hagar* in the desert 
(Gn 16:7 ff; 21 :17 ft), he prevents Abraham* 
from sacrificing Isaac* (Gn 22:11 ff), and 
protects Abraham's slave on his journey to 
secure a wife for Isaac (Gn 24:7, 40). He 
speaks to Jacob in a dream (Gn 31:11), 
protects him from all harm (Gn 48:16) 
and wrestles with him at Penuel* (Gn 32: 
24 ff). He appears to Moses* at the burning 
bush (Ex 3:2), and leads Israel through 
the Red Sea* and the desert (Ex 14:19; 
23:20; 33:2; Nm 20:16). He halts Balaam* 
on his way to Balak* (Nm 22:22 ff). He 
is probably the man who appeared to Joshua* 
near Jericho* (Jos 5:13 ff) , "the captain of 
Yahweh's host." He speaks to the Israelites 
at Bochim (Jgs 2:1 ff). He calls upon them 
to curse Meroz (Jgs 5:23). He appears to 
Gideon* (Jgs 6:11 ff) and to the mother of 
Samson* (Jgs 13:3 ff). He appears as the 
destroying angel of pestilence to David at 
the threshing-floor of Araunah (2 S 24: 16 ff; 
I Ch 21:15ff). He appears to a prophet 
of Bethel* (I K 13:18), and to Elijah* 
on his journey to Horeb* (1 K 19:7) and 
before his meeting with the messengers of 
Ahaziah* (2 K 1: 15). He slew the Assyrians 
before Jerusalem (2 K 19:35; 2 Ch 32:21; 
Is 37:36). He does not appear elsewhere 
in Samuel and Kings, but is used in conver- 

sation as an example of fidelity (I S 29:9), 
wisdom (2 S 14:20), power (2 S 19:28). 
Messengers occur in the plural only in Gn 
19: Iff (the two who rescued Lot* from 
Sodom*), in Gn 28:12 (ascending and de- 
scending the ladder seen by Jacob in a 
dream), and in Gn 32:2 (who met Jacob 
at Mahanaim*). 

From these passages it is clear that the 
messenger of Yahweh (in some passages 
''lohlm, cf god) belongs to the earliest 
parts of Hebrew tradition. That the mes- 
senger occurs less and less frequently as 
the story advances is explained by the fact 
that the earlier traditions are folklore which 
often heighten the wonderful and appeal to 
the divine to explain phenomena (cf his- 
tory). It is also clear that the messenger 
of Yahweh is not clearly distinguished from 
Yahweh Himself; cf Gn 16: 13; 21 : 18; 31 : 13; 
Ex 3:2 ff; Jgs 6:14; 13:22. Thus it appears 
that the messenger is an emissary sent by 
Yahweh to speak in His name or to work 
wonders in His name, either of which Yahweh 
accomplishes elsewhere without any inter- 
mediary. In some of the passages cited it 
may be suspected that the messenger of 
Yahweh is a theological addition to the nar- 
rative, intended to preserve the divine trans- 
cendence from too intimate a contact with 
creatures; other forms of the tradition do 
not show this scruple. We may conclude that 
the idea of the messenger in early belief 
wavers between a hypostatization of the di- 
vine attributes or operations and a distinct 
personal heavenly being. Even in Is 63:9 
it was neither a messenger nor an angel, 
but His presence that delivered Israel. This 
being is not a god. Neither is he a spiritual 
being; the Hebrews did not have an idea 
of spiritual reality and distinguished heavenly 
beings from men only in that they were 
different. The messenger is not described, 
but there is nothing to suggest that he was 
conceived in any form other than human. 

II. The Heavenly Court. Yahweh is ac- 
companied by a heavenly retinue. This idea 
appears in the earlier books only in Jos 
5:14 (the captain of the host of Yahweh) 
and in 1 K 22:19 (Micaiah* sees Yahweh 
surrounded by the host of heaven). This 
retinue is called "the holy* ones" (Ps 89:6; 
Jb 5:1; Dn 8:13), and "sons of '''lohlm" or 
"sons of 'etim" cf god (Pss 29:1: 89:7; Jb 
1 :6; 2: 1 ; 38:7). This retinue is less frequently 
called messengers; but the messengers have 
a charge to guard man (Ps 91:11), as the 
messenger of Yahweh led Israel through the 
desert. They are called to praise Yahweh 
(Pss 103:20; 148:2) as the choirs of Israel 
praise Him in the temple. The idea of a 
heavenly retinue is derived easily from the 
conception of Yahweh as king and lord, 




and it is not necessary to appeal to the 
religions of Mesopotamia or Persia to 
explain its growth in Israel, although some 
of the imaginative features of their repre- 
sentation may come from these sources. 

The messenger of Yahweh continues to ap- 
pear in the later books. He encamps around 
those who fear Yahweh like the messenger 
of the exodus (Ps 34:8) and pursues the 
wicked (Ps 35:5-6). Raphael*, one of the 
seven holy angels who offer up the prayers 
of God's people, assists Tobit and his son 
in their needs (Tb 12:15). But he appears 
principally as a mediator between Yahweh 
and the prophets. The visions in Zc 1 :7-6: 15 
are each explained by the angel who accom- 
panies the prophet. The same conception is 
seen in Dn 8:16ff; 9:21 ff; here the angel 
receives a name, Gabriel*. In Dn 10:13, 21 
appears the "prince" Michael*, the angel of 
the people of Israel, who strives with the 
"princes" of Greece and Persia on behalf of 
Israel. The same function of interpretation is 
fulfilled by the "man" of Ezk 40:3 ff, and 
Elihu* (Jb 33:23) asserts that God will send 
an "angel interpreter" to intercede for the 
man who is chastised by suffering. There is 
an evident contrast between this representa- 
tion and the "word of Yahweh" which comes 
immediately to the prophets in the older 
prophetic books; the revelation of Yahweh 
as well as His operations are conducted 
through a heavenly being in order that the 
divine transcendence may more clearly ap- 
pear. On related conceptions of the heavenly 
retinue cf cherubim; host of heaven; 


2. A/T. Gospels. I. The prominence of 
angels in the infancy* Gospels is evident. 
They warn Joseph of the coming birth of the 
child (Mt 1:20) and of the flight to Egypt 
(Mt 2:13) and the return (Mt 2:19). Here 
the angel does not differ from the "messen- 
ger of Yahweh" in the OT. Gabriel* is the 
angel of the annunciation; he -speaks to 
Zechariah* of the birth of John* the Baptist 
(Lk 1:11 ff) and to Mary* of the birth of 
Jesus (Lk 1:26 ff). Both the name and the 
function of Gabriel are derived from Daniel 
(cf above). The angel of the Lord announces 
the birth of Jesus to the shepherds and is 
accompanied by a throng of the host of 
heaven (cf above) singing a hymn of praise 
(Lk 2:9 ff); here again we are in OT con- 
ceptions. Angels minister to Jesus after His 
temptation (Mt 4:11; Mk 1:13), and an 
angel strengthens Him during His agony (Lk 
22:43); this line, however, is missing in sev- 
eral of the most important MSS. They are 
present at the resurrection* of Jesus, al- 
though they were seen, it seems, by only a 
few (Mt 28:2; Lk 24:23; Jn 20:12); here 
again they are "messengers." They appear as 

the heavenly court, attending the Lord (Lk 
12:8 f; 15:10), to whom God may be ex- 
pected to manifest His designs (Mt 24:36). 
They are probably to be understood as guar- 
dians of little ones in Mt 18:10, and Jesus 
could summon them to rescue Him from His 
captors (Mt 26:43). They carry Lazarus* to 
Abraham's bosom (Lk 16:22). The angel of 
the pool of Bethesda* is not found in almost 
all of the principal MSS and is not a part of 
the original Gospel (Jn 5:4). The angels are 
ministers of God's judgment in the Parousia*; 
they gather the sinners for judgment (Mt 
13:41, 49), they accompany the Son of 
Man* at His coming (Mt 16:27; Mk 8:38; 
Lk 9:26), they gather the elect (Mt 24:31; 
Mk 13:27). 

This summary shows that the conception 
of the angels in the Gospels does not advance 
beyond the OT conception, and in some ways 
is less imaginative. The angel is still pri- 
marily a messenger or a member of the 
heavenly retinue, and there is not always a 
sharp distinction between the angel as a per- 
sonal being and as a personification of the 
divine word or the divine action. 

II. The Apostolic Writings. The "messen- 
ger of Yahweh" continues to appear in the 
other books of the NT. An angel releases 
Peter and John from prison (AA 5:19) 
and Peter alone (AA 12:7 ff). He tells Cor- 
nelius* to look for Peter (AA 10:3 ff) and 
tells Philip* to take the road to Gaza* where 
he will meet the eunuch of the queen of 
Ethiopia (AA 8:26). An angel appears to 
Paul in a dream during his voyage to 
Rome and assures him that all on the ship 
will be saved (AA 27:23). An angel strikes 
Herod* Agrippa with a fatal disease (AA 
12:23). Angels are less prominent in the 
Epistles. They witness the sufferings of 
Christians (J Co 4:9) and are present in- 
visibly at the liturgical services (1 Co 11:10). 
Reverence for them demands that women 
cover their hair, which is their glory, so that 
the glory of God may appear. Satan also 
has angels (2 Co 12:7) and can mask him- 
self as an angel of light (2 Co 11:14). 
Should an angel preach another gospel he 
should not be believed (Gal 1:8). The Law 
was delivered through the ministry of angels, 
in contrast to the New Law which was mani- 
fested by Christ (Gal 3:19). Worship of 
angels, probably due to Jewish influence, is 
repudiated (Col 2:18). The angels are still 
conceived as the heavenly court ( 1 Tm 5:21) 
and will appear at the Parousia (2 Th 1:7). 
Christ is greater than the angels, God's 
messengers in the OT (Hb 1:4 ff), who de- 
livered the "word" i.e., the Law (Heb 2:2). 
The concept of angels who revolted and fell 
appears in the NT only in 2 Pt 2:4; Jd 6; 
elsewhere the existence of malicious spirits 




is taken for granted but not explained; cf 
demon. Jd 6 is interpreted by Dubarle of 
the "messengers" (Gk angeloi) of Nm 13. 
The allusions in 2 Pt and Jd reflect the form 
which this belief took in Jewish apocalyptic 
literature*. Angels are very prominent in 
Ape, but no difference appears in their repre- 
sentation. They are the messengers of God, 
the ministers of His judgments, and His 
heavenly court. The "angels" of the seven 
churches (Ape 2:1 ff) are probably the 
bishops of these churches. The word arch- 
angel occurs in the entire Bible only in 1 
Th 4:16; Jd 9 (Michael). The "virtues, 
powers, thrones, dominations, principalities" 
of Eph 1:21; Col 1:16, associated since 
Gregory the Great with the "nine choirs," 
have no reference to angels; they signify hu- 
man or demonic power. 

The belief in heavenly beings thus runs 
through the entire Bible and exhibits con- 
sistency. That their nature is spiritual is 
never clearly asserted; but the idea of spiritual 
reality was not possessed in its clarity. In 
some instances — e.g., Ape — the influence 
of apocalyptic literature can be traced and 
mythological allusions appear in their de- 
scription; but the biblical conception of these 
heavenly beings is in general remarkably 
restrained compared to Jewish literature. In 
the NT as in the OT the angel is sometimes 
no more than another word for a divine com- 
munication or a divine operation personified. 

Anger. The emotion of anger is often at- 
tributed to God in both OT and NT. In 
the OT the anger of God is mentioned more 
frequently than human anger. The attribution 
of anger to God is an anthropopathism 
which to many seems difficult; it is, however, 
an essentia] part of the biblical conception 
of God as endowed with a vigorous per- 
sonality. He is a "living God," active, with 
a mora) will to whose execution He is not 
indifferent; furthermore, His anger is only 
one feature of His personality as described 
in the Bible and must be understood in the 
context of its motivation and of other per- 
sonal traits which are attributed to Him. 

1 . OT. The most frequently mentioned ob- 
ject of the anger of Yahweh is the people 
of Israel. In the Pentateuch* the stories of 
the exodus and wandering are a series of 
crises in which Israel excites the anger of 
Yahweh because of its unbelief, lack of con- 
fidence in Him, and rebellion against the 
leadership of Moses (Ex 32: Nm 11:1; 
12:9: 13:25-14:35; 18:5; 32:10-14; Dt 
1:34; 9:8, 19). The other historical books 
contain the same theme (Jgs 2:14; 3:8; 
10:7). Under the monarchy Israel provokes 
Yahweh to anger by its worship of false 
gods (I K 14:15; 2 K 22:17), an anger 

which ultimately issued in the destruction of 
the northern kingdom (2 K 17:17). The 
worship of false gods is conceived as a per- 
sonal rejection of Yahweh, a personal insult 
to which there is a personal response: anger. 

The prophets also emphasize the theme 
of the anger of Yahweh. The motive of His 
anger most frequently mentioned is the wor- 
ship of false gods (Je 4:4, 8, 26; 7:20; 17:4; 
32:31; 36:7: Ezk 6:12; 8:18; 14:19; 16:38; 
20:8; Ho 5:10; 8:5; 13:11); Yahweh's anger 
is also provoked by human pride (Is 9:11), 
by practical unbelief (Is 9:16), by inhuman- 
ity (Is 9:18, 20), by failure to observe His 
laws (Ezk 5:13) and by all crimes (Ezk 
7:3, 8). 

The anger of Yahweh is also provoked by 
foreign nations, not so much for their wor- 
ship of their own gods, for presumably they 
could not know better, but for their pride 
and arrogance (Is 13:5 ff; 30:27; 59:18; 
63:3, 6). These appear particularly when 
they attack Israel, the people of Yahweh, 
for this is an implicit denial of belief that 
Yahweh can defend His people (Is 10:5-15; 
Ezk 25:15-17). Yahweh punishes men and 
nations for particularly obnoxious crimes and 
widely diffused vices; His anger is the motive 
of such disasters as the deluge*, the destruc- 
tion of Sodom* and Gomorrah, the con- 
fusion of languages at the tower of Babel*. 

In these and similar passages the anger of 
God is ethically motivated, an outpouring of 
His moral will and His justice. In other pas- 
sages His anger appears unmotivated, and 
some writers speak of an "irrational" element 
in His anger. The term is admissible as long 
as we use it within the context of Hb 
thought; for while the Hebrews conceived 
Yahweh in human terms, they were aware 
that He is not human but divine, that His 
ways are not the ways of man, and that His 
actions sometimes cannot be explained in 
human conceptions. His anger may break out 
for causes imperceptible to man. Here His 
anger is an outpouring of His holiness* 
rather than of His justice. Furthermore, the 
Israelites shared the common ancient concep- 
tion that misfortune and disaster of any kind 
which came without human responsibility 
was an effect of the divine anger; this anger 
was usually ethically motivated and could 
be presumed to be so motivated even when 
men did not see the cause. Yahweh attacked 
Jacob at Penuel (Gn 32:23 ff) and Moses 
on his way from Sinai to Egypt (Ex 
4:24 ff);' Approaching too closely to the 
divinity, in particular the sight of His face, 
would result in death (Ex 19:9-25; 20:18- 
21; 33:20; Nm 1:52: Jgs 13:22; Is 6:5). A 
lack of reverence for the holy likewise 
aroused Yahweh's lethal anger (1 S 6:19; 
2 S 6:7). The pride which moved David 




to make a census and thus incur anger 
(2 S 24:1 ff) is an excellent example of the 
unsophisticated thinking of Israelite tradi- 
tion. The plague was an evident sign of 
Yahweh's anger. The census was a sign of 
pride which provoked anger. But Yahweh 
was not angry with David alone, or He would 
not have stricken all Israel; hence His anger 
against Israel was antecedent to any anger 
against David. The Chronicler (1 Ch 21:1) 
found this simple thinking too difficult and 
changed the exciting cause of the census from 
Yahweh to Satan*. The Psalmist can ask 
why he experiences Yahweh's anger (Ps 
88:15-17), and the apparently unmotivated 
anger of God is at the base of the discus- 
sions of Job* and his friends. 

The anger of Yahweh could fall upon 
individuals and families as well as on Israel. 
Israel was punished because Yahweh was 
angry with Achan (Jos 7: Iff). Moses in- 
curred the anger of Yahweh for hesitation 
(Ex 4:14; Dt 1:37), and Aaron incurred it 
for his part in the episode of the golden calf 
(Dt 9:20) and with Miriam* for question- 
ing the authority of Moses (Nm 12:9). 
Ahab* and Manasseh* provoked the anger 
of Yahweh by their patronage of foreign 
cults (1 K 16:33; 2 K 23:26). 

The anger of Yahweh manifests itself as 
a blazing consuming fire* (Is 65:5; 30:27; 
Je 17:4; Ezk 21:36) or as a raging storm 
(Ps 83:16; Is 30:30; Je 30:23; cf theoph- 
any). It is sometimes conceived as a liquid 
which can be poured out (Ps 69:25: Je 6:11; 
Ezk 7:8; 14:19; 20:8; Ho 5:10). It is a 
bitter poisonous liquid which makes men 
stagger (Is 51:17, 22; Je 25:15). The wea- 
pons of Yahweh's anger are the nations 
which He brings upon Israel or upon other 
nations whom He has decided to destroy (Is 
13:5; 10:5), or His own arm (Is 30:30; 
63:5; 9:11; Je 21:5), or war (metaphori- 
cally the sword, Ezk 21). A blow given in 
anger is given with greater strength and with 
a more deadly intent, and Israel asks Yahweh 
not to punish it in anger (Pss 6:2; 38:2). 
For the anger of Yahweh annihilates unless 
it is restrained (Nm 16:21 f; Dt 7:4; Is 
30:28; 34:2, 5; 63:1-3; Je 4:23-26; Ezk 
22:31). In the OT the greatest monument 
of Yahweh's anger is the exile by which 
He destroyed His own people of Israel as a 
nation. The effect of Yahweh's anger is death 
and destruction in some form (Nm 11:1, 
10, 33), leprosy (Nm 12:9 f). The day 
of Yahweh is a day of wrath (Pss 7:7; 
79:6-8; Zp 1:15, 18). 

The anger of Yahweh can be averted by 
petition (frequently in Pss and prophets) and 
by intercession such as the intercession of 
Moses for Israel (Ex 32:11 ff; 3 1 ff; Nm 
11:1 ff: 14:11 ff; Dt 9:19), of Amos for 

Israel (Am 7:2, 5) and of Jeremiah for 
Judah (Je 14:7 ff; 18:20). But the OT 
conceived that the anger could reach a point 
where intercession was no longer effective 
and could even be rejected (Je 14: 1 1 f; Ezk 
14:14). Yahweh's anger is also modified by 
His patience", He is slow to anger (Ex 
34:6; Nm 14:18; Ps 103:8; Jon 4:2; Na 
1:3). His anger as a work of His justice is 
never unjust nor excessive, and He restrains 
it from its fullness (Ho 11:9). The reality 
of Yahweh's anger in the OT is no more 
and no less than the reality of His love 
of Israel, of which it is the counterpart. For 
Yahweh is a jealous* God, and it is because 
of His election* and love of Israel that He 
is angered by their infidelity in a way in 
which He is not angered by the nations. 
Ultimately Yahweh swears that He will no 
longer be angry with Israel (Is 54:9 f). 

Human anger is a passion against which 
frequent warnings occur in the OT, especially 
in wisdom* literature. One should not incite 
others to anger (Pr 6:34; 15:1; 16:14) nor 
yield to anger oneself (Ps 37:7-9; Pr 19:19; 
27:4; 24:19; 14:29; 15:18; 16:32). 

2. NT. The common belief that the anger 
of God is an OT theme which gives way 
entirely to love in the NT is inaccurate, 
lesus Himself showed anger at the heartless- 
ness of the Pharisees (Mk 3:5), and on 
other occasions His words and actions seem 
to exhibit at least a trace of anger at the 
Pharisees (Mt 12:34; 23:33; 15:7) and at 
the unbelief of the crowd (Mt 17:17); and 
He puts angry words in His own mouth 
when He represents Himself as judge (Mt 
7:23; 24:51; Lk 12:46; 13:27). John the 
Baptist threatened the wrath to come (Mt 
3:7; Lk 3:7). The common misconception 
is supported to the extent that divine anger 
appears only once in the words of Jesus in 
the Gospels (Lk 21:23). But Jesus attrib- 
utes anger to the king or master in the 
parable, particularly for obstinate unbelief 
or for inhumanity (Mt 18:34; 22:7; Lk 
19:27). Neither should one miss the allu- 
sions to fire, which in the OT is an exhibi- 
tion of the anger of God and in the NT is 
an instrument of punishment (Mt 3:12; 
18:6 ff; 25:41; Mk 9:43-48; Lk 3:17). 
Anger is implied in the dreadful threats of 
Mt 10:28; Lk 12:5. 

The concept of the divine anger appears 
elsewhere in the NT in the Pauline writings 
and in Ape and once in Jn. The anger of 
God which falls upon all men by their 
nature (Eph 2:3) is broader in scope than 
anything else in the OT or NT, but it is a 
logical consequence of the belief in the uni- 
versal guilt of man (cf srN). The anger of 
God abides upon those who reject the son 
(Jn 3:36). It is revealed from heaven (not 




necessarily an eschatological sense here) 
against those who suppress the truth (Rm 
1:18). Paul is particularly emphatic in his 
statement that the Jews who have impeded 
the preaching of the gospel have been over- 
taken by God's anger (1 Th 2:16); the 
added phrase, "to the end," is obscure, and 
is diversely rendered by interpreters as "at 
last" or "forever." False teachers also pro- 
voke the anger of God (Eph 5:6). The 
statement that the law works anger (Rm 
4:15) is obscure; in the context it seems 
to mean that the law by imposing an obliga- 
tion creates an occasion for God's anger 
which would not exist if there were no law. 
The obstinate and impenitent man stores up 
a treasure of wrath (Rm 2:4 f). The difficult 
"vessels of wrath" of Rm 9:22 should not 
be taken in a sense of rigid predestination. 
They are objects of God's anger but they 
are also the means by which He demon- 
strates His patience. They are, like all men, 
"sons of wrath," but they do not utilize 
God's patience in order to escape the anger 
which He withholds from them. 

The anger of God in the NT is conceived 
as eschatological. The "treasure of anger" 
stored up by the impenitent man will be 
released against him in the day of wrath 
(Rm 2:4-5). God finally "brings anger" 
when He judges the world (Rm 3:5). The 
Christian should not revenge himself but 
should give place to the anger (of God) 
which will avenge all evil (Rm 12:19). The 
anger of God in Ape is eschatological, dis- 
played in a great final judgment (Ape 11:18; 
6:16). The anger is poured out from vials 
(Ape 16:1); it is a wine-press (Ape 14:19; 
19:15; cf Is 63:1 ff). It is an intoxicating 
drink (Ape 16:19; cf Je 25:15 ff). 

The anger of God in the NT also must 
be conceived in a wider context. For Paul 
it is a corollary of His justice (Rm 2:4-5), 
which is displayed in the day of wrath; with- 
out anger God could not judge the world 
(Rm 3:5). It is hardly necessary to add that 
the theme of love and mercy in the OT is 
the background of the theme of anger, and 
the relationship of the themes is best arid 
most simply stated in the affirmation that 
it is Jesus who saves us from the anger 
(Rm 5:9; 1 Th 1:10). For were there no 
anger, there would be no need of deliverance. 

The NT warns against human anger. The 
words of Jesus in Mt 5:22 are severe; He 
affirms the malice of the inner desire, for the 
roots of murder lie in anger. Admonitions 
against anger are found in Eph 4:26, 31; 
Col 3:8; anger does not produce the 
righteousness of God (Js l:19f). Control 
of anger is one of the qualities required in 
a bishop (1 Tm 2:8; Tt 1:7). 

Anna (hanna-, anna, Gk form of Hb Han- 
nah*). 1. Wife of Tobit*, who complains at 
his misfortunes (Tob 2:14; 5:17; 10:4). 
2. A prophetess who recognized the infant 
Jesus as the Messiah (Lk 2:36ff). 3. The 
name of the mother of Mary, the mother 
of Jesus, found in the aprocryphal* gospels. 

Annas (annas, shortened from ananos, Gk 
form of Hb Hananiah*) father-in-law of the 
high priest Caiaphas* and mentioned with 
him in Lk 3:2; AA 4:6. Jesus was brought 
to him before the session of the council 
which condemned Him (Jn 18:13 ff). He 
was appointed high priest in ad 6 by the 
Roman procurator Quirinius and deposed 
by Valerius Gratus in ad 15; the influence of 
Annas and his family is seen in the fact that 
five of his sons and Caiaphas his son-in-law 
held the office in subsequent years. The title 
given him in the NT refers to his former 
office. Most historians think Annas was the 
real leader of the priestly Sadducee party 
and the prime mover of the plot which 
brought Jesus to death. 

Annunciation. This name is given to the 
episode in Lk 1:26-38, in which Mary* 
learns from the angel* Gabriel* that she 
is to be the mother of the Messiah. The 
event took place at Nazareth* before Mary's 
marriage to Joseph. The words of the angel 
are almost entirely made up of OT quota- 
tions (Gn 16:11; Jgs 5:24; 6:12; 13:3; 2 S 
7:12; Is 9:6; Dn 7:14; Mi 4:7); Mary raises 
no objection except the fact that she is not 
married (1:34) and then learns that the 
child is the Son of God and will have no 
human father. The virginal conception is 
also related in Mt 2:18-23. Many inter- 
preters have attributed the story of the An- 
nunciation to Mary herself as a source; but 
it is more probable that it is a primitive 
Christian retelling of the revelation to Mary 
of her divine maternity, in which the pat- 
tern of the heavenly messenger as a medium 
of revelation is imposed upon the original 
account of the revelation to Mary. 

Anoint. The use of oil* as a refreshing 
unguent was extremely common in the 
ancient world. The origin and precise sym- 
bolism of anointing as a sacred rite cannot 
be traced in Israel. It is clear that the 
purpose of anointing a person or thing was 
to make it sacred. It was done to priests*, 
the tent of meeting, the ark*, the furniture 
of the tent- (Ex 31:25 ff+). Kings were 
anointed; it is mentioned explicitly of Saul* 
(1 S 10:1 ff), David* (1 S16:13; it seems 
to have been repeated twice at Hebron*, 
once for Judah 2 S 2:4 and once for all 
Israel 2 S 5:3), Solomon* (1 K 1:39), Jehu* 




(2 K 9:6 ff), Jehoash* (2 K 11:12), Je- 
hoahaz* (2 K 23:30). The anointing of Saul, 
David, and Jehu was done by a prophet, 
that of Solomon by a priest; probably either 
sacred person could perform the ceremony, 
and it is most likely that a prophetic oracle 
(of which Ps 2 may contain an example) was 
delivered. The anointing of Hazael* as king 
of Damascus* by Elijah* is commanded in 
1 K. 19:15, but its accomplishment is never 
related. The anointing of Elisha* by Elijah 
is commanded (1 K 19:16) but never exe- 
cuted, and anointing is not mentioned for 
any other prophet. Perhaps "anoint" is care- 
lessly used in 1 K. 19:16 to signify "appoint 
as successor." The unidentified speaker in Is 
61:1, however, who is described in prophetic 
terms, affirms that he is anointed to announce 
the good news to the poor. Here and in 
other passages (1 S 10: 10 fT; 16:13) anoint- 
ing brings the spirit* of Yahweh upon the 
person and impels him to some extraordi- 
nary deed; but even where it is not men- 
tioned, anointing made the person a 
charismatic officer whose mission could be 
executed under the impulsion of the spirit. 
Anointing as a sacred rite is not mentioned 
in the NT unless in the anointing of the 
sick in Js 5:14; the Gk word here used 
{aleipho), however, is never used either in 
the LXX or the NT of a sacred rite, for 
which the word chrio is used. On the title 
chrisws, Hb masiah, cf jesus Christ; 


Ant. The ant is mentioned in the Bible only 
in Pr 6:6-8; 30:25; in both passages it is an 
example of industry and foresight. 

Anthropomorphism. The representation of 
God in human traits. Anthropomorphism 
prevails throughout the OT. The OT speaks 
of God's eyes, ears, mouth, lips, arms, bowels 
(as seat of compassion), heart. In addition 
to the physical traits God is endowed with 
human emotions: kindness, love, anger, 
but not the ignoble emotions. God lives, 
speaks, hears, thinks, plans, desires, loves, 
hates, commands, moves from place to place, 
dwells. The NT continues the anthropomor- 
phisms of the OT. 

In comparison with the anthropomorphism 
of ancient religions, the OT is extremely re- 
strained. The gods of these religions were 
human in form and were so represented 
(cf image). Hebrew law prohibited any 
image of Yahweh, affirming that He was 
different from any creature and so could 
not be represented. This apparent paradox 
preserves the divine transcendence, while the 
use of anthropomorphisms is the primary 
factor in the Hebrew conception of God as 
a living person; He is never an impersonal 

or demonic force. He governs the world by 
an intelligent plan and His moral will im- 
poses itself upon the will of man. Thus 
Hebrew religion from beginning to end was 
a personal relation of God and man and 
demanded a personal response. 

It is also of importance to notice that 
through most of the OT the Hebrews had 
no idea of spiritual reality. God was indeed 
"spirit and not flesh," but this meant to them 
no more than a vast difference which they 
were incapable of defining. In later Judaism 
anthropomorphisms were avoided in favor 
of circumlocutions, and it is evident that this 
made the personal religion of Judaism less 
intense than that of the OT. 

Antichrist (Gk antichristos, "the adversary of 
Christ"), the word occurs in the NT only 
in 1 Jn 2:18, 22; 4:3; 2 Jn 7, where it is 
used as a term well known. The figure of a 
great adversary of God or of the Messiah 
whose war against God will reach its peak 
just before the great final judgment can be 
traced in Jewish apocalyptic* literature, 
which has derived many features of the 
figure from Gog* (Ezk 38) and from the 
beasts of Dn 7: 1 ff. The NT has drawn some 
allusions from this Jewish mythological con- 
ception of the last days. This figure does not 
appear in the eschatological discourses of 
the Gospels, although the false messiahs 
and false prophets there mentioned are some- 
what similar (Mt 24:5, 23 f; Mk 13:21 f). 
There is little doubt that the "man of sin" 
(2 Th 2:3-12) is the same figure; he raises 
himself up even above the divine and pro- 
claims himself a god. Now he is restrained 
by some power which Paul had identified 
in his discourses, but which we can no longer 
identify; when this restraining influence is 
removed, the man of sin will be revealed 
and destroyed in the final consummation. 
But his revelation will be accompanied by 
signs and powers and many will be deceived; 
this is the great apostasy which precedes 
the Parousia*. A similar figure appears in 
Ape 1 1 : 7 ff, the beast which comes out of 
the abyss, and in 13:1-10, the beast which 
comes from the sea, uttering blasphemies 
and conquering the earth. This beast is fol- 
lowed by another beast (13:11-18) which 
performs wonders and makes men worship 
the first beast; the number of the second 
beast is 666. The beasts are connected with 
the "Scarlet Woman" of 17: Iff, who is a 
thinly disguised personification of Rome 
(17:9 ff). The beast and its false prophet are 
flung into the fiery pit in 1 9:20 f. The pic- 
ture of the beasts is derived from Dn 7:1 ff . 
The figure of Antichrist has been inter- 
preted in many ways; but there are good 
reasons for doubting the long established 




opinion that he signifies a real historical- 
eschatological figure. In Ape the connection 
of the beast with Rome is too close for him 
to be anything else than the persecuting im- 
perial power; and no better explanation of the 
cipher 666 has been proposed than that 
which finds it the sum of the numerical 
value of the Hb letters of the name Caesar 
Nero (KSR NRWN), the emperor (ad 54- 
68) who first put Christians to death. The 
"man of sin" also is now at work, in Paul's 
conception. The allusions in 1 Jn and 2 Jn 
seem directed against the belief of early 
Christians that Antichrist was eschatological; 
there are many Antichrists, and anyone who 
denies Jesus is Antichrist. Antichrist is 
rather a personification of the powers of evil 
which occasionally focus in some individual 
person and can be expected to do so again. 
The consummate wickedness of Antichrist is 
depicted in traits which suggest diabolical 
malice; but this is a poetic emphasis upon 
his malice rather than an indication that 
Antichrist is diabolically possessed, or still less 
that he is a diabolical incarnation. 

Anti-Lebanon. A chain of mountains running 
N and S parallel to the Lebanon* range, 
from which it is separated by the valley of 
the Beqaa. Its summit is a plateau with 
an average altitude of 7500 ft. The chain 
terminates at Mt Hermon* on the S. In 
contrast with the Lebanon it is bare and 
rocky, especially on the nearly unpopulated 
E slope. The name occurs in the Bible only 
in Jdt 1:7. 

Antioch (Gk antiocheia) , 1. An ancient city 
of Syria on the site of the modern Antakia, 
which preserves the name. The city was 
located on the Orontes river where it passes 
between the Lebanon and the Taurus 
ranges. It lay about 17 mi from the sea and 
was served by its port city Seleucia. The 
city was founded by Seleucus in 300 bc 
and named after his father Antiochus. The 
fertile plain of Antioch no doubt supported 
agriculture for thousands of years, but no 
trace of an earlier city has appeared. It was 
the royal city of the Seleucid kings. The 
city was a Greek military colony, but it grew 
by immigration of the neighboring indigenous 
peoples to become one of the largest cities 
of the Hellenistic-Roman world; its popula- 
tion in the 2nd century BC is estimated at 
500,000 and some scholars believe that 
"Greater Antioch" included 800,000. Antioch 
had a large and prosperous Jewish colony 
which suffered losses under Caligula (ad 
37—41 ) . The city was renowned for its many 
splendid buildings and was a great commer- 
cial center. It enjoyed a not entirely favor- 
able reputation as a city of pleasure and 

vice. After the collapse of the Seleucid king- 
dom it was ruled by Tigranes of Armenia 
after 83 bc and by the Romans after 64 bc, 
who made it a free city and the capital of 
the province of Syria. During the Roman 
period Antioch became a famous intellectual 
center; this activity lasted into Christian 
times, when Antioch was one of the most 
important theological schools of the 4th-6th 
centuries. The city was excavated by Prince- 
ton University and the National Museums 
of France 1932-1939: the remains discovered 
belong to the post-biblical period. 

In the OT Antioch appears only in 1-2 
Mc as the royal city of the Seleucids* and 
the base of their operations against the 
Jews (1 Mc 3:37; 4:35+). The books 
allude to the battle in which Lysias* gained 
possession of the city from Philip* (1 Mc 
6:63), to the assumption of the crown of 
Syria at Antioch by Ptolemy VI Philometor 
(1 Mc 11:13), and the capture of the city 
by Tryphon* from Demetrius* II (1 Mc 
11:56). The suburb of Daphne, which was 
a great sanctuary of Apollo, was the refuge 
of the high priest Onias* (2 Mc 4:33). 

Antioch first appears in the NT in AA 
11:19 ff . The Christian community of the 
city was founded by fugitives from the per- 
secution of the Christians in Jerusalem 
which followed the death of Stephen*. The 
preaching of the fugitives was directed to 
the Jews except for some Cyprians and 
Cyreneans, who brought some of the Greeks 
to accept the gospel. The success of the 
evangelical preaching was so great that the 
Jerusalem community sent Barnabas* to the 
city (AA 11:22). Barnabas summoned Paul* 
from Tarsus (AA 11:26); this is the first 
recorded apostolic work of Paul. They re- 
mained there a year. It was at Antioch that 
the name Christian* was first applied to the 
followers of Jesus (AA 11:26), but we do 
not know from what source the name came. 

It is evident from other allusions to 
Antioch that the Christian community of the 
city during the first generation of the 
Church was large and important, second 
only to Jerusalem (if second). It is evident 
also that it was the largest community and 
probably the first of Gentile Christians, and 
that its influence was primary in widening 
the view of membership and observances in 
the Church. In its very beginning the com- 
munity was large and rich enough to collect 
a generous subvention for the Jerusalem 
community, which it sent through Barnabas 
and Paul (AA 11:27-30); relations at this 
time were more cordial than they were a 
few years later. It is possible that Antioch 
was the home of Luke. It is probably no 
more than a coincidence that prophets* at 
Antioch are mentioned twice (AA 11:27; 




13:1). The power and independence of the 
Antioch community appears in the decision 
to send Barnabas and Paul on a missionary 
journey (AA 13:1 ff), taken with no con- 
sultation of other officers of the Church; and 
Barnabas and Paul reported to the authori- 
ties of Antioch on the results of the journey 
(AA 14:26 ff). It was no doubt the broad 
Gentile Christianity of Antioch which Paul 
and Barnabas preached in the cities of Asia 
Minor. After their return, however, a dissen- 
sion arose between the Jewish and the Chris- 
tian churches concerning the necessity of 
Jewish observances for Gentile Christians. 
The episode of Gal 2:11 ff should be placed 
in this period, when Cephas* on a visit to 
Antioch associated freely with Gentiles, but 
withdrew from their company when some 
members of the rigid party arrived from 
Jerusalem — an action for which he was 
rebuked by Paul. Paul and Barnabas repre- 
sented the church of Antioch at the delibera- 
tions in Jerusalem and with Judas* and Silas* 
communicated to the church of Antioch the 
decision in which the question was resolved. 
Barnabas and Paul again resided at Antioch 
for an extended visit, and Paul returned to 
Antioch after his second journey (AA 
18:22). Antioch was the church of Paul up 
to this point in his life, and he did not 
conduct himself as its head; but the city is 
not mentioned again after this visit, after 
which Paul was associated with the churches 
which he himself had founded. 

2. A city in Pisidia in central Asia Minor, 
founded by Seleucus in 280 bc. It was de- 
clared a free city by Rome in 189 bc and 
passed under Roman rule by inheritance from 
Amyntas of Phrygia in 25 bc. The remains 
of the city lie near the modern Turkish 
village of Yalvaz. Excavations of the Univer- 
sity of Michigan have revealed a propylaeum 
and city squares which were built in the 1st 
century BC and the 1st century AD. 

Pisidian Antioch was evangelized by Paul 
and Barnabas on their first missionary jour- 
ney. They addressed themselves to the Jews, 
but when the Jews rejected them they turned 
to the Gentiles, not without success. The 
bitterness of the encounter was unusual; the 
Jews not only got them expelled from the 
city, but even pursued them to Lystra*, 
where they incited the people to stone Paul 
(AA 13:14-52; 14:19). These sufferings are 
alluded to in 2 Tm 3:11. The church of 
Antioch was revisited by Paul and Barnabas 
shortly afterwards (AA 14:21). 

Antiochus (Gk antiochos, "withstander"), 
the name of ten kings of the Seleucid* dy- 
nasty, of whom four are mentioned in the 
OT. Antiochus III the Great (223-187 bc) 
is not mentioned by name: but Dn 11:10-17 

mentions his two campaigns against Egypt. 
His initial success was arrested by his defeat 
at Raphia in 217 bc: the second campaign, 
in which he finally defeated Ptolemy V at 
Panion, brought Palestine under Seleucid 
rule. 1. Antiochus IV Epiphanes, son of 
Antiochus III the Great and successor of 
his brother Seleucus IV Philopator as king 
of Syria* (175-164 bc). Antiochus had been 
taken to Rome as a hostage after the defeat 
of Antiochus 111 by the Romans at Magnesia 
in 190 bc. He was exchanged for Demetrius*; 
the son of Seleucus IV, in 175 and seized 
the throne of Syria, with the consent of 
Rome, when Seleucus was assassinated by 
Heliodorus, his chief minister. Ancient his- 
torians describe him as eccentric and capri- 
cious, mingling with the crowds in revelry 
and carelessly distributing huge sums of 
money, capable of the barbaric cruelty which 
disfigured the age. In 169 bc he undertook 
a successful war against Egypt, invaded the 
country and captured Ptolemy VI; an em- 
bassy from Rome halted his second campaign 
at the Egyptian frontier (Dn 11:25-30). 
He then turned his ambitions toward Ar- 
menia and Persia and died during this 
expedition in the east. 

There was already before the accession of 
Antiochus a strong movement in favor of 
Hellenism* among the wealthy and the 
priestly aristocracy of Jerusalem, and it 
was at the initiative of this group that 
Antiochus permitted them, led by Jason*, 
to build a gymnasium in Jerusalem ( 1 Mc 
1:11 ff). The party wished to abandon utterly 
the religious and cultural traditions of Israel 
and assimilate the nation to Hellenistic 
civilization. The majority of the Jews were 
conservative and resisted this movement; and 
strained relations were aggravated when 
Antiochus returned from Egypt. Menelaus, 
the brother of Jason, had expelled him from 
the priesthood by force and civil strife had 
broken out (2 Mc 4:23 ff; 5:5 ff); and to 
Antiochus this seemed to be rebellion. He 
therefore took the excuse to plunder the 
temple and fill up his treasury, depleted by 
his Egyptian campaigns (1 Mc l:20ff; 2 Mc 
5:15 ff), and suppressed the disorders with 
bloody thoroughness. But the question of 
the Jewish religion and Hellenism was un- 
solved; and the Hellenizing Jews represented 
the religion as the root of disloyalty and 
rebellion. Antiochus then determined to im- 
pose Hellenistic religion and culture by force 
and to pacify the nation before he departed 
on further campaigns. His officers were 
empowered to suppress Jewish worship, 
sacred books, and religious practices, and to 
institute the celebration of Greek festivals 
and the worship of Greek gods. An altar of 
Zeus Olympios, the "abomination of deso- 




lation*" was erected in the temple. Resis- 
tance, at first passive, finally became revolt 
under Mattathias* and his son Judas*, and 
the Syrian forces were not numerous enough 
to suppress it. Before the death of Antiochus 
Judas had succeeded in regaining possession 
of the temple and rededicating it. 

2. Antiochus V Eupator, son and succes- 
sor of Antiochus IV as king of Syria (164- 
162 bc). A minor, Antiochus ruled with 
Lysias* whom Antiochus IV had appointed 
regent. Both were murdered by Demetrius I 
Soter*, a son of Seleucus IV (1 Mc 6:17; 

3. Antiochus VI Dionysos, son of Alexan- 
der Balas*, installed as king by Tryphon*, 
who rebelled against Demetrius* II. A minor, 
he ruled under Tryphon as regent (MS- 
MI bc); he confirmed Jonathan* as high 
priest and made him one of the "King's 
Friends" (1 Mc 11:39, 57 ff). The Jews at 
first supported Antiochus and Tryphon 
against Demetrius, but the treachery of 
Tryphon turned them against him. Tryphon 
murdered Antiochus and himself assumed the 
throne (1 Mc 13:31 f). 

4. Antiochus VII Sidetes, son of Demetrius 
II and king of Syria 139-129 bc. He under- 
took to recover the throne for the Seleucid 
house from Tryphon, ostensibly on behalf of 
his older brother, Demetrius II, who had 
been captured by the Parthians. He sought 
and received the help of the Jews under 
Simon*, and defeated Tryphon. After his vic- 
tory, he laid claim to Joppa* and Gezer* and 
the citadel of Jerusalem, which the Jews had 
taken during the usurpation of Tryphon; but 
Simon refused to cede them, and a cam- 
paign by Antiochus' general Cendebaeus* to 
recover them was unsuccessful ( 1 Mc 
15:1 ff). 

Antipas. Cf herod antipas. 

Antipater (Gk antipatros, "like the father") . 
1. Son of Jason, sent with Numenius* as 
ambassador to Rome and Sparta from 
Jonathan* (1 Mc 12:16; 14:22). 2. Father 
of Herod* the Great. 

Antipatris. Cf aphek. 

Antonia. Cf gabbatha. 

Apelles (Gk apelles, perhaps connected with 
Apollo), a Roman Christian "approved in 
the Lord" greeted by Paul (Rm 16:10). 
The name occurs in inscriptions; it is prob- 
ably merely coincidental that Horace uses 
Apella as a Jewish name (Sat. 1, 5, 100), 
but it suggests that it was a common Jewish 

Aphek (Hb '"pek, meaning uncertain), the 
name of several towns. 1. A Canaanite 
town included in the list of cities taken by 
Joshua (Jos 12:18), twice the site of the 
Philistine* camp before their invasion of 
the highlands (1 S 4:1; 29:1). The site is 
very probably the modern Ras el Ain in the 
coastal plain near Joppa* to the NE; it has 
a copious spring which is the source of the 
river Yarkon, which flows into the Mediter- 
ranean. In the 1st century BC the town was 
rebuilt by Herod* and named Antipatris 
after his father. Paul and his escort spent 
the night there on their journey from Jeru- 
salem to Caesarea (AA 23:31). 

2. A town of Asher (Jos 19:30) which 
was held by the Canaanites after the Is- 
raelite settlement (Jgs 1:31). The site is 
probably Tell Kurdaneh, a short distance 
SSE of Acco*. 3. The scene of the defeat 
of Ben-hadad* of Damascus by Ahab* of 
Israel (1 K 20:26, 30), not held by the 
Israelites. In memory of this victory Elisha* 
directed Jehoash* of Israel to shoot in the 
direction of Aphek (2 K 13:17). The site is 
probably Fik E of the Sea of Galilee. 4. A 
town vaguely located on the border of the 
Canaanites and the Amorites (Jos 13:4); 
possibly Afqa on the slopes of Mt Lebanon 
E of Byblos. 

Apocalypse (Gk apokalypsis, "revelation," 
from which the title Revelations in Eng 
Protestant Bibles) . 

1. Contents: 

Title, 1 : 1-3; epistolary introduction, 1:4-8. 

Introductory vision, 1:9-20. 

First part, letters to the seven churches, 

2:1-7, Ephesus; 2:8-11, Smyrna; 2:12- 
17. Pergamon; 2:18-29, Thya'tira; 3:1-6, 
Sardis, 3:7-13, Philadelphia; 3:14-22, Lao- 

Second part: The end of the present age 
and the coming of the new age, 4:1—22:5. 

4:1-11, introductory vision, the throne 
of God. 

First act of the eschatological drama, 5:1- 

5:1-8:1, the seven seals; after the 6th 
seal there is a pause with a vision of the 
victory of the servants of God, 7:1-17. 

8:2-11:14, the seven trumpets; there is 
an interlude after the 6th trumpet, the vision 
of the book, the temple, the death and 
resurrection of the two witnesses, 10:1- 

Second act of the eschatological drama, 

12:1-14:5, attacks on the church by the 
dragon and the beasts. 

14:6-20:15, the judgment of God against 
His enemies: 




The sickles, 14:6-20; the seven cups, 
15:1-16:21; the judgment of Babylon, 
17:1-19:10; the judgment on the beast, 
19:11-21; the judgment on Satan (binding 
for 1000 years, 1000 year reign of the 
saints, final battle), 20:1-10; resurrection 
and judgment, 20:11-15. 

Third act of the eschatological drama: 
the kingdom of God and the new Jeru- 
salem, 21:1-22:5. 

21:1-8, the new creation; 21:9-22:5, 
the new Jerusalem. 

Conclusion, 22:6-21. 

On the literary background of this type 
of literature cf apocalyptic literature. The 
authors of this literature did not make the 
distinction we make between prophecy* and 
apocalyptic writing; the titles prophet and 
prophecy are applied to Ape in the book 
itself (1:3; 10:7; 11:18; 22:6, 9, 18). The 
symbolic-allegorical vision is characteristic of 
apocalyptic writing, and it is the basic 
material of Ape. Occasionally the symbolism 
is explained (1:20; 4:5; 5:6; 17:9 f; 19:8). 
In most instances it is left unexplained, and 
its meaning is reconstructed by modern 
scholars, if at all, only by laborious explora- 
tion of the background of the passage. The 
free use of such cryptic symbols seems to 
presuppose a conventional language of sym- 
bolism known to the author and his readers. 
At times it is fairly obvious; the description 
of the Son of Man (1:13-16) clothes him 
with visual attributes each of which has a 
manifest symbolism of his attributes. The 
symbolism of colors is used (6:1-8; 17:4; 
19:8). The symbolism of numbers is much 
employed: 7 signifies totality, 6 imperfection, 
12 Israel (old and new), 4 the world (the 
four points of the compass or the four ele- 
ments: land, sea, heavens, abyss), 1000 

While explicit citations of the OT in Ape 
are not numerous, allusions and echoes are 
so frequent that many parts of the book 
appear to be a patchwork of OT images; 
difficult as the book is, it is completely 
unintelligible without constant reference to 
the OT sources which it uses. The following 
list is only partial: 8:1, silence (Hab 2:20; 
Zp 1:7; Zc 2:17); 10:3, the roaring of the 
lion (Je 25:30; Jl 4:16; Am 1:2); 11:19; 
15:8, the appearance of the ark and the 
cloud (2 Mc 2:5-8): 15:2-3, the seashore 
(Ex 14:15); 12:1-17, the woman and the 
serpent (Gn 3); 1:8, the revelation of the 
name (Ex 3:14): 4:8, hymn before the 
throne (Is 6:1-3); 9 and 16, the plagues 
(Ex 7-10); 12:4, 14; 13:1-8, 15; 17:12; 
20:4, persecution (Dn 3:5-7:15; 8:10); 
14:14, the Son of Man (Dn 7:13); 20:4, 
12, the judgment (Dn 7:10, 22); 4:1-11, 
the throne of God (Ezk 1 and 10): 5:1; 

10:10, the sealed book (Ezk 2:9; 3:3); 6:1- 
3, 8, the scourges (Zc 1:8-10; Ezk 14:21); 
7:1, angels (Ezk 7:2): 7:3, the servants 
of God marked (Ezk 9:4); 8:5, fire as 
symbol of punishment (Ezk 10:2); 8:13, 
the release of woes (Ezk 7:5, 26); 17, the 
harlot (Ezk 16, 23); 18, lamentations over 
the fallen city (Ezk 27-28); 19:17 ff, invi- 
tation to birds of prey (Ezk 39:17-20); 
20:7-10, attack of Gog (Ezk 38-39); 21:9- 
22:2, the new Jerusalem (Ezk 40-47). Ape 
is to a large extent a rethinking and a re- 
arrangement of OT symbolism, with particu- 
lar application to the time and situation of 
the author. 

2. Literary Composition. Numerous critics 
have suggested that the book is a compila- 
tion rather than a single literary production. 
In several series of visions there is no appar- 
ent progress of thought and sometimes no 
logical link. Furthermore, the antinomies be- 
tween some visions do not suggest a single 
author. Several hypotheses of compilation 
from distinct sources have been proposed; 
these lack a good foundation in the text and 
are excessively complex, and no theory has 
been, widely accepted. 

Alio attempted to explain these uneven 
qualities by certain laws of composition 
which he thought he detected in Ape. "The 
law of anticipation" means that the follow- 
ing event is anticipated in a preceding scene: 
13 is anticipated in 11:1-13; 17-19 in 14:8; 
16 in 14:10; 19:17-21 in 16:12-14; 21-22 
in 19:7-9. These create an overlapping series 
of links which tie the whole together. "The 
law of undulation" means that the same 
succession of events is recapitulated in dif- 
ferent forms. "The laws of antithesis and 
periodicity" refer to a kind of interruption 
and even reversal of movement at the 6th 
element of each of the series of seven of 
which the book is mostly composed. There 
are seven series of seven; each of them is 
preceded by a preparatory vision: the letters 
(1:9-20 + 2:1-3:22); the seals (4:1-5:14 
+ 6:1-7:17); the trumpets (8:1-6+8:7- 
11:14); the signs in the sky (11:15-19 + 
12:1-14:20); the cups of wrath (15:1-16:1 
+ 16:2-16); the heavenly voices (16:17-21 
+ 17:1-19:5); the visions of the end (19:6- 
10+ 19:11-22:5). This structure, if indeed 
it is not the result of exegetical ingenuity, 
is the work of a unifying mind; but there are 
other difficulties which may make it necessary 
to attribute the unity to a compiler and not 
to the author. There is evident disorder in 
22:6-21. There are two visions of the new 
Jerusalem, one eschato logical-celestial (21:1- 
8), the other messianic-terrestrial (21:9- 
22:5). There are doublets: the beast (13:1, 
3, 8; 14:8 and 17:3, 8; 18:2) with two 
different symbolisms; the dragon (12:9, 12 




and 20:2 f), also with two different sym- 
bolisms, "two parallel employments of the 
same theme and two different traditions" 
(Boismard). Charles and Gaechter have sug- 
gested that the author died before the work, 
was finished and that the disciples published 
it in a disarranged condition. Boismard has 
proposed a more complex scheme. He sug- 
gests that one author prepared two parallel 
apocalypses at two different periods, of which 
perhaps one or neither was complete. These 
were later fused in a single document. The 
earlier of these (I) comes from the reign of 
Nero (ad 54-68), the other (II) from late 
in the reign of Vespasian (ad 69-79) or 
early in the reign of Domitian (ad 81-96). 
The contents of each are outlined in the 
accompanying box: 

time of the author, or traditional-mythologi- 
cal. This last approach (Gunkel, Bousset, 
Charles) proposes that the author employs 
material from ancient mythological tradi- 
tions, both Jewish and Gentile, to present 
the end of the world process in terms of its 
beginning. All three approaches are valid, 
since the book represents all three elements; 
but no single interpretation can be proposed. 
Ape is a Christian apocalypse, not a Jewish 
apocalypse; Jesus Christ is a dominant 
figure, and this is in evident contrast with 
the suppression of the Messiah* in most 
Jewish apocalyptic literature. He appears as 
the redeemer, the glorified and exalted Son 
of Man, the victor in the eschatological 
combat, the judge (1:5; 2:26 ff; 3:21; 5:6, 
9; 7:14, 17; 12:5, 11; 13:8; 19:11, 




10:l-2a. 3-4, 8-11 

Satan against the Church 

12:1-6, 13-17 


The beast against the Church 


Announcement and preliminaries of the 

great day of wrath 

4-9; 10:l-2b, 5-7; 11:14-18 


The great day of wrath: 


17:1-9, 15-18 

17:10, 12-14 

Fall of Babylon 



The elect delivered 


Lamentation for Babylon 

18:9-13, 15-19.21,24 

18:14, 22 f 

Songs of triumph 


18-20 (16:5-7) 

The messianic kingdom 


The eschatological combat 



The judgment 



The new Jerusalem 

21:9-22; 22:6-15 

21:1-4; 22:3-5; 21:5-8 

Appendix: the two witnesses 

11:1-13, 19 

It is difficult to affirm or deny with cer- 
tainty that this or any other scheme repre- 
sents the composition of the book, and the 
authors of these schemes intend no such 
affirmation of their own work or the work 
of others. The schemes illustrate the wide 
agreement that the composition of Ape is not 
to be attributed to a single author intending 
to produce a unified work, and it may be 
taken as the consensus of scholars that Ape 
was not so written. Further study is neces- 
sary before a general agreement on the 
composition can be expected. 

3. Theology. The allegorism and sym- 
bolism of Ape have made the book a 
favorite of allegorical and symbolical inter- 
pretation, and some lines of interpretation 
may be excluded at once. Ape is not a 
prophetic history of the Church, and the 
unfolding of its symbolism is not to be sought 
in contemporary history. Neither is it a 
purely spiritual allegory with no reference 
to the history contemporary with the author. 
Modern interpreters follow the lines of escha- 
tology, proposing that Ape is entirely 
eschatological in outlook, or of history, pro- 
posing that Ape reflects the events of the 

15; 21:1, 3, 22 ff; 22:1, 3, 14). 

The interpretation of Ape must take ac- 
count of the fact that the letters to the seven 
churches are not in the same literary genre 
with the rest of the book. The letters con- 
tain no . visions and propose moral admoni- 
tions with no eschatology; the rest of the 
book has no moral teachings and is a suc- 
cession of visions. The motivation of the 
moral teaching by the eschatological teaching 
is indirect at best; and the connection may 
arise from compilation. 

The direction of the book toward a con- 
temporary situation cannot be doubted. It is 
characteristic of apocalyptic literature that it 
is written for a crisis, and the crisis here is 
suggested by numerous allusions to persecu- 
tion and martyrs. This must be the early 
persecutions by Roman authorities, and Ape 
itself suggests this. Babylon is Rome, the 
city of the seven hills (17:5, 9). The num- 
ber of the beast, 666 (13:18), represents 
the sum of the numerical value of the letters 
of the name Caesar Nero written in Hb 
characters (KSR NRWN); cf antichrist. 
Ape is a response to the crisis of faith caused 
by persecution, and it is given in the apocalyp- 




tic tradition; one must await in faith and hope 
the salvation and the judgment of God, con- 
vinced that the persecutor must fall before he 
succeeds in destroying the people of God. 

The salvation and the judgment are con- 
ceived in eschatological terms. Other biblical 
books besides Ape merge history and escha- 
tology and use the imagery of the end-process 
to describe contemporary events. "In the 
struggle between the Church and the Roman 
state the author sees the decisive struggle 
between God and Satan which ends with the 
victory of God and the final annihilation of 
all powers hostile to God. This struggle 
ushers in the end of this world period and 
the beginning of the everlasting kingdom of 
God" (Wikenhauser). The attributes by 
which God saves and judges in any particu- 
lar historical situation are the same attributes 
by which He finally accomplishes His pur- 
pose of saving and judgment; and thus they 
are portrayed in particular events. The 
eschatological combat is not merely escha- 
tological but always present in the life of the 
Church, which thus has an eschatological 
perspective. The reality of the threat of evil 
and the promises of God to maintain His 
Church are valid for all times. And this is 
the answer to the question of the relevance 
of Ape for Christians of all ages; in modern 
times Christian readers have less sympathy 
for this type of literature than for any other 
biblical type. 

Two particular problems arise in the the- 
ology of Ape. For the problem of the 1000 
years of the binding of Satan and the reign 
of the elect cf millennium. The problem 
of the identity of the woman of ch 12 is the 
question of whether the woman is Mary. 
That this was intended by the author can be 
sustained on no basis in the text itself. The 
woman is no doubt a second Eve, but the 
author shows no knowledge of this title given 
to Mary. The woman is also the mother of 
the Messiah (who must be the child), but 
her adventures cannot be explained in any 
intelligible form as applied to Mary. They 
are understood if the woman is understood 
as the people of God, which bears both the 
Messiah and the new people of God (the two 
are not perfectly distinguished); and this is 
the interpretation of most exegetes. 

4. Authorship and Canonicity. Ape was 
rejected by Caius of Rome in the early 3rd 
century, and with serious arguments by 
Dionysius of Alexandria at the close of the 
3rd century. Many Gk fathers rejected it; 
Cyril of Jerusalem, Gregory of Nazianzus, 
Chrysostom, Theodoret (and probably the 
entire school of Antioch). These doubts did 
not persist. They arose from a doubt of the 
authorship by John the Apostle, which has 

nothing to do with the canonicity of the 

The author calls himself John (1:1, 4, 9; 
22:8) and says he experienced his visions on 
the island of Patmos. That this is John 
the Apostle was affirmed by Justin, Irenaeus, 
Clement of Alexandria, Tertullian, the Canon 
of Muratori, Hippolytus, and most fathers 
after them. The internal character of Ape 
does not support this attribution, and the 
reasons were set forth by Dionysius of 
Alexandria. Of all the Johannine writings 
only Ape claims Jn as its author by name. 
The keywords of Jn and 1 Jn are absent from 
Ape: life, light-darkness, truth-lie, grace, 
judgment, love, world, Holy Spirit, adoption, 
faith. The few contacts with Jn (living water, 
good shepherd, lamb, witness, word) are less 
impressive than the differences. The Gk of 
Ape is the worst of the NT, much inferior 
to Jn and 1 Jn. It abounds with barbarisms 
and solecisms. The author thinks in Hb while 
he writes in Gk. Grammatical and stylistic 
irregularity is normal with him. 

It is the consensus of modern scholars 
that Ape cannot be attributed to the author 
of Jn and 1 Jn, whoever this may have been. 
That it comes from a school of Johannine 
thought may be admitted; but that one man 
could have written all of them is an affirma- 
tion which simply rejects literary criticism as 
a valid process of thought. The author then 
must be left unidentified. 

5. Date and Place. While Patmos may be 
a literary fiction, the connection of Ape with 
the churches of Asia is definite; one can 
scarcely be more precise than this. Tradition 
mostly dated Ape about the end of the reign 
of Domitian; but the tradition was somewhat 
confused by the attribution of Ape to John 
the Apostle, and an effort to fit it into the 
traditional (and quite unverified) career of 
John is evident. The source of a variant tra- 
dition which placed Ape in the reign of 
Claudius (Epiphanius) or Nero (Canon of 
Muratori, others) cannot be traced, but it 
should not be dismissed. The confusion, ac- 
cording to some critics, comes from the 
author himself, who wrote in the reign of 
Domitian but by a literary artifice placed 
himself in the reign of Vespasian; this ante- 
dating is not evident from the text. In favor 
of the date ad 94-95 can be alleged the 
spread and establishment of the Church in 
Asia and possible allusions in Ape to the 
cult of the divine Caesar. This was first im- 
posed by Domitian and, if verified, would 
be a convincing argument for a later date. 
But the hypothesis of compilation (cf above) 
permits different dates for different parts of 
the book. 

Apocalyptic Literature. A type of literature 




which was widely diffused in Judaism from 
200 bc to ad 200. On the separate examples 
of this type cf apocryphal books. Apocry- 
phal literature is pseudonymous, proposed 
under the name of some celebrity of the 
past, such as Enoch* or Moses*. It pretends 
to be a revelation of the future up to the 
time in which the reader finds himself, 
granted to the ancient hero and kept secret 
until the present. The medium of revelation 
is the vision, the opening of the heavens, 
the communications of angels. The visions 
usually reveal the future in complicated 
symbolism which is not always interpreted 
in the apocalypse, but can be explained if 
the contemporary history is sufficiently known. 
The apocalyptic literature deals with the final 
period of world history and the world catas- 
trophe; here the powers of evil make the 
supreme struggle against God and are finally 
routed after a dreadful and bloody combat. 
These powers, allegorically described, are the 
world powers of contemporary history, which 
in apocalyptic literature is the last of the 
world periods before the end. In this com- 
bat the Jewish nation, sometimes represented 
with a messianic leader, triumphs over the 
world, and much of the false messianism* 
of NT times can be traced in the apocalyptic 
books. There are visions of the Paradise* 
of the blessed and the Gehenna* of the 

Apocalyptic literature has its roots in the 
OT. Prophecy* was deeply rooted in the 
national life of Israel and ceased to exist 
in its traditional form after the fall of Jeru- 
salem and the end of the Hebrew monarchy 
in 587 bc. Haggai* and Malachi* are weaker 
imitators of the earlier prophets; but in 
Zechariah* almost entirely, in Jl 2:1-11; 4: 
1-21, in Daniel* almost entirely, and in other 
compositions which were added to the books 
of the preexilic prophets a new form of 
literature appears which is the beginning of 
apocalyptic literature; the seer has replaced 
the prophet. The elements of world catas- 
trophe, the climactic conflict of evil against 
God, the allegorical description of contem- 
porary history, can be seen in Is 13 and 
24-27; Ezk 38-39; Zp 1:14-18. Prophecy 
could focus upon the national life in the living 
present; once this point of interest was re- 
moved, the seer began to look for the ful- 
fillment of God's will and the establishment 
of His kingdom in the future. 

The single example of this type of litera- 
ture in the NT is the Apocalypse*. 

Apocryphal Books (Gk apokryphos, "hid- 
den") books for which divine authorship 
is falsely claimed. Catholics apply the term 
apocryphal to the books listed below, both 
I and II. Protestants apply the term to those 

books which are omitted from the Protestant 
canon* but are found in the Catholic canon; 
Catholics call these books deuterocanonical*. 
The books listed below in I are called pseu- 
depigrapha by Protestants. These books are 
written in imitation of the canonical books 
of the Bible and pretend to the same au- 
thority, offering supplementary revelation 
which is lately revealed after being long 
hidden, hence their name. They are classified 
under each Testament. As historical sources 
the apocryphal books have little or no value. 
They are, however, extremely valuable for 
reconstructing the popular beliefs of Judaism 
in NT times and for tracing certain obscure 
heretical currents in the early Church. 
I. Old Testament 
1. Narrative: 

I Esdras. This book, with the exception 
of chs. 3:1-5:6, is compiled from the canoni- 
cal books of Ch, Ezr, Ne and narrates the 
history of Judah from the passover of 
Josiah* to the fall of Jerusalem in 587 bc, 
the decree of Cyrus* permitting the re- 
building of the temple and the return of 
the first group of exiles, the rebuilding of 
the temple against Samaritan opposition, the 
return of Ezra* and the reading of the Law 
to the people. The added chapters tell how 
the Jewish hero Zerubbabel*, one of three 
pages of Darius*, defeated his two compan- 
ions in a competition of oratory by his 
speech defending truth as the strongest of 
all things. The book is also called 3 Esdras. 
It is an original translation of the canonical 
portions into Gk and may be dated in the 
3rd or 2nd century BC; it was probably com- 
posed in Egypt. 

3 Maccabees. This relates the attempt of 
Ptolemy IV Philopator of Egypt to enter 
the temple of Jerusalem, from which he was 
miraculously repelled, his efforts to persecute 
the Jews in Alexandria*, also miraculously 
foiled, and his conversion to a patron of the 
Jews. The historical value of this account 
is not confirmed. It is written in Greek, very 
probably in Alexandria about 100 bc. 

Book of Jubilees. The book retells the 
events from Gn l:l-Ex 12:51, as ostensibly 
revealed to Moses* on Sinai*. It teaches the 
eternal validity of the Law by recasting the 
events of Gn so that the Law, created in 
the beginning, is the norm for the patriarchs. 
It also contains a great number of Jewish 
legends about the patriarchs and expansions 
of Gn which are historically without value. 
It was written by a Pharisee during the 
reign of John Hyrcanus (134-103 bc) and 
is preserved in an Ethiopic version of the 
lost Gk version of the Hb original, also lost. 

Books of Adam and Eve. These include 
the life of Adam and Eve, preserved in 




a Lt translation of a Gk original and the 
apocalypse of Moses, written in Gk. They 
fill in the period between the expulsion from 
Paradise* and the death of Adam and Eve. 
There are two accounts of the fall, one 
from Adam and Eve, a story of the expulsion 
of Satan* from heaven by Michael*, and 
the story of Adam's burial in heaven by the 
angels, where his body is preserved until the 
resurrection. They were most probably written 
between ad 20-70. 

Martyrdom of Isaiah. A collection of three 
works: the martyrdom, the vision, the ascen- 
sion of Isaiah. The first relates how Isaiah 
was sawn asunder by Manasseh, and is 
preserved in an Ethiopic version of the Hb 
original, written early in the 1st century AD. 
The other two are Christian compositions of 
the latter 1st and early 2nd centuries AD, 
relating Isaiah's vision of Christ and his 
journey through the seven heavens, where 
he sees the birth, crucifixion and resurrec- 
tion of Jesus. They were written in Gk 
and were glossed, especially the martyrdom, 
by Christians in the 3rd and 4th centuries. 

Letter of Aristeas. This is a splendid ex- 
ample of Jewish apologetic. It purports to 
be a letter from Aristeas, an officer of the 
court of Ptolemy II Philadephus of Egypt 
(285-246 bc). Demetrius of Phaleron, the 
librarian of the great library of Alexandria, 
suggested to the king that the library needed 
a collection of the Jewish sacred books. A 
mission was sent to Jerusalem and Eleazar 
appointed 72 men, six from each of the 
12 tribes, to do the translation. When they 
arrived at Alexandria, the king proposed a 
philosophical question to each of the 72 at 
a banquet which lasted several days. The 72 
finished the translation on the island of 
Pharos in 72 days. The letter contains an 
exaggerated description of the magnificence 
of Jerusalem and praise of the Law. The 
letter is not the work of Aristeas, but of a 
Jewish writer (145-100 bc). The - story has 
no historical basis, but it is the origin of 
the name Septuagint (Lt septuaginta, "sev- 
enty") for the Gk translation of the OT; 


2. Apocalypses: 

Books of Enoch. These include the Ethiopic 
Enoch and the Slavonic Enoch. The Ethiopic 
Enoch relates the story of the fall of the 
angels and describes the coming and the judg- 
ment of the Messiah, a heavenly being who 
is called the son* of man or the "elect one." 
Enoch travels through the earth, the under- 
world, and the heavens and learns how to 
reckon the calendar. He foretells the deluge 
and the history of Israel to the coming of 
the Messiah under the allegory of animals; 
the history of the world is divided into ten 
weeks before the judgment. The book is 

preserved in an Ethiopic version of the lost 
Gk version of an Aramaic (or possibly Hb) 
original, also lost. It was compiled from 
various writings of Pharisaic origin of the 
2nd century BC and was very popular among 
Christians in the first three centuries AD. 
It is quoted in Jd 14-15. 

The Slavonic Enoch (also called the Secrets 
of Enoch), dependent on the Ethiopic Enoch, 
tells of Enoch's journey through heaven and 
hell and his visions of the angels, and his 
revelation of history from the fall to the 
deluge. It is a Jewish book written in Gk 
before ad 70 and preserved in Slavonic. Its 
present form exhibits reworking by Christians. 

Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs. The 
classification of this work as apocalyptic is 
justified by the revelations of the future of 
Israel contained in the testaments, but it is 
somewhat misleading. The principal emphasis 
lies in the moral exhortations which each of 
the sons of Jacob delivers to his sons; in 
each a virtue is selected which is associated 
with some event of the patriarch's life either 
in Gn or in Jewish legend. The book is 
preserved in a Gk version of its Hb or 
Aramaic original, and comes from the late 
2nd or early 1st century BC. Some scholars 
had already assigned its origins to a devout 
ascetical sect of Jews; recent studies have 
indicated a possible connection with the group 
which produced the Dead Sea Scrolls: cf 

Sibylline Oracles. The story of the Sibyl, 
a prophetess, is of Gk origin and goes back 
at least to the 5th century BC. Rome had 
a collection of Sibylline books. The ancient 
oracles were widely imitated in later cen- 
turies. This form of literature was imitated 
by the Jews, who attributed to the pagan 
seer praises of Israel, condemnations of 
idolatry, and the foretelling of their own 
history and the Messianic times. Christians 
added some oracles foretelling the life of 
Christ and reworked some of the Jewish 
oracles. A compilation of all three was made 
about the 6th century AD. They were written 
in Gk from the 2nd century BC to the end 
of the 2nd century AD, some perhaps later. 

Assumption of Moses. The testament of 
Moses to Joshua*, foretelling the history of 
Israel from its entrance into Canaan* up to 
the messianic times. There are clear allusions 
to the Hasmoneans* and Herod.* It was 
written in the 1st century AD in Hb or 
Aramaic and is preserved in a Lt version 
of a lost Gk version. The author was a 
Pharisee who was opposed to the political 
activities of his sect. Recent studies have 
suggested a connection between this book 
and the Dead Sea Scrolls (cf qumran). 
Jd 9 quotes a lost portion of this book. 

Books of Baruch. 2 Baruch (the Syriac 




Apocalypse) is a composite from several 
authors in which the history of the Jews is 
foretold from 591 bc to the coming of the 
Messiah. In answer to Baruch's wonder why 
the judgment of the nations and the coming 
of the Messiah are delayed, he learns of the 
1 2 "woes" which precede the coming of the 
Messiah, the four kingdoms, the 14 "floods" 
in which history is allegorized, and the neces- 
sity of Israel's atonement for its sins. 2 Bar 
is notable for its conception of a messianic 
kingdom upon earth before the final consum- 
mation and its conception of the resurrection, 
as well as for its conception of sin expressed 
in the line, "Each man is the Adam of his 
own soul." It was written after ad 70 and 
is preserved in a Syriac version of the Gk 
version (lost except for fragments) of a lost 
Hb or Aramaic original. 

3 Baruch (the Greek Apocalypse) is the 
story of Baruch's journey through the seven 
heavens. It is a Jewish work of the 2nd 
century AD reworked by Christians and is 
preserved in Gk. 

4 Esdras. This book (also called 2 Esdras) 
answers the question why Israel is afflicted 
and the messianic age delayed. The visions 
of Ezra* reveal the signs of the approaching 
end, the "woes" which precede the messianic 
coming, the four kingdoms with the fourth 
kingdom seen under the allegory of an eagle, 
the Messiah as the son of man coming from 
the sea. The general resurrection, the final 
judgment, and the heavenly Jerusalem are 
described, as well as the state of the soul 
between death and the judgment. This book 
also exhibits the conception of a messianic 
kingdom on earth before the final judgment. 
The problem of the small number of the 
saved is discussed. The book concludes with 
the story of how Ezra for 40 days and nights 
dictated 94 books by divine inspiration; 24 
are the canonical books of the OT, restored 
after their destruction in the Babylonian 
wars, and 70 are to be concealed (apokrypha) 
until the proper time. The book survives 
in several ancient versions of a lost Gk 
version of a lost Hb original. It was com- 
posed by Jews after ad 70 and was popular 
in the early Church. 

3. Wisdom: 

4 Maccabees. A discussion in the manner 
of the Gk philosophical schools in which 
it is proved by examples drawn from Hb 
history, especially the martyrs of 2 Mc, that 
reason dominates the passions. It was written 
in Gk by a Jew of Alexandria not earlier 
than 50 bc. 

4. Psalms: 

Psalms of Solomon, These 13 psalms are 
written in the form and style of the canoni- 
cal Psalms*. They illustrate Pharisaic belief 
and piety and messianic expectation. Allu- 

sions to Pompey and Herod and the Has- 
moneans indicate their composition in 50- 
30 bc. They are preserved in a Gk version 
of the lost Hb original. 
II. New Testament 
1 . Gospels: 

A. Infancy Gospels. 

Gospel of James, also called Protoevan- 
gelium. This important work, of little or no 
historical value, is the source of the names 
of Joachim* and Anna* as the parents of 
Mary*, the presentation of Mary in the 
temple*, the choice of Joseph* as Mary's 
husband by the blossoming of his wand. It 
expands the details of the suspicion of Mary's 
unchastity and the birth of Jesus. It is pre- 
served in Gk and was written not later than 
the 2nd century AD. 

Gospel of Thomas. A story of the boy- 
hood of Jesus filled with extravagant and 
often repulsive miracles. Doubtless from 
heretical sources, this book, in the words of 
Renan, represents the boy Jesus as a vicious 
little guttersnipe. Of uncertain date, it is 
preserved in Gk and in a Lt version. 

Arabic Gospel of the Infancy. This book 
depends largely on the apocryphal Gospels of 
James and Thomas, but adds stories of the 
flight into Egypt again replete with ex- 
travagant miracles, some accomplished by 
contact with the linen or the bath water of 
the infant. In this book Jesus meets the 
two robbers with whom He was crucified. 
It is a late compilation of earlier stories. 

History of Joseph the Carpenter. Fanci- 
ful details of the life of Joseph are added 
to the meager material of the Gospels, in 
particular his family, the story of the mar- 
riage, the flight into Egypt, his death in the 
presence of Jesus and Mary, and the removal 
of his soul by the angels. It is of Egyptian 
origin, not earlier than the 4th century AD, 
and is preserved in an Arabic version. 

B. Passion Gospels. 

Gospel of Peter. This is compiled from 
all four Gospels but casts doubt on the 
reality of Jesus' sufferings and is therefore 
Docetist. It was written about ad 150 and is 
preserved only in a Gk fragment. 

Gospel of Nicodemus, or Acts of Pilate. 
This book exists in several recensions, ex- 
pands the details of the trial of Jesus before 
Pilate and contains a circumstantial account 
of the descent into hell and the deliverance 
of the souls of the just. It was composed 
in the 4th century AD or later and is pre- 
served partly in Gk and partly in Lt versions. 

Gospel of Bartholomew. This book tells 
of the descent into hell, Mary's account of 
the annunciation, a vision of hell and the 
devil's account of his deeds. There is a series 
of questions addressed to Jesus by Bartholo- 
mew and an account of the resurrection of 




Jesus. It is preserved in fragments of the 
original Gk and of Lt versions and is earlier 
than the 4th century AD. 

Book of John the Evangelist. Questions 
addressed to Jesus and His answers. This 
heretical fragment attributes the creation of 
matter and the Jewish law to the devil. It is 
preserved in a Lt version and goes back to 
the 6th or 7th century AD. 

The Assumption of the Virgin. There are 
a number of apocryphal accounts of this 
event preserved in Gk, Lt, Syriac, Coptic, 
and Arabic. The most important is the Gk 
"discourse of St. John the Divine concern- 
ing the falling asleep of the holy mother 
of God" from about the 7th century AD. 
In this account the apostles were all brought 
back upon clouds to witness the death and 
assumption of Mary. 

Other apocryphal Gospels such as the Gos- 
pel according to the Hebrews (identified by 
some of the fathers with the Aramaic Mat- 
thew*), the Gospel of Peter, and the birth 
of Mary, are known only in fragments or 
by allusions in ancient writers. Of interest 
are the agrapha or unwritten sayings of Jesus 
not found in the canonical Gospels. Some 
of these are quoted by ancient Christian 
writers, and fragments of a collection of these 
sayings were discovered in Egypt in 1897 
and 1903; they come from the 3rd century. 

The Gospel of Thomas was discovered at 
Nag Hammadi in Egypt in 1945 and was 
published in 1958. It is a Gnostic collection 
of sayings of Jesus, some from the canonical 
Gospels and others clearly exhibiting Gnostic 
ideas. It is preserved in a Coptic translation 
of the Gk original and was produced in the 
2nd-3rd centuries AD. 

2. Acts: 

Acts of John. This conglomeration of mira- 
cles teaches the unreality of the body of 
Jesus and the heresy of the Encratites, who 
taught that marriage was sinful. John teaches 
women to abandon their husbands and be- 
trothed. The Gk original and a Lt version 
are both preserved in part; it was written 
before ad 150. The story of John cast into 
the caldron of boiling oil was first mentioned 
by Tertullian; but no Gk writer knows the 
story and it is not found in the extant 

Acts of Paul. Preserved only in fragments, 
mostly Coptic; the principal events are the 
rescue of Thecla from martyrdom and the 
martyrdom of Paul. The Encratite heresy 
also appears here. Tertullian says it was 
written by a presbyter of Asia about ad 160. 

Acts of Peter. This also exhibits Encratite 
and Docetist (denying the reality of the body 
of Jesus) tendencies. The episode of Simon 
Magus* is much expanded. This book contains 

the story of Jesus meeting Peter as Peter was 
fleeing from Rome ("Quo vadis") and of 
Peter's crucifixion head downward. It was 
written in Gk in Asia Minor about ad 200 
and is preserved in fragments of the Gk and 
of Lt and Coptic versions. 

Acts of Andrew. Like others, a series of 
miracles proposing Encratite teaching. The 
crucifixion of Andrew and his discourse from 
the cross are related. It was written in Gk 
about ad 200. 

Acts of Thomas. The most frankly En- 
cratite of all, this book is a series of episodes 
in which Thomas persuades wives to leave 
their husbands. This book places the ministry 
of Thomas in India and recounts his martyr- 
dom. With the preceding four books it was 
assembled into a corpus by the Manicheans 
to replace the canonical book of Acts. 

Acts of Philip. A series of fantastic mira- 
cles; in the most sensational, Philip by a 
magical formula opens the earth, which 
swallows up 7000 people. For this he was 
rebuked by Jesus and his entrance into para- 
dise postponed 40 days. It is of orthodox 
origin and was written in Gk before the 5th 

The number of apocryphal acts was very 
large, but they are all accounts of extravagant 
miracles. The Apostolic History of Abdias 
relates the journeys and ministry of the apos- 
tles in the countries with which they were 
traditionally associated. Acts were written 
under the names of Andrew and Matthias, 
Peter and Andrew, several of John and of 
Peter and Paul, and Thaddaeus. 

3. Epistles: 

Epistle of Abgar. A letter from Abgar, 
toparch of Edessa, asking Jesus to come and 
heal him, and the answer of Jesus promising 
an apostle, who in legend was Thaddaeus. It 
is preserved in a Gk version of the Syriac 
original and was written before the 4th 

Epistle to the Laodiceans. Composed on 
the basis of Col 4:16, it was compiled of 
phrases from the canonical Epistles before 
the 4th century and is preserved in Lt. 

Paul and Seneca. 14 short letters be- 
tween Paul and Seneca in which the Roman 
philosopher shows sympathy for Christianity. 
It is preserved in Lt and was written before 
the 4th century. 

Epistle of the Apostles. Written in the name 
of the 12 apostles, the epistle contains the 
revelations made by Jesus during the 40 days 
after His resurrection, concerned largely with 
the resurrection and the last judgment. It 
derives some episodes from the apocryphal 
Gospels. It is generally orthodox and was 
composed about ad 160; it survives in three 
ancient versions, of which the Ethiopic is 




4. Apocalypses: 

The best preserved of the apocalypses are 
those of Peter (2nd century), Paul, and 
Thomas ( both 4th century). They are similar 
in character, containing exaggerated descrip- 
tions of the last judgment, the joys of heaven, 
and the punishments of hell. 

ApoIIonia (Gk apollonia, "named after 
Apollo"), a city of NE Macedonia on the 
Via Egnatia between Amphipolis* and Thes- 
salonica*, which Paul passed through on his 
journey through Macedonia (AA 17:1). 

Apollonius (Gk apollonios, "belonging to 
[the god] Apollo"), 1. Apollonius of Tarsus 
(2 Mc 3:5), son of Menestheus (2 Mc 4:4), 
governor of Coelesyria* and Phoenicia* un- 
der Seleucus* IV, who informed the king 
of the treasures of the temple of Jerusalem, 
which the king sent Heliodorus* to plunder 
(2 Mc 3:5 ff). It is probably the same officer, 
not mentioned by name in 1 Mc 1 :29, who 
began the campaign to hellenize the Jews 
under Antiochus* IV with a raid upon 
Jerusalem (1 Mc 1 :29 ff; cf 2 Mc 4:24 ff). 
He was killed in battle by Judas* in 
166 bc. 2. The son of Gennaeus, a com- 
mander of Antiochus V, who raided the Jews 
near Joppa* and Jamnia* (2 Mc 12:2). 3. 
Governor of Coelesyria under Demetrius* II, 
defeated in battle by Jonathan* and Simon* 
(1 Mc 10:69 ff). 

Apollos (Gk apollos, probably abbreviated 
from Apollonius [some suggest Apollodorus 
or Apollonides]) ; a Jew of Alexandria*, 
learned in rhetoric and the Scriptures, pos- 
sibly a student of Philo. He preached Jesus 
as the Messiah, although he was still a 
disciple of John* the Baptist; but Priscilla* 
and Aquila* met him at Ephesus* and gave 
him full instruction in "the Way." He then 
passed to Corinth* and taught the Jews from 
the Scriptures that Jesus was the Messiah 
(AA 18:24 ff). The disciples of John whom 
Paul found shortly afterwards at Ephesus 
may have been converts of Apollos. Apollos' 
preaching at Corinth was successful; Paul 
speaks of him as watering what he had 
himself planted (1 Co 3:6). Unfortunately 
one of the cliques at Corinth had formed 
itself under the name of Apollos (others 
under Paul and Cephas; cf corinthians), 
and Paul found it necessary to break these 
up to preserve the unity of the church ( 1 
Co l:10ff; 3:3 ff; 4:6 ff). Apollos, either 
voluntarily or at Paul's request, had left 
Corinth and did not wish to return; no sus- 
picion attaches to him about the cliques. Paul 
later requested Titus* at Crete* to forward 
Apollos on his journey. 

Apollyon. Cf abaddon. 

Apostle (Gk apostolos, from apostellein, "to 
send forth"). Most instances of the word 
in classical Gk refer to a ship or a fleet, 
either freighters or vessels of a naval expedi- 
tion. The adjective is used to designate an 
ambassador, delegate, or messenger, but such 
uses are rare; the NT uses the word in this 
sense twice (Jn 13:16; Phi 2:25). A similar 
use transferred to a religious sense seems 
to lie behind 2 Co 8:23, where the apostles 
mentioned are not apostles in the technical 
sense (cf below), but missionaries or mes- 
sengers sent by particular churches. The 
apostles mentioned with the prophets (Lk 
11:49; Eph 3:5; Ape 2:2; 18:20) are mes- 
sengers of God, not really distinguished from 
the prophets, unless these passages echo the 
Jewish conception of Moses*, Elijah*, and 
Ezekiel* (cf below). Jesus Himself is called 
an apostle (Heb 3:1), the only use of the 
word in this letter, as one sent from God. 
In the NT the word designates a small group 
who hold the highest position in the Church 
and are charged with its most responsible 
functions; but a closer definition of the term 
discloses some problems which do not admit 
a peremptory answer. 

No clear background of the NT concept 
and term appears either in Gk or in Judaism. 
In the Cynic-Stoic school of philosophy the 
philosopher sometimes conceived himself as 
a messenger of Zeus, but the term remains 
vague. In Judaism, however, men who 
were "sent" on missions by a central au- 
thority do appear with the Hb title sali"h, 
salu a h. 2 Ch 17:7-9 describes men who were 
sent by Jehoshaphat to teach the book of 
the law*; the Chronicler here retrojects an 
institution which must have existed in his 
own time. The title is also given to rabbis 
who were sent from the council of Jeru- 
salem to the Jews of the Diaspora* to 
proclaim the calendar, to collect donations, 
to make visitations of local communities, to 
install teachers, and to maintain communica- 
tions between the Diaspora and Palestine. 
Most of these are attested for the period 
after ad 70 and thus can have no influence 
on the NT conception of apostle. One who 
prays in the name of the synagogue con- 
gregation is also called "sent." The emissaries 
of the council were designated by the im- 
position of hands. Jewish missionaries proper, 
however, who are sent to make proselytes 
(Mt 23:15) are never called "sent." Of the 
spiritual leaders of the OT four in particular 
are given the title of "sent": Moses, Elijah, 
Elisha, and Ezekiel. The basis of this desig- 
nation is the attribution to them of thauma- 
turgical powers otherwise reserved to God: 
the procuring of water and rain, power over 
birth, the resurrection of the dead. The 
prophets are not called "sent" in Judaism. 




Hence in just those offices and functions 
which bear some resemblance to NT apostle- 
ship the title is not used, and it is used 
where no more than a slight similarity can 
be perceived. 

The name of apostle certainly belongs to 
the group of disciples most frequently 
called the Twelve, enumerated in Mt 10: 
2-4; Mk 3:16-19; Lk 6:13-16; AA 1:13. 
This group forms a college; it is called the 
Eleven during the interval between the death 
of Judas and the election of Matthias* (Mt 
28:16: Mk 16:14; Lk 24:9, 33; AA 1:26). 
The number 12 is evidently a sacred num- 
ber which needs completion by the election 
of Matthias. The number seems to echo the 
12 tribes of Israel which the Twelve 
will judge (Mt 19:28; Lk 22:30); the apos- 
tles are the foundations of the New Israel 
of the Church. But no replacement is men- 
tioned after the death of James* the son 
of Zebedee (AA 12:2); the Twelve was not 
considered a perpetual institution, since the 
conditions of membership (cf below) could 
not be met except by the first generation 
of Palestinian Christians. The Twelve are 
in the first place disciples; but they are 
chosen by Jesus to be His constant com- 
panions, and they are submitted to a full 
instruction in the truths which He pro- 
claims. The name apostles is given them 
several times, either explicitly or in contexts 
where it is clear that they are meant (Mt 
10:2; Lk 6:13; 9:10; 17:5; 22:14; AA 1:26; 
5:29; 15:2, 4, 6, 22 f; 16:4; Ape 21:14+). 
It is evident that the designation of apostles 
for the Twelve is preferred by Lk, whereas 
it is found only once in Mk (6:30) and in 
Mt (10:2); this suggests that the title was 
not a primitive designation in the Church. 
It is not found at all in the ecclesiastical 
sense in Jn. A number of scholars con- 
sequently doubts that the title goes back to 
Jesus Himself, although they do not ques- 
tion His election of the Twelve; they believe 
that it was conferred by the primitive Church. 
Others find this rarity in the Synoptic Gos- 
pels not convincing and believe that the 
title originated with Jesus. R. Rengstorff 
compromises by supposing that the title is 
used only in the Gospels when the Twelve 
are sent on a particular mission and that 
it does not become a title, still less an office, 
in the Gospels. 

The Twelve are chosen by Jesus (AA 
1:2 + ) . They teach and preside over the 
fellowship of the primitive community (AA 
2:42 f). They are witnesses to the resurrec- 
tion (AA 4:33). They preside over the 
distribution of goods in the community (AA 
4:34-37; 5:2). They speak in the name 
of Jesus (AA 5:40) and perform signs and 
wonders in His name (AA 5:12). Theirs 

is the ministry of the word (AA 6:2). They 
impose hands on the Seven (cf deacon) 
to authorize them to care for the distribu- 
tion of goods (AA 6:6). They become iden- 
tified with Jerusalem as their residence (AA 
8:1, 14, 18; 9:27; 11:1), even after the 
Jerusalem community was scattered by per- 
secution. With the elders of the Jerusalem 
church they form the supreme legislative 
body of the Church (AA 15:2, 4, 6, 22 f; 
16:4). The twelve foundation stones of the 
new Jerusalem bear the names of the Twelve 
apostles (Ape 21:14). He who is elected to 
replace Judas in the Twelve must have been 
a member of the company from the baptism 
of John to the ascension of Jesus and a 
witness of His resurrection (AA 1:15-26). It 
is evident that each of the original Twelve 
was chosen personally by Jesus; a condition 
was personal knowledge of the Incarnate 
Word. Their first commission empowered 
them to expel unclean spirits, heal diseases, 
and announce the kingdom (Mt 10:1; Mk 
3:13-15; 6:7; Lk 9:1). They are selected 
from the general group of disciples to share 
in His work. The constitution of the college . 
of the Twelve to carry on and continue the 
work of Jesus is done by the Risen Christ; 
they are to preach repentance (Lk 24:44- 
49), to make disciples and baptize (Mt 28: 
16-20). While the title does not appear in 
Jn, the commission does; Jesus confers the 
Holy Spirit and power upon the Twelve 
(Jn 20:21). The mission of the Twelve is 
rendered operative by the gift of the Spirit 
after the ascension of Jesus in Lk 24:49; 
AA 1:8; 2. 

The peculiar position of the Twelve in 
the primitive Church is thus clear; but it 
is not equally clear that this is synonymous 
with their position as apostles. The singular 
"apostle" appears first in the Pauline writ- 
ings. It is of course applied to Peter (1 Pt 
1:1; 2 Pt 1:1) and James (Gal 1:19). 
But it is also given to Barnabas* (AA 14: 
14) and to the otherwise unknown Androni- 
cus and Junias (Rm 16:7). The apostles 
are also mentioned several times in contexts 
where it is not clear that the Twelve are 
meant exclusively (1 Co 4:9-13; 9:5; 15:7; 
2 Pt 3:2; Jd 17). Paul includes apostleship 
among the charismatic offices of the Church 
(1 Co 12:28 f). The prophets and apostles 
are the foundation of the Church (Eph 2:20). 
The identity of the "superapostles" at whom 
Paul scoffs is not clear (2 Co 12:11). They 
are apparently the "pseudo-apostles" of 2 
Co 11:13 and therefore not entitled to the 
name; but if the name were limited to the 
Twelve, there could scarcely be any possi- 
bility of men who seem to have been in 
good standing claiming the title. Furthermore, 
Lk 10:1-20 contains an account of the mis- 




sion of the Seventy which does not differ 
in its powers and scope from the mission of 
the Twelve as he reports it (9:2-5); the 
title apostle is not given to the Seventy, but 
the parallelism of the missions is striking. 
It appears that in at least some parts of 
the early Church the title of apostle was 
extended to others besides the Twelve; but 
Luke of all the NT writers most clearly 
limits the title to the Twelve and Paul. It 
is somewhat remarkable that the title is never 
given to Apollos* and Timothy*; this can 
only be, it seems, because each of them 
lacked the prime requisite of the apostle, 
personal experience of the living Jesus. 

Paul is insistent upon his claim to the 
apostolate and explicit upon the qualifica- 
tions and mission of the apostle. While his 
first mission was committed to him by the 
church of Antioch* (AA 13:2), Paul never 
appeals to this commission; the commission 
of the Church did not make one an apostle. 
While Paul never says it expressly, the tone 
of his utterances indicates that he claimed 
to be an apostle equal to the Twelve. The 
claim of itself was not enough; the account 
given in Gal 1-2 demonstrates that the 
Twelve accepted his claim. His claim is based 
upon the qualities of the Twelve: personal 
election by Jesus and personal experience 
of the living Jesus, even though Paul knew 
only the risen Jesus. His conviction of his 
apostolate rises from the Damascus experi- 
ence (Gal 1:16), given in three forms. Each 
form emphasizes his election: he is a chosen 
instrument to carry the name of Jesus before 
Gentiles, kings, and Israelites (AA 9:15), 
he is witness for Jesus to all men (AA 22: 
15), he is appointed to serve and bear 
witness, to open men's eyes that they may 
turn from darkness to light and receive 
forgiveness of sins and holiness through 
faith (AA 26:16-18). Jesus has appeared 
to Paul as He has to the Twelve (1 Co 
15:8). They were apostles "before him," but 
he also is an apostle (Gal 1:17). Paul, like 
Jeremiah, was set apart before his birth 
and called through grace (Gal 1:15). He 
is called to be an apostle, set apart for the 
gospel (Rm 1:1), called by the will of God 
to be an apostle ( 1 Co 1 : 1 ; 2 Co 1 : 1 ; Eph 
1:1; Col 1:1; 2 Tm 1:1), an apostle not 
from man or through man but through 
Jesus Christ and God the Father (Gal 1:1), 
an apostle by command of God and Jesus 
Christ ( 1 Tm 1:1), appointed preacher and 
apostle, the teacher of the Gentiles ( 1 Tm 
2:7). As Peter has received the apostolate 
to the Jews, so Paul has received the aposto- 
late to the Gentiles (AA 9:15; 22:15; Rm 
11:13; Gal 2:8), and he has received it from 
Jesus Christ (Rm 1 :5). It is to be noted that 

Paul associates his call not only with Jesus 
but also with the Father. 

Paul realizes that the apostolate is a charis- 
matic office, the work of grace and not of 
man (1 Co 15:10). He preaches Jesus as 
Lord in virtue of the illumination from 
God which reveals the knowledge of the glory 
of Christ (2 Co 4:5 f). Paul has the power 
of thaumaturgy, the sign of the true apostle 
(AA 15:12; 2 Co 12:12). But the seal of 
his apostolate is the church which he has 
founded (1 Co 9:2). The apostles are slaves 
of Christ and stewards of the mysteries of 
God (1 Co 4:1). He preaches the word of 
the cross (1 Co 1:18), which is the word 
of reconciliation (2 Co 5:19). The apostles 
are ambassadors of Christ (2 Co 5:20) and 
fellow workers with God (1 Co 3:9; 2 Co 
6:1). The apostle delivers what he has re- 
ceived from Jesus (1 Co 11:23; 15:1 ff). 

R. Bultmann has summed up the apostolic 
function thus: the apostle proclaims the risen 
Lord; he is the bearer of tradition*; he holds 
an office which pertains to the whole Church; 
he appoints other officers (but not other 
apostles); he is the basic constitutive ele- 
ment of the Church. The texts cited above 
illustrate the points of this summary. The 
authority of the apostles is most clearly 
seen in the acts of the Twelve in Jerusalem 
and in Paul's government of the churches 
which he founded; these always remained his 
responsibility, and his power of decision was 
questioned only at Corinth, where it was 

The qualities of the apostolic office cited 
above are themselves evidence that the office 
could not survive the first generation of the 
Church. But the apostolic office as the con- 
stitutive element of the Church could not 
end without the Church itself ending also. 
Hence the Church preserved apostolic power 
in other officers and apostolic preaching in 

Apphia (Gk apphia), a woman mentioned 
in the address of the letter to Philemon*, 
probably the wife of Philemon (Phm 2). 

Appius, Forum of or Market of. A town on 
the Appian Way from Rome to Capua 
where Paul was met by Christians from 
Rome on his journey thither as a prisoner 

(AA 28:15). 

Apple (Hb tappu a h is usually translated "ap- 
ple" [Pr 25:11; SS 2:3, 5; 7:9; 8:5; Jl 1:12]). 
It is not certain that the apple was culti- 
vated in ancient Palestine; apricot, citron, 
lemon, and orange have been suggested 
as alternate translations. The identification 
of the fruit of Paradise* as the apple is 
without foundation. 




Aquila (akylas, Gk form of Lt aquila, 
"eagle"?). A Jew, a native of Pontus*, who 
with his wife Priscilla* came to Corinth* 
when Claudius* expelled the Jews from 
Rome. There Paul* met them and resided 
with them since he practiced their trade of 
tentmaking. They accompanied Paul to Ephe- 
sus* where they instructed Apollos* in Chris- 
tianity (AA 18). They were still in Ephesus 
when Paul sent their greetings to Corinth 
(1 Co 16:19), and again later when Paul 
greeted them from Rome (2 Tm 4:19). In 
the meantime they had returned to Rome, 
where Paul sent them greetings from Corinth, 
thanking them for risking their lives to save 
his, an episode not elsewhere mentioned (Rm 
16:3 f). The repeated greetings such as this 
show Paul's attachment to these his "fellow 
workers in Christ Jesus" (Rm 15:3), who 
were probably his first converts at Corinth. 

Ar (Hb 'ar, meaning unknown), usually Ar 
Moab, a city of Moab* (Nm 21:15, frag- 
ment of an ancient song; Dt 2:9, 29). An- 
other ancient song refers to its devastation 
(Nm 21:28); Is 15:1 refers to another and 
later devastation. Dt 2:18 places it at the 
boundary of Moab. The site is not certain; 
Khirbet Rabbah, on the Moabite plateau 
about 3 mi S of the Anion* and 25 mi N 
of Kerak, is suggested. Some scholars think 
the word in Dt 2:9, 18, 29 means district, 
not city. 

Arabah (Hb ' a rdbdh, "arid"), as a common 
noun denotes a desert; with the article it often 
becomes a geographical term designating "the 
desert" nearest central Palestine, the Jor- 
dan valley (Dt 1:7; 2:8; 3:17; Jos 11:2, 
16, 12:8; 18:18; 2 S 2:29; 4:7; 2 K 25:4; 
Je 39:4; 52:7; Ezk 47:8; Zc 14:10). In Dt 
2:8 it seems clear that the term includes the 
modern Wadi Arabah, the name of the con- 
tinuation of the rift from the Dead Sea 
to the Gulf of Aqaba*, which is a more 
arid region than the Jordan valley; and the 
term possibly always has this fuller meaning 
in Hb. Cf JORDAN. 

Arabia, Arab. The great peninsula of Arabia 
is regarded by many ethnologists as the 
motherland of all the Semitic peoples, which 
have emerged in almost regular irruptions to 
settle in the surrounding area of the Fertile 
Crescent. Whether this theory is rigorously 
valid, it is true that such irruptions have 
occurred often in the historical period, and 
that the Semitic peoples of biblical lands and 
history belong racially, culturally, and lin- 
guistically to the same group with the Arabs. 
The central desert of Arabia extends in a 
wedge northward and separates Mesopotamia* 
from Canaan*, and the Negeb* of Palestine* 

touches Arabia. It was this fringe which 
was known in the OT, although not under 
a single name. The name Arab (Hb ' a rab) is 
used to designate a nomad (Is 13:20) and a 
bandit (Je 3:2) and generally signifies the 
tribes of the Syrian desert and south of 
the Negeb (2 Ch 17:11; 21:16; 22:1; 26:7; 
Ezr 27:21; Is 21:13; Je 25:24). These tribes 
are also called "Sons of the east" (Hb 
b r ne Kedem; Gn 29:1; Jgs 6:3; 1 K5:10 +). 
Ch alludes to the raids of the Arabs on 
the settlements (2 Ch 21:16; 22:1; 26:7). 
The Assyrian records of the 8th and 7th 
centuries BC relate campaigns against the 
Arab tribes of the desert and tribute received 
from them, but it is doubtful that these cam- 
paigns were effective very far from the 
desert border. Arabia was important com- 
mercially and exported minerals and spices, 
its chief products, through Palestine to the 
ports of Phoenicia*; Solomon* had commer- 
cial relations with Arabia (1 K 10:15; 2 Ch 
9:14). The OT as a rule knows Arabian 
tribes by their own names rather than by 
the general designation of Arab; the 1 3 sons 
of Joktan* (Gn 10:26 ff), the 6 sons of 
Keturah* (Gn 25:1 ff), and the 12 sons 
of Ishmael* (Gn 25: 12 ff) are Arabian tribes, 
and the genealogy recognizes the kinship be- 
tween them and the Hebrews. Arabia is 
mentioned in the NT only in Gal 1:17; 4:25. 
As the place of Paul's pilgrimage it probably 
signifies the Syrian desert and the territory 
S of the Negeb, and it is impossible to define 
Paul's destination more closely; the vague- 
ness of the term appears in the second allu- 
sion, which places Mt Sinai* in Arabia. On 
the more important Arabian tribes connected 
with the Bible cf dedan; havilah; hazar- 
maveth; kedar; midian; nabateans; ophir; 
sheba; teman. 

Arad (Hb '"rad, meaning uncertain); a 
Canaanite* city whose king attacked the 
Israelites on their march to Canaan (Nm 
21:1 ff). The sack of the city there men- 
tioned occurred later and is attributed to 
Joshua* (Jos 12:14). The site of the city 
is Tell Arad, 16Vi mi S of Hebron, where 
the ruins of a Bronze Age fortress can be 

Aram, Aramaeans (Hb '"ram). The Arama- 
eans are first mentioned in the records of 
the Assyrian* king Tiglath-pileser I (1112- 
1074 bc); they are thought by many scholars 
to be identical with the Ahlamu mentioned 
in earlier records, or to be a part of the 
Ahlamu. Ahlamu is very probably an appel- 
lative, "nomads." They first appear as a no- 
madic tribe of the Syrian desert which at- 
tacks the settled country and finally settles 
there. During the weakness of Assyria in the 




12th- 11th centuries BC the Aramaeans set- 
tled in northern Syria* and in southern 
Babylonia, where they merged with the 
Chaldeans*. The Aramaeans developed a 
group of strong commercial city-states in 
Syria which prospered until the Assyrian 
conquests of the 9th-8th centuries BC, when 
they were absorbed into the Assyrian empire. 
The Aramaeans were not culturally creative 
but they were a focus of the mixture and 
diffusion of cultures. The religion of the 
Aramaeans is not well known, since the 
literature from the early period is limited 
to a few inscriptions; the names of the 
gods mentioned there reveal a syncretism 
of Canaanite and Mesopotamian deities. We 
find Baal* under various titles, Hadad*, the 
storm god, Shamash, a Mesopotamian solar 
god, Tammuz*, a dying and rising god of 
fertility whose cult was extremely popular, 
and Rekub-el, Sahr (solar god), Nikkal 
(lunar goddess), and Nusk (fire god). Sahr 
and Nikkal are found in Ugarit. The god 
Bethel (cf elephantine) is probably 

Israel's relations with the Aramaeans were 
close and ancient. In the traditions of Israel's 
mixed origins Aramaeans appear among their 
ancestors. In the table of nations* Aram is 
a son of Shem (Gn 10:22). According to 
Am 9:7 they came from Kir*, not certainly 
identified. Nahor*, the brother of Abraham, 
lived in Aram Naharaim (Gn 24:10). The 
name Naharina in Egyptian (Nahrina in the 
Amarna tablets) designates the territory of 
northern Syria and the upper Euphrates 
centered around Carchemish and Harran 
which became Aramaean after the 12th cen- 
tury BC. To this name the Hebrews prefixed 
Aram as they did to the names of other 
Aramaean states. Balaam* was summoned 
from Aram Naharaim (Nm 23:7; Dt 23:5 
cf pethor). This region is called Paddan* 
Aram in another tradition. Jacob is once 
called "an Aramaean vagabond" (Dt 26:5) 
and Laban* is called an Aramaean (Gn 25: 
20; 28:5; 31:20, 24). Cushan-rishathaim is 
called king of Aram Naharaim, but cf 
cushan-rishathaim. The presence of Aram- 
aean nomads in the region where they later 
settled is assured for the period of the patri- 
archs. During the monarchy the Israelites, 
in spite of almost constant wars, were com- 
mercially and culturally in close touch with 
the Aramaean states of Syria; cf beth-#ehob; 
Damascus; geshur; maacah; zobah. The 
final collapse of the Syrian states before 
Assyria in the 8th century BC opened the 
way for the conquest of Israel. 

Aramaic. The language of the Aramaeans* 
and possibly of the Hebrews before their 
settlement in Canaan*. In any case, the 

Aramaeans did not themselves adopt Canaan- 
ite but retained their own tongue. It is classi- 
fied as a northwest Semitic language. The 
wide diffusion of the Aramaeans and their 
commercial activities carried the language 
through the entire area of Palestine, Syria, 
and Mesopotamia; but the language reached 
its greatest diffusion after the Aramaean 
states ceased to have any political importance. 
Its use as an international diplomatic lan- 
guage is seen in 2 K 18:26, where it is 
known by the Assyrian and Hebrew officers 
but not by the people. Its use had become 
common by the period of the Neo-Babylonian 
empire and after the 6th century BC it be- 
came the Semitic language most commonly 
used. Its alphabetical script, borrowed from 
the Canaanites, made it a much simpler 
medium of written communications than Ak- 
kadian*. It was the common language of the 
peoples of the Persian* empire and the offi- 
cial language of the imperial government. 
It enjoyed this general use until the spread 
of Hellenism*; but even after Gk became 
the language of literary culture, politics, and 
commerce, Aramaic remained the language 
of the common people until it was replaced 
by Arabic after the Mohammedan conquests 
of the 7th century AD and later. Except for 
inscriptions there is no literature earlier than 
the 5th century, but after this point the re- 
mains are extensive. The papyri from the 
Jewish colony of Elephantine* in Egypt in 
the 5th century are Aramaic. In the OT Ezr 
4:8-6:18; 7:12-26; Je 10:11; Dn 2:4-7:28 
are in Aramaic, and the Aramaic documents 
of the Persian foreign office quoted in Ezr 
are now generally thought to be authentic. 
During these centuries the Jews, especially 
those living outside Palestine, found it neces- 
sary to make Aramaic versions of the OT 
called Targums*. Aramaic is the language 
of the Talmud*. It was the common language 
of Palestine in NT times used by Jesus, 
with different dialects (Mt 26:73). It was 
on the title of the cross (Jn 19:20, called 
"Hebrew") and Jesus quoted Ps 22:2 in 
Aramaic from the cross. The composition of 
the Gospels* in Aramaic, except for Mt*, is 
defended by few scholars: but the oral sources 
of the Gospel tradition were largely, if not 
entirely, Aramaic. The wide diffusion of 
Aramaic led to the development of several 

1. Eastern Aramaic: 

(a) Babylonian Aramaic (the Baby- 
lonian Talmud); 

(b) dialect of the Mandaean and Mani- 
chean literature; 

(c) Syriac, developed from the dialect 
of Edessa into several dialects of 
its own with an extensive Christian 




2. Western Aramaic: 

(a) Jewish Aramaic (the Targums); 

(b) Palestinian Aramaic (Jerusalem 
Talmud), the language used by 
Jesus, but no literary remains un- 
til several centuries later 

(c) Samaritan 

(d) Palmyrene (inscriptions) 

(e) Nabataean (inscriptions) 

Ararat (Hb '"rdrat, meaning uncertain), the 
region in which the ark of Noah* settled 
after the deluge* (Gn 8:4) and to which the 
sons of Sennacherib* fled after his murder 
(2 K 19:37; Is 37:38), mentioned in Je 
51:27. It is identical with Urartu, mentioned 
often in the Assyrian records of the 9th- 
7th centuries BC as a persistent adversary 
which the Assyrians were never able to sub- 
jugate effectively. Urartu was located in the 
mountains of Armenia around Lake Van. 

Aratus (Gk aratos, meaning uncertain), a 
poet of Soloi (310-245 bc) who resided 
at the courts of Antigonus in Macedonia 
and Seleucus in Antioch. His astronomical 
poem Phaenomena is quoted by Paul in his 
discourse at Athens (AA 17:28). 

Araunah (Hb '"rawnah, the name may be 
Hittite), a Jebusite* citizen of Jerusalem*. 
During the plague David* saw the angel of 
Yahweh at the threshing floor of Araunah 
and purchased the land for an altar. This 
was the site where Solomon* built the tem- 
ple* (2 S 24:16 ff). In 1 Ch 21:15 ff the 
name appears as Oman. 

Archaeology. From Gk archaios -f- logos, the 
"science of antiquities". Archaeology is a 
subscience of history, but only within the 
last century has it become a formal science 
with its own objective and methods. Before 
the 19th century the study of antiquities, as 
opposed to the study of written records, 
which is history in the rigorous sense, was 
limited to the examination of those artifacts 
which could be found on the surface of the 
ground. Closer examination of the sites of 
ancient habitation revealed that most of the 
remains lay under the surface of the soil, 
and digging disclosed that they reached a 
far greater depth than had been suspected. 
As more of these ancient remains were found, 
archaeological evidence as a supplement to 
the monumental or written source was seen 
to be indispensable for the study of the past; 
it contributes knowledge which no written 
document contains. In the interpretation of 
archaeological remains the written document 
is indispensable; but modern techniques have 
made it possible to construct a remarkably 

illuminating picture of the past from archaeo- 
logical remains alone. 

Modern archaeology is the exploration of 
sites of human habitation by excavation and 
the interpretation of the findings. There are 
few areas in the world which have not 
been so explored; for the Bible the areas 
of interest are Palestine and Syria, Egypt, 
Mesopotamia, Asia Minor, and Greece. 
The technique of excavation has been de- 
veloped from the very nature of the Pales- 
tinian and Mesopotamian site. The Pales- 
tinian site was chosen for the availability 
of ground water and some elevation which 
made the site more defensible; in the alluvial 
plain of Mesopotamia neither of these fac- 
tors was decisive. In each area the ancient 
site now appears as an extensive mound 
(Arabic tell) formed by the deposit of debris 
through centuries of occupation. The archae- 
ologist selects his site, which may be iden- 
tified through the persistence of the ancient 
name or through geographical data in an- 
cient sources, and first clears and surveys it. 
The area of excavation is rarely the entire 
mound, for this would be very expensive; 
and modern archaeologists prefer to leave 
some material for future work. The area 
selected is carefully dug, measured, and 
photographed, and the dirt is sifted for arti- 
facts, which are classified according to the 
place of discovery. Excavation discloses the 
levels of occupation, more clearly defined if 
one level was ended by destruction or fol- 
lowed by a long period of nonoccupation. 
Recording of each level is essential, since 
the upper level must be destroyed to reach 
the lower. Distinct levels in a site long oc- 
cupied may be as many as 16, but the 
archaeologist tries to reach virgin soil or 
bedrock. The levels are dated by their con- 
tents. Types of building material and con- 
struction, weapons and tools, and such ob- 
jects exhibit the style of their period, which 
is determined by amassing material sufficient 
for classification. Presence of foreign objects 
indicates commercial and other relations. If 
coins or written records are discovered, they 
date the site themselves; this is rare in Pales- 
tinian lower levels, and the most important 
object for dating is pottery*, which is al- 
ways found in abundance, and has long been 
classified into different periods according to 
its style and texture. The entire results of 
the exploration are published: account of the 
exploration, description and photographs of 
the site in the various levels of excavation 
and of all objects discovered. Only then are 
evaluation and interpretation possible. 

Palestinian archaeology begins with the 
American Edward Robinson, who in 1838 
began his explorations to identify ancient 
sites. The Palestinian Exploration Fund, 




founded in Great Britain in 1865, produced 
the Palestine Ordnance survey map, the first 
detailed and accurate map of the country, 
based on a thorough survey of the country, 
printed on the scale of one in/ one mi. Early 
excavations up to 1900 suffered from a lack 
of technique and of comparative material; 
the Englishman Flinders Petrie and the 
American F. J. Bliss established the pottery 
index of chronology in 1894, which was 
a revolution in the field. After 1900 a num- 
ber of important excavations were done; 
these are noticed in the separate articles. 
World War I (1914-1918) interrupted 
archaeology, but the period 1919-1939 was 
the most fruitful period of modern study, 
dominated by the American W. F. Albright. 
The most recent archaeological events, both 
of profound interest, have been the discovery 
(1947) of the Dead Sea Scrolls (cf qumran) 
and the exploration of Jericho* by Kathleen 
Kenyon (1952-1957). 

Exploration in Mesopotamia began with 
the work of the Frenchman Botta at Khorsa- 
bad in 1843 and the Englishman Layard at 
Nineveh in 1845 and has been pursued 
without interruption except for the two world 
wars. Mesopotamia, the seat of a much older 
and more highly developed civilization than 
that of the Hebrews, drew interest because 
of its artistic remains, which were very at- 
tractive to the great museums; Palestine has 
never yielded any such treasures. Unfortu- 
nately the explorations down to the 20th 
century were conducted with the objective 
of securing museum pieces without photog- 
raphy and stratigraphic description, as ex- 
plained above. Few Mesopotamian sites of 
importance have not been explored; cf sepa- 
rate articles. Egyptian archaeology developed 
at the same time. 

The results of archaeological exploration 
cannot be summed up, but the following ex- 
amples will show its value. Mesopotamian 
archaeology itself furnished the written docu- 
ments for the history of this area, which 
before 1850 was unknown except for scat- 
tered allusions in the Bible and a few Greek 
authors. The library of Ashur-bani-pal re- 
vealed a vast collection of religious and secu- 
lar literature which not only gave unique 
information on Mesopotamian history and 
religion, but also the materials for the study 
of Akkadian* and the hitherto unknown 
language and civilization of the Sumerians*. 
Archaeology has discovered and interpreted 
the legal code of Hammurabi*, the records 
of the Assyrian kings who conquered Judah 
and Israel, the Babylonian accounts of crea- 
tion and the deluge, the names and characters 
of Mesopotamian gods, the palaces and tem- 
ples of Nineveh, Babylon and other cities, 
Assyrian and Babylonian art, hundreds of 

hymns and prayers. Mari and Nuzu have 
disclosed the world of the patriarchs. In 
Egypt there was recovered a vast literature 
which showed the influence of Egypt on 
Canaan and the Hebrews. Of special impor- 
tance were the Amarna* Letters and the 
fragments of Egyptian wisdom literature, 
on which OT wisdom* depended largely for 
form and content. Egyptian art, like Meso- 
potamian art, enables us to reconstruct the 
daily life and occupations of ancient times. 
Many biblical place names appear in Egyp- 
tian lists. The chronology* of the OT has 
been established from Mesopotamian and 
Egyptian records. In Palestine there have 
been no comparable discoveries of written 
materials; but the Mesha* stone, the Siloam* 
inscription and the Lachish* Letters have 
been of primary importance. Archaeology 
has brought forth the palaces of Saul* and 
Ahab* and the stables at Megiddo*, at first 
attributed to Solomon*, more recently by 
Yigael Yadin to Ahab*. It has given abundant 
evidence of the Hebrew conquest of Canaan- 
ite cities. It has found Solomon's copper 
mining and smelting plants. It has made 
known the character of the ancient Hebrew 
city and house, its fortifications, weapons 
and jewelry, seals, manufactures, even the 
amulets and figurines of popular superstition. 
Ugarit* has yielded the only extensive 
Canaanite literary remains, and has enabled 
us to reconstruct Canaanite religion, the 
chief adversary of the Hebrew faith during 
its early centuries. There is scarcely a page 
of the Bible which has not been illuminated 
by archaeology, which supplies both the broad 
historical background of the ancient world 
into which the Hebrews can be placed and 
the real and concrete details of life and work 
in that world. In addition, although it is 
not of strictly biblical interest, Palestine has 
become one of the most important areas 
for the study of prehistoric man. 

Archaeological periods (Albright) 

Chalcolithic 4500-3200 B.C. 
Early Bronze I 3200-2900 
Early Bronze II 2900-2700 
Early Bronze III 2700-2300 
Early Bronze IV 2300-2100 
Middle Bronze I 2100-1900 
Middle Bronze II 1900-1600 
Late Bronze I 1600-1400 
Late Bronze II 1400-1200 
Iron I 1200-900 
Iron II 900-600 
Iron III 600-330 

Archangel (Gk archangelos, "chief angel"), 
the word occurs in the Bible only in Jd 9 
(Michael*, quotation from Assumption of 
Moses) and in 1 Th 4:16; an archangel will 
announce the Parousia*. Cf angel. 




Archelaus (Gk archelaos, "ruler of the peo- 
ple"), son of Herod* the Great and Malthake, 
ruler of Judaea 4 bc-ad 6 (Mt 2:22). Herod's 
last will and testarnent had divided his king- 
dom between Archelaus, Antipas*, Philip*, 
and Salome*. Shortly after Herod's death 
the Jews in Jerusalem rioted at the Pass'- 
over because Archelaus refused a petition 
for redress of grievances, and the riot was 
suppressed with the loss of many lives. When 
Archelaus went to Rome to have Herod's 
will confirmed, a delegation of Jews also 
went to petition that his territory be put di- 
rectly under the Roman governor of Syria. 
Augustus did not grant the petition, but 
withheld the title of king from Archelaus 
and gave him only the title of ethnarch. 
Archelaus had his father's cruelty but not 
his competence, and riots and disorders pre- 
vailed during his government; when in addi- 
tion he was suspected of disloyalty, he was 
deposed and banished to Vienne in Gaul. 
He died in ad 18. After his deposition Judea 
was administered by a Roman procurator 
under the governor of Syria. 

Areopagus, Areopagite (Gk areios pagos, 
"hill of Ares [English "Mars Hill"]"), a hill 
NW of the Acropolis in Athens*. Before the 
5th century BC this was the meeting place of 
the supreme council and the supreme court 
of Athens, and the name remained with the 
council even after its deliberations were trans- 
ferred elsewhere. When Paul was taken to 
the Areopagus (AA 17:19 ff ) it is not clear 
whether he was taken before the council or 
to the place by that name in order that his 
discourse might be better heard. In any case 
the Areopagus in Paul's time was little more 
than an academic body. The discourse given 
was not in Paul's usual style but was an 
effort to speak in the manner of Gk philoso- 
phers; it was a failure, although Dionysius*, 
a member of the Areopagus, accepted 

Aretas (Arabic harita), the name of four 
Nabataean* kings. Two are mentioned in the 
Bible. 1. Aretas I; Jason* fled to Aretas but 
was expelled to Egypt (2 Mc 5:8). 2. Are- 
tas IV (ad 9-40), whose governor adminis- 
tered Damascus* when Paul escaped over 
the walls in a basket (2 Co 11:32 f; cf A A 
9:23 ff). His daughter was the first wife of 
Herod Antipas*, who repudiated her for 
Herodias*, and she fled to Petra*. Not long 
after her father opened war with Antipas 
and defeated him; Antipas was rescued only 
by Roman legions. Aretas came into imperial 
favor with the accession of Caligula (37- 
41), and probably received Damascus from 

Argob (Hb 'argob), a region of Bashan* or 
possibly an alternate name for Bashan (Dt 
3:4, 13 f). It was included in Solomon's 
6th district (I K 4:13). Argob in 2 K 15:25 
has probably been detached from its proper 
place in 2 K 15:29, the list of the regions 
conquered and made into an Assyrian prov- 
ince by Tiglath-pileser* III in 734 bc. 

Ariel (Hb ' a rTel, meaning uncertain; "lion 
of El"?, "hearth of El [altar]"?), probably 
identical with har'el (Ezk 43:15), which is 
certainly an altar ('"rVel 43:15-16). It is 
a symbolic name of Jerusalem* in Is 29:1, 
2, 7, possibly signifying the place of sacrifice 
in Jerusalem. The word in 2 S 23:20 is ob- 
scure; some scholars understand the word as 
"hero" here and in Is 33:7. 2 S 23:20 may 
be a dittography of 2 S 23:21 {'aryeh, 
"lion"). The word occurs in the Mesha : - 
stone, where it is most probably interpreted 
with Albright as a proper name. 

Arioch (Hb 'aryok). 1. King of Ellasar*, 
one of the four kings of Gn 14:1. The name 
has been found in the Mari* texts (arriwuk) , 
but Arioch cannot be identified with any 
known historical ruler. Cf Abraham; am- 
raphel. 2. Captain of the royal guard of 
Nebuchadnezzar* (Dn 2: 14 ff). 

Aristarchus (Gk aristarchos, "excellent 
ruler"), a Macedonian from Thessalonica, 
a companion of Paul during the disturbance 
at Ephesus and on his third missionary jour- 
ney (AA 19:29; 20:4) and on his voyage 
to Rome as prisoner (AA 27:2). He also 
shared Paul's imprisonment (Col 4:10; Phm 

Arimathaea. Cf ramah. 

Arisiobulus (Gk aristobulos, "excellent coun- 
selor"), a Christian of Rome greeted by 
Paul, apparently the head of a household 
(Rm 16:10). 

Ark. Traditional English rendering of Hb 
tebah, the vessel in which Noah* and his 
family escaped the deluge* (Gn 6:14 ff); the 
word designates a chest or box. As described 
in Gn 6: 14 ff, the ark was to be made of 
goper (?) wood caulked with pitch, 300 
cubits long, 50 cubits broad, 30 cubits high 
(about 450 ft, 75 ft, 45 ft respectively). It 
was to be built in three stories or decks with 
"nests" (cabins or cells?), with a roof and 
a door in the side. The ark of Utnapishtim 
in the Babylonian flood (cf deluge) had an 
acre of floor space and was built in a cube 
ten doz cubits (180 ft) on a side. It had 
seven decks and nine divisions (?) in the 
floor plan. It was caulked with pitch and 




had punting poles for steering. In each of 
these stories there is described a house of 
palatial dimensions, not a ship; the Babylo- 
nian ark is called "like the Apsu," the sub- 
terranean palace of the god Ea. We cannot 
trace the symbolism suggested here any 
further, but symbolism is very probable; in 
Mesopotamia men knew how to build a boat 
for river travel, knowledge which the Is- 
raelites lacked. The shape and dimensions in 
the two stories are similar enough to indicate 
that the ark of Noah is described after that 
of Utnapishtim, although the dimensions 
have been altered and the symbolism, if it is 
present, forgotten. In neither case is such a 
fantastic vessel apt even for a house boat. 
The ark, as a means of salvation through 
water, is a type of baptism in 1 Pt 3:20f. 
The word tebah occurs elsewhere only in Ex 
2:3 for the basket or chest of papyrus* in 
which Moses* was placed in the Nile* by 
his sister. 

Ark of the Covenant (Hb '"ron habb e fit), 
also called "ark of the testimony" (P), ark 
of the covenant* of Yahweh, ark of Yah- 
weh, ark of elohim, ark of the elohim of 
Israel (both 1 S) ; a small portable box or 
chest. The name is given to the sarcophagus 
of Joseph (Gn 50:26). As described in Ex 
25:10ff, it was made of acacia wood over- 
laid with gold inside and out, 2% cubits by 
1% cubits by 1% cubits (about 3 ft 9 in and 
2 ft 3 in respectively). On top of the ark 
was a gold plate, Hb kapporet, English 
"mercy seat" or "propitiatory." The Hb word 
probably means the place of atonement, 
i.e., the place where Yahweh receives atone- 
ment. On top of the ark also were two 
cherubim* facing each other, so constructed 
that their wings overshadowed the kapporet. 
This is the place where Yahweh meets Israel 
and reveals His commandments (Ex 25:22). 
While this description of the priestly source 
is probably later by centuries than the build- 
ing of the ark, it should be regarded as a 
substantially accurate reconstruction. The ark 
contained the two tablets of stone which 
were thought to go back to the Mosaic 
period (1 K 8:9); in Heb 9:4 the author 
repeats an unhistorical rabbinical tradition 
which added a vessel of manna* and the 
rod of Aaron*. 

The ark was carried at the head of the 
column when the Hebrews traveled through 
the desert (Nm 10:33 ff) and before the 
army in battle; it was notable that they did 
not have the ark when they were defeated 
by the Canaanites* (Nm 14:44). It was 
carried across the Jordan* first (Jos 3:3 ff) 
and carried around Jericho* seven days in 
succession (Jos 6:11 ff). It was also a place 
where oracles* were asked (Jgs 20:27). 

After the settlement of the Israelites in 
Canaan the ark was finally established at 
Shiloh* (1 S 3:3 f); it was taken into battle 
against the Philistines, who defeated Israel 
and captured the ark (1 S 4:10-11). The 
Philistines, however, found it a hostile 
trophy; an earthquake overturned the image 
of Dagon at Ashdod (1 S 5:3) and plague 
broke out in Ashdod, Gath*, and Ekron*, 
to which cities the ark was carried ( 1 S 
5:6 ff). The Philistines then put it in a cart 
and gave the oxen their heads, and the oxen 
carried it back to the Israelites at Beth- 
shemesh (1 S 6:1 ff). But the plague also 
broke out at Beth-shemesh and the ark was 
lodged in the house of Abinadab* at Kirjath- 
jearim* (1 S 6:19 ff). The defeat of Israel 
and the plague of Beth-shemesh seem to have 
destroyed the confidence of the Israelites in 
the ark, for it is not mentioned again until 
David brought it from the house of Abina- 
dab to a new sanctuary in Jerusalem; and 
on the journey one of the porters died (2 S 
6:2 ff). David, who was trying to unite a 
disunited Israel, saw in the ark a symbol not 
only of the God of Israel but also of its 
ancient unity; and the ark lent sanctity to 
his new capital city, Jerusalem, which until 
recently had been Jebusite. The ark was 
carried into battle against Ammon (2 S 
11:11). It was finally placed in the temple* 
of Solomon (1 K 8:6ff) and is no more 
mentioned in the historical books; its use 
in processions, however, is suggested by such 
passages as Ps 24:7-10. Jeremiah hinted 
at its future disappearance (3:16) and it 
must have perished in the destruction of the 
temple in 587 bc. An unhistorical tradition 
that Jeremiah saved it from destruction is 
preserved in 2 Mc 2:5. It is mentioned in the 
NT in Heb 9:4 and Ape 11:19, where it 
appears in the heavenly temple. 

The ark was a symbol of the presence 
of Yahweh, but both its traditions and its 
symbolism have become somewhat mixed. 
Modern studies have disclosed the existence 
of portable shrines among the pre-Islamic 
tribes of Arabia, and the ark falls into the 
same pattern. It is the shrine of a nomadic 
people who have no houses and no settled 
abode and therefore no temples. Lack of a 
detailed description of the ark prevents a 
detailed explanation of its symbolism. It may 
have resembled the sacred ceremonial boat 
carried in Egyptian religious processions, 
which symbolized the boat in which the sun 
god Re makes his daily circuit of the 
heavens. Incense altars of Canaanite manu- 
facture have been discovered with a struc- 
ture which resembles a miniature temple; 
this similarity has been suggested by some 
scholars, but neither this nor the sacred boat 
seems to fit the nomadic shrine. The refer- 




ences to Yahweh "enthroned upon the 
cherubim" (1 S 4:4; 2 S 6:2; Ps 80:2) sug- 
gest that the ark was the throne upon which 
Yahweh stood invisibly upon the cherubim. 
Canaanite deities are represented as stand- 
ing upon the back of animals; since there 
was no image of Yahweh, only the footstool 
was represented. The images of Assyrian 
gods seated upon their thrones were carried 
in processions. Thus the ark was the symbol 
of Yahweh's personal presence, the place 
where atonement was received, where divine 
communications were granted. It was car- 
ried into battle to symbolize Yahweh's king- 
ship and leadership. It was also the symbol 
of the covenant* of Yahweh with Israel; He 
was present because He had elected them as 
His people and imposed upon them the 
commandments which the ark contained. 

Armageddon (Gk harmagedon), the place 
where the kings of the earth are mustered 
for battle on the great day of God (Ape 
16:16). The name suggests Hb har megiddo, 
mountain of Megiddo. Megiddo was prob- 
ably the most famous battlefield of ancient 
Palestine (Jgs 5:19, the defeat of Sisera* 
by Barak* and Deborah*; 2 K 23:29, the 
defeat of Josiah* by Necho*); it is also the 
place of mourning for Hadadrimmon (Zc 
12:11). The mountain of Megiddo, however, 
does not appear in biblical or extrabiblical 
literature. F. Hommel suggested Hb har 
mo'ed, mountain of assembly (Is 14:13), the 
Mt Sapon of Canaanite* mythology where 
the gods assemble. 

Armor. The use of metal for body protec- 
tion in war in Israel is at least as old as 
Saul* (1 S 17:38) and Goliath* (1 S 17:5). 
It is also mentioned as worn by Ahab* (1 K 
22:34). Uzziah* was the first to equip the 
entire army with armor (2 Ch 26:14). The 
absence of remains or of pictures does not 
permit a reconstruction of Israelite armor. 
The word nesek is now thought tc mean 
armor in general, siryon, scale armor of 
bronze or iron; this is mentioned in 1 S 
17:5, 38. The armor of the Assyrian soldier 
consisted in a coat of mail of knee or ankle 
length, and this may have been the Hebrew 
type. Before Uzziah only the king and nobles 
wore body armor. A metal helmet also was 
worn, but its shape is not described; the 
Assyrian helmet was a rounded cone. A gold 
helmet, ornamental rather than practical, 
found in a tomb of Ur is molded to the 
head, even the hair and ears. Greaves are 
mentioned only in 1 S 17:6 (Goliath), and 
the Philistines may have used them. As a 
substitute for metal armor the common sol- 
dier may have used leather coats or jackets, 
perhaps reinforced with metal strips. In the 

Pauline writings armor is a metaphor in 
which the Christian virtues are described 
(Eph 6:14, 17; 1 Th 5:8). 

1 Th 5:8 

Coat of mail of faith 

and love 
Helmet of hope of 


Eph 6:14 ff 

Coat of mail of 
Helmet of salvation 

Belt of truth 
Shoes of the Gospel 
Shield of the faith 
Sword of the spirit, 
the word of God 

Army. In early Israel the army (Hb saba) 
was no more than the collection of all the 
men able to bear arms. In times of danger 
or invasion the men of the neighborhood 
were assembled under the clan or tribal 
leaders, each furnishing his own weapons. 
The trumpet sounded the call to war; if 
larger numbers were needed, they were sum- 
moned by messenger, but there was no 
obligation on those summoned to render 
assistance. The numbers were not large; 
Gideon* led 300 men against the Midianites* 
(Igs 7:6), and the tribe of Dan* counted 
600 fighting men (Igs 18:11). Astro- 
nomically high numbers are often found in 
the OT; these are due not only to their 
growth in oral tradition, but also to the lack 
of exact counting and the common inability 
to estimate the numbers of a crowd; cf also 
thousand. The total number of Israelite 
fighting men in the 1 1th— 10th centuries BC 
is once estimated at 40,000 (Igs 5:8). The 
Israelite forces must have been larger than 
those of the Canaanites, who were superior 
in discipline and equipment; the governors 
of Palestinian cities assure the Pharaoh in 
the Amarna* Letters that the safety of the 
city will be assured if he sends a garrison 
of 50. An organized army does not appear 
in Israel before Saul; its nucleus was a 
select group of Israelite professional soldiers 
(1 S 14:52). This royal guard was organized 
and expanded by David* from the men who 
had followed him as a bandit chieftain and 
also by hired foreign mercenaries such as 
the Kerethi and Pelethi (cf cherethites and 
pelethites) . A number of non-Israelite 
names occur among David's heroes. The 
army or "host" under loab was also more 
strictly organized, although we have few de- 
tails; one of the purposes of the census of 
2 S 24:1 ff was to ascertain Israel's military 
potential. The division of the host into 12 
army corps (1 Ch 27:1 ff) doubtless reflects 
the original organization, although it is un- 
likely that each corps had a month's tour of 
duty during the year; but since the entire 
host was rarely if ever called out, there must 




o) Army of Eannolurn, b) Assyrian battle scene. 
c) Assyrian soldiers. 

v- ■ ■ '<^«1 

PLx : X'---- *■ '.^\'£ -,V >-,»■. v 

&* & 

have been sonic system of apportioning mili- 
tary service. Excuses from service are enu- 
merated in Dt 20:5-8; 24:5, but this may 
describe an ideal rather than actual practice. 
The army was divided into thousands, hun- 
dreds, fifties, and tens, each under its own 
officer; these numbers are technical terms 
and not enumerations, and could include 
more or less than the number indicated; cf 
thousand. Like alt ancient armies, fsrael 
divided its forces into light-armed (bowmen 
and slingers) and heavy-armed troops. The 

light-armed troops handled missiles and were 
the mobile units, having only a small shield 
and no body armor. The heavy-armed troops 
were infantry lancers with some body armor 11 
and a large shield*' and sword*. Chariots* 
were first introduced under Solomon. The 
army of Israel under the monarchy com- 
pared favorably with that of other western 
states; according to the records of Shal- 
maneser 111* Ahab* had 2000 chariots and 
10,000 infantry at the battle of Karkar in 
853 bc. 




Anion (Hb 'arnon), a river mentioned fre- 
quently as the boundary between Moab to 
the S and the Amorite kingdom of Sihon*, 
later Israelite territory, to the N (Nm 
21:13 f, 24, 26, 28; 22:36; Dt 2:24, 36; 
3:8, 12, 16; 4:48; Jos 12:1 f; 13:9, 16; Jgs 
11:13, 18, 22, 26) and hence poetically the 
stream associated with Moab (Is 16:2; Je 
48:20). The Wadi Mojib, the modern name 
of the Arnon, forms a natural barrier be- 
tween N and S, but nowhere does the old 
Eng translation of nahal as "brook" seem 
more grotesque; the Wadi Mojib is a deep 
and precipitous canyon cut by the stream 
through the plateau of Moab and it is one 
of the most impressive natural sights of 
Palestine. The highway crosses it or rather 
descends to the bottom about 40 mi S of 
Amman; at this point the canyon is over two 
mi wide and about 1300 ft deep. Nearer 
the exit of the canyon into the Dead Sea 
the walls of the canyon become perfectly 
perpendicular to a height of several hundred 
feet, and separated by barely more than 
the width of the stream at the bottom. 

Aroer (Hb '"■refer, meaning unknown), a city 
mentioned several times as lying on the edge 
of the valley of the Arnon (Dt 2:36; 3:12; 
4:48; Jos 12:2; 13:9, 16; 2 K 10:33). It is 
included in the territory of Reuben in Jos 
13:9, 16; 1 Ch 5:8, in the territory of Gad 
and Reuben in Dt 3:12; on the relation of 
these two tribes and their territories cf gad; 
reuben. The town was Israelite in Jeph- 
thah's time (Jgs 11:26) and was included 
in David's kingdom (2 S 24:5). The site is 
probably Tell Arair, S of Dhiban on the N 
bank of the gorge of the Arnon. Geog- 
raphers question whether this is the Aroer 
intended in Jos 13:25 (attributed to Gad) 
and Jgs 11:33 (involved in Jephthah's 
battle with the Ammonites). Jgs 11:26 can- 
not be questioned, since the speech attributed 
to Jephthah actually deals with a border 
dispute between Israel and Moab. Aroer 
is mentioned in the Moabite stone (ANET 
320). Another Aroer nearer Ammon in the 
territory of Gad is postulated for these 
verses; but Jos 13:25 may refer to the Aroer 
on the Arnon, since Gad included the terri- 
tory of Reuben to some extent. Aroer of Jgs 
11:33 may have come into the text from 
Jgs 11:26. The Aroer of 1 S 30:28 must 
lie in Judah. The Aroer of Is 17:2, which 
would lie near Damascus, is very probably 
the result of corruption of the text and is 
not found in the LXX. 

Arpad (Hb 'arpad), mentioned several times 
as captured by the Assyrians in the time of 
Sennacherib* (2 K 18:34; 19:13; Is 36:19; 
37:13; 10:9), threatened in Je 49:23 (of 

uncertain date). It is always mentioned with 
Hamath*. It is probably Tell Erfad in 
Syria, about 19 mi N of Aleppo. Arpad 
was the capital of a Syro-Hittite kingdom 
comprising N Syria from Mt Amanus to 
the Euphrates. With other Syrian kingdoms 
it accepted Assyria as overlord. Arpad re- 
belled against Tiglath-pileser III and sur- 
rendered after a siege of three years. 

Arphaxad (Hb 'arpaksad), perhaps identical 
with Akkadian arrapha, located near the 
modern Kirkuk; this geographical or gen- 
tilic name appears as a son of Shem in the 
table of nations* with Elam*, Assyria*, 
Lud*, and Aram* (Gn 10:22) and in the 
genealogy of Shem (Gn 1 1 : 10 ff ) . The name, 
derived from Gn, appears in Jdt 1:1, 5 as 
a king of the Medes* who founded Ecba- 
tana*; this king is a fictional character. 

Arrow. Cf bow. 

Artaxerxes (Hb 'artahsasta', from Persian 
artakhshatra, etymology uncertain); the 
name of 3 Persian kings. Artaxerxes, on 
the advice of a letter from the Samaritans*, 
prohibited further work on the temple (Ezr 
4:7ff). Artaxerxes permitted Ezra* and his 
company to go to Jerusalem (Ezr 7: Iff; 
8:1). Nehemiah* was the butler of Arta- 
xerxes and obtained from him authority to 
rebuild the walls of Jerusalem (Ne 2: Iff; 
5:14; 13:6). There can be no doubt that 
the king mentioned by Nehemiah is Arta- 
xerxes I Longimanus (464-425 bc) and the 
older opinion of scholars put Ezra's career 
in his reign also; but the many difficulties 
in the chronology of Ezra-Nehemiah have led 
many modern scholars to date Ezra about 
398 bc and to identify the king mentioned 
in Ezr with Artaxerxes II Mnemon (404- 
358 bc). 

Artemis (Gk artemis, most English versions 
Diana, the Roman goddess of similar char- 
acter), mentioned in the Bible only in AA 
19:23 ff. Artemis in Gk mythology was the 
virgin huntress, the sister of Apollo. Orig- 
inally she was a fertility goddess; this appears 
from her title "queen of the wild beasts," 
her patronage of childbirth, and her associa- 
tion with the forests and springs. The Artemis 
of Ephesus* was an Asian mother goddess. 
Her image represented her fruitfulness by 
multiple breasts. Her temple, the Artemision, 
was one of the seven wonders of the ancient 
world. Demetrius* and his fellow silver- 
smiths made miniature temples and saw in 
the conversions effected by Paul a threat to 
their trade; they incited the citizens to a riot 
in which the lives of Gaius* and Aristar- 




chus*, Paul's companions, were endangered 
<AA 19:23 ff). 

Artemis of Epheius. 

Arvad (Hb 'arwad, meaning uncertain), a 
city of Phoenicia; included in the Canaanite 
genealogy (Gn 10:18;. 1 Ch 1:16), associ- 
ated with Tyre (Ezk 27:8, 2 1). The site 
is Ruad, about 95 mi N of Beirut. Arvad, 
like Tyre, was an island city (about 2 mi 
off the coast). It established a number of 
colonies and was the center of a small con- 
federacy. It was in opposition to the 

Egyptians and furnished the Hittites* a 
contingent of troops at the battle of Kadesh 
(1280 nc). From 1125-625 bc Arvad was 
under the hegemony of Assyria except for 
brief periods; it paid tribute to Tiglath- 
pileser I (1114-1076 bc), Ash ur- nasi r- pal 
II (888-859 bc), Tiglath-pileser III (745- 
727 bc), Sennacherib (705-681 bc), Esar- 
haddon (680-669 bc), and Ashur-bani-pal 
(663-630 bc). Its submission was not per- 
fect; it furnished troops to the coalition which 
fought Shalmaneser III at Karkar (853 bc). 
Ashur-bani-pal notes a rebellion of Arvad 
and his own installation of a new king; the 
two events may be related. The city came 
under Babylonian influence in 604 bc, Per- 
sian in 539 bc, Gk in 333 bc, Roman 
in 64 bc. 

Asa (Hb 'asa', meaning uncertain), son and 
successor of Abijah* as king of Judah (913- 
873 bc). He removed the fertility cults which 
had flourished under the protection of his 
mother Maacah*. When he was attacked by 
Baasha of Israel he used the wealth of 
the temple treasure to bribe Ben-hadad* 
of Damascus* to declare war on Israel; he 
then destroyed Baasha's fortification of 
Ramah*' and used the materials to fortify 
Geba* and Mizpeh* (1 K 15:9-24). 2 Ch 
14:8 ff adds the account of an invasion of 
Zerah* the Ethiopian, which was repelled. 
The same source expands the religious re- 
forms of Asa and attributes them to the 
inspiration of the prophet Azariah* (2 Ch 
15:1 ff). Another prophet, Hanani®, rebuked 
him for seeking the aid of Ben-hadad (2 Ch 
16:7 ff); this is the prophetic policy which 
Isaiah* later invoked against Ahaz* (Is 
7:1 ff). A final criticism of the Chronicler 
concerns the disease of his feet in the last 
years of his life, when he sought not Yah- 
weh but the physicians (2 Ch 16:12). 

Asahel (Hb '"sdh'el, "El has done"), son of 
David's* sister Zeruiah* and brother of 
Joab* and Abishai*. In the battle with 
Abner's forces at Gibeon Asahel pursued 
Abner; the arms of the hostile commander 
were the most distinguished of all trophies. 
Abner warned him not to follow but finally 
had to kill him (2 S 2:I8ff). Joab later 
murdered Abner in blood revenge (cf 
avenger). The name is borne by three others 
in the OT. 

Asaph (Hb 'Snap, probably abbreviated from 
'el 'asap, "El has gathered") . The "sons of 
Asaph" were a Levitical guild of singers. 
They were among the party who returned 
to Jerusalem with Zerubbabel* (128 in Ezr 
2:41; 148 in Ne 7:44). The guild traced its 
origin to an eponymous ancestor who was 




David's* chief musician (1 Ch 16:5 +) and 
through him to Levi* through Gershom*. 
The name appears in the titles of Pss 50; 
73-83, where it probably indicates that the 
Pss belonged to the collection of this guild; 
cf psalms. The name is borne by two others 
in the OT. 

Ascension. The ascension of Jesus is the 
transfer of His risen, glorious body to 
"heaven"*, i.e., to the world of the divine; 
it implies His corporeal survival, His final 
glorification. His departure from the material 
universe. P. Benoit has classified the texts 
which bear upon the ascension under three 
heads: (1) Texts which affirm the exalta- 
tion of Jesus into heaven, specifically to 
the right hand of the Father, but do not 
mention the ascension (AA 7:55; Rm 8:34; 
Eph 1:20; 2:6; Phi 2:9 f; Col 3:1; 1 Pt 1:21; 
1 Jn 2:1). Under this heading are included 
texts which speak of the Parousia*, the 
coming of Jesus from heaven (Phi 3:20f; 
1 Th 1:10; 4:16; 2 Th 1:7; Tt 2:13; Js 5:7 f; 
1 Pt 1:7, 13; 4:13; 5:1; 1 Jn 2:28). 

(2) Texts which mention the ascension as 
a purely theological fact: He ascended far 
above the heavens that He might fill all 
things (Eph 4:10); He was taken up in 
glory (1 Tm 3:16); He sits at the right hand 
of God (Heb 1:3, 13), who has put every- 
thing under His feet (Heb 2:7-9; 8:1; 
10:12 f; 12:2). In Heb the ascension is con- 
ceived as the entrance of Jesus the high 
priest into the innermost sanctuary to per- 
form His priestly act of intercession (Heb 
4:14; 6:19 f; 7:26; 8:1; 9:24), or His en- 
trance into that which belongs to Him as son 
(Heb 1:3, 13; 2:7-9). The ascension into 
heaven and the sitting at the right hand of 
God are combined in 1 Pt 3:22. The ascen- 
sion is alluded to in obscure terms in Jn 
3:13; 6:61. 

By "theological" Benoit means that these 
texts affirm the transfer of Christ to heaven 
as a dogmatic fact, but do not define it as 
an historical fact in the sense that they fix 
time and place or relate ocular testimony. 
In particular both Eph 4:10 and 1 Pt 3:22 
imply an ascension which Benoit calls "an 
ascension of cosmic dimensions." These pas- 
sages affirm the physical reality of the 
heavenly triumph of Christ; by the ascension 
He leaves the earth and the created universe, 
with no implication of a particular place or 

The exaltation of Christ and the sitting 
at the right hand of the Father is a more 
frequent motif than the ascension as such. 
The formulation of this belief is undoubtedly 
affected by the text of Ps 110:1, applied to 
the exaltation in AA 2:32-34. 

(3) Texts in which the ascension is repre- 

sented as an established historical fact ob- 
served by sensible experience. Such texts 
appear only in Lk 24:50 f; AA l:9f. It 
must be noticed that the event is described 
with restraint; actually only the departure is 
observed, and Lk 24:50 differs from AA 1:9 
in economy of details; Lk says only that "He 
parted from them" and does not use the 
word "ascend" or "was taken up." On this 
basis some critics have suggested that AA 
l:9f is an expanded account of the event 
related in Lk 24:50, in which the theological 
fact of the ascension is added to the event 
of observation. But the two accounts are 
more complex than this. Lk 24 in its entirety 
is composed so as to suggest that all the 
events from the resurrection to the ascen- 
sion occur on the same day; AA 1:3 says 
explicitly that 40 days intervened between 
resurrection and ascension. The 40 days are 
very probably a round number; but the inter- 
val appears to be supported by the accounts 
of the Christophanies of the other Gospels, 
which can scarcely be compressed into a 
single day. It is therefore likely that Lk 24 
is schematic rather than chronological, and 
this is a feature of his style. Benoit suggests 
that AA 1:3-11 is a deliberate retelling with 
more explicit details. 

The silence of other NT books on the 
ascension is remarkable. Outside of 1 Tm 
3:16 the ascension as an event is not men- 
tioned in the entire Pauline corpus. In the 
Catholic epistles it is mentioned only in 
1 Pt 3:22. It is not mentioned in Mt at all. 
The mention in Mk 16:19 occurs in the 
conclusion which is not original with Mk 
and appears to be composed from the data 
given in Lk. The Johannine conception of 
the ascension is suggested in Jn 20:17 and 
implied in the entire course of Jn 20-21, and 
it diverges sharply from the conception of 
Lk-AA; for the ascension in Jn is con- 
ceived as it is in Lk as occurring on the 
day of the resurrection. Of this ascension 
there were no witnesses. The Christophanies 
are therefore conceived as returns of the 
Risen Christ. It must be noticed that this is 
the conception implicit in almost all the NT 
allusions to the exaltation of Christ, which 
treat the resurrection and exaltation as a 
single event which completes the victory and 
earthly career of Jesus and marks the climax 
of the process of salvation. Benoit points 
out that there are two ways in which a 
double tradition and double conception of the 
ascension appear, in both of which Lk is set 
in contrast with the other NT writings: (1) 
The conception of the event as invisible and 
transcendental, not an object of observation 
and record but of faith and dogmatic affir- 
mation, in contrast to Lk's conception of 
an event which is observed; (2) The con- 




ception of resurrection-ascension as a single 
event, in contrast to the 40-day interval 
of AA. ft is suggested above that AA 1:3—11 
may be explained as development of Lk 
24:50 f; but the Lucan conception of the 
Ascension as a phenomenon is an original 
feature which needs some explanation. 

Benoit has explained it by the removal of 
any real contradiction between the Lucan 
interval of 40 days and an invisible ascen- 
sion which follows the resurrection immedi- 
ately. He points out that the essence of the 
mystery of the ascension is the invisible 
transcendent accession of Jesus in His physi- 
cal presence to the world of the divine, 
which is an object of faith and dogmatic 
affirmation; no phenomenon could be per- 
ceived except the departure. Such an im- 
mediate ascension, which implies that the 
Christophanies were returns, removes the 
minor but real problem of locating the physi- 
cal presence of Jesus during the interval. 
It is also suggested by Jn 14:28, "I go but 
I return to you," by Mt 28:18, "All power 
is given me in heaven and on earth," and 
by Paul's belief that his own vision of 
the risen Jesus at Damascus was a Chris- 
tophany of the same kind and equally valid 
as a qualification for his apostleship (cf 
apostle) as the Christophanies seen by the 
Twelve. In Benoit's opinion, then, the "ascen- 
sion" of Lk 24:50 f; AA 1:3-11 is really 
the last Christophany. 

The account of Lk-AA exhibits some theo- 
logical features proper to Lk. The "cloud" 
of AA 1:10 is clearly an allusion to the 
coming of the Son of Man in the clouds 
at the Parousia, which will take up where 
the ascension leaves off. Furthermore, the 
ascension in Lk-AA is a necessary prelude 
to the coming of the spirit*; here the the- 
ology of the spirit in Lk is identical with 
the theology of the spirit (Paraclete*) in 
Jn. That the account is told in terms of the 
cosmogony of the times, with heaven as the 
absolute "up" beyond which God dwells, is 
no more relevant than the same cosmogony 
in the biblical conception of creation*. Here 
one must remember Benoit's observation that 
the essence of the mystery is the transcen- 
dental accession of Jesus to the realm of 
the divine from the sphere of His incarnate 
life. The ascension is primarily His exalta- 
tion and glorification, the sign and seal of 
His ultimate accomplishment of His mission. 

Asenath (Hb 'as e nat, probably Egyptian, "be- 
longing to [the goddess] Neit"), an Egyptian, 
daughter of Potiphera, priest of On*, wife 
of Joseph*, mother of Manasseh* and 
Ephraim* (Gn 41:45, 50; 46:20) 

Ashdod (Hb 'asdod, called Azotus [Gk 

azotos] in the Gk period), one of the five 
cities of the Philistines*. It is listed with 
the other four cities in Jos 13:3 (an an- 
achronism) and in the cities of Judah (Jos 
15:46 f); this notice cannot be historical, as 
it is doubtful that the city was ever possessed 
by Judah. The notice that some of the 
Anakim* survived there after the conquests 
of Joshua is likewise doubtfully historical. 
It was the seat of a temple of Dagon, 
the scene of the collapse of the image in the 
presence of the ark* (1 S 5:1-7). It appears 
elsewhere in lists of the Philistine cities (IS 
6: 17) and is with them the object of a num- 
ber of threatening oracles of the prophets 
(Am 1:8; Zp 2:4; Zc 9;6). Je 25:20 calls 
it the remnant of Ashdod, an allusion to its 
ravages by Assyrians and Egyptians. It 
was taken and dismantled by Uzziah (2 Ch 
26:6). In Am 3:9 most critics read Assyria 
(with the Gk text) for Ashdod. Is 20:1 ff 
alludes to a rebellion of Ashdod against 
Sargon of Assyria in ad 711; more details 
of the rebellion appear in the records of 
Sargon (ANET 284, 286-287). Ashdod 
sought help from Hezekiah* of Judah, but 
the king refrained from sharing in the rebel- 
lion. Ashdod remained loyal during the re- 
bellion against Sennacherib* (ANET 288) and 
appears as an ally of Esarhaddon* (ANET 
291) and Ashur-bani-pal (ANET 294). 
The king of Ashdod appears in a list of 
satellite kings of Nebuchadnezzar* of Baby- 
lon (ANET 308). Ashdod was the capital 
of a district in the Persian administration; 
with others its people opposed Nehemiah's 
rebuilding of the walls of Jerusalem (Ne 
4:1). Ashdod was one of the foreign com- 
munities with whom the Jews intermarried 
in Nehemiah's time (Ne 13:23 f). "The 
language of Ashdod" to which Nehemiah 
objected (ibid) was probably Aramaic*. In 
the Maccabean period the city was hostile 
to the Jews and was sacked by Judas ( 1 
Mc 5:68) and burned by Jonathan (1 Mc 
10:84; 11:4). It was included in Herod's* 
kingdom. After his death it was granted to 
Salome as a personal gift from Augustus. 
It was included in the kingdom of Herod 
Agrippa*. The region was evangelized by 
Philip* (AA 8:40). The site is the modern 
Eshdud, about 19 mi SW of Lydda and 
halfway between Jaffa and Gaza. It lies near 
the sea at the confluence of three water- 
courses from the Shephelah*. In ancient 
times the city was served by a port which 
was a satellite city. 

Asher (Hb 'aser, meaning uncertain) , the 
etymology in Gn 30:13 is popular; son of 
Jacob* and Zilpah*, the slave of Leah 
(Gn 30:13), and the name of one of the 
tribes of Israel. In the blessing of Jacob 




(Gn 49:20) and the blessing of Moses (Dt 
33:24-25) the tribe is described as very 
prosperous; but its part in Israelite history 
was small. Both the location of its territory, 
near the Phoenician coast N of Carmel, 
and the notices of Jgs 1:31—32 suggest that 
the tribe was isolated from the rest of Israel 
and closely assimilated to the Canaanites; it 
"stayed by the sea-coast" when summoned 
by Deborah* and Barak*, although its own 
territory must have been touched by this war 
(Jgs 5:17). It is, however, mentioned among 
the tribes which answered the summons of 
Gideon (Jgs 6:35; 7:23). The name may be 
geographical rather than tribal; and the tribe 
possibly did not become Israelite until some 
time after the settlement. It was included 
in one of the administrative districts of 
Solomon* (1 K 4:16). The name can be 
probably identified in an Egyptian document 
from the time of Merneptah (1234-1220 
bc), possibly also in the time of Ramses II 
(1301-1234 bc). The name in the Ugaritic* 
literature has been shown to be based on a 

Asherah (Hb '"serah, many older English ver- 
sions "grove"), this is now known to be the 
name of a Canaanite goddess. In Ugaritic* 
mythology Asherah, "the Lady of the Sea," 
was the consort of El, the father of the 
gods. In the Baal* epic she gives birth to 
monsters who devour Baal, and opposes the 
building of a palace for Baal. In the OT, 
however, she appears as the consort of Baal; 
most frequently the word signifies a cult 
object, probably of wood, since it could be 
planted or cut down. It appears with an altar 
of Baal in the household of the father of 
Gideon* (Jgs 6:25 ff), and is mentioned in 
the reigns of Rehoboam* (1 K 14:23), Asa* 
(1 K 15:13, erected by the queen mother, 
Maacah*), Ahab* (1 K 16:33), Jehoahaz* 
(2 K 13:6), and Manasseh* (2 K 21:7); 
they were destroyed by Josiah (2 K 23:6ff). 
Jezebel* supported 400 prophets of Asherah 
(1 K 18:19). The object was probably a 
wooden stake either incised with the symbols 
of the goddess or fashioned into a crude 
image. In Israel she seems to have assumed 
the character and functions of Anath*, 
Astarte*, and Ishtar in various forms of the 
myth and ritual of fertility; the numerous 
references attest the popularity of this super- 
stition in Israel. 

Ashima (Hb '"stma'), a deity worshiped by 
the colonists from Hamath* whom the As- 
syrians* settled in Samaria (2 K 17:30). 
It may possibly be connected with a deity 
Ashim?-Bethel worshiped by the Jewish 
colony of Elephantine* in Egypt, and is 
thought by some scholars to appear in Am 

8:14, "the Ashima of Samaria," English 
versions "the guilt of Samaria." 

Ashkelon (Hb 'ask e lon, meaning uncertain), 
one of the five cities of the Philistines; 
the list of Jos 13:3 is an anachronism. The 
notice of its capture by Judah is doubtfully 
historical (Jgs 1:18). It was raided by 
Samson (Jgs 14:19). It appears in lists of 
the Philistine cities (1 S 6:17) and is the 
object of threatening oracles by the 
prophets (Am 1:8; Zp 2:4, 7; Zc 9:5). The 
statement of Je 47:5, 7 that Ashkelon has 
perished is illuminated by a recently dis- 
covered papyrus (cf below). 

Ashkelon is mentioned in the Egyptian 
Execration Texts of the 19th— 18th centuries 
BC (ANET 329), and in the list of 
Canaanite cities sacked by Merneptah 
(1230 bc; ANET 378). The king of Ash- 
kelon is accused of disloyalty to the Pharaoh 
in the Amarna* Letters and writes defending 
himself (ANET 488, 490). It was the site 
of an Egyptian temple of Ptah. It was 
sacked by Ramses II in his Asiatic cam- 
paigns (ANET 256). Ashkelon paid tribute 
to Tiglath-pileser* III of Assyria (ANET 
282), who also records a revolt of the city 
which he suppressed (ANET 283). Senna- 
cherib deposed its king when he refused 
submission and replaced him by another 
(ANET 287). It was an ally of Esarhaddon 
and Ashur-bani-pal (ANET 291, 294). 
Men from Ashkelon appear in lists of the 
dependents of Nebuchadnezzar* (ANET 
308). An Aramaic papyrus* discovered at 
Saqqarah in Egypt in 1942 and published 
in 1948 is a letter from a Palestinian king 
(the name of the city has been lost) appeal- 
ing to the Pharaoh for help against the king 
of Babylon. Scholars attribute this letter to 
Ashkelon as the most probable source. It was 
the only coastal city not taken by Alexander 
Jannaeus (cf hasmoneans) and thus re- 
mained Hellenistic; after the Roman conquest 
of Palestine it had the status of a free city. 
The site is Khirbet Askalan, on the coast 
about halfway between Ashdod* and Gaza*. 
Ruins of Herodian public buildings can be 
observed. A sounding was conducted at the 
site in 1920 under the direction of J. 
Garstang and W. Phythian-Adams; the debris 
of Roman and medieval occupation was too 
thick to permit penetration to the Philistine 
levels of occupation. Philistine levels were 
reached in the excavation of 1964 directed 
by D. N. Freedman. 

Ashkenaz (Hb 'ask e naz, meaning uncertain), 
in the table of nations* a grandson of Japhet* 
through Gomer* (Gn 10:3; cf 1 Ch 1:6), 
mentioned in Je 51:27 with Minni and 




Ararat*; a geographical name probably to be 
located in or near Armenia. 

Ashtaroth (Hb 'astarot, derived from the 
name of the goddess Astarte*, Ishtar), a 
town of Bashan*, named with Edrei* as the 
royal residence of Og* of Bashan (Dt 1:4; 
Jos 9:10; 12:4; 13:12, 31). It is located in 
the territory of Reuben, Gad, and Manas- 
seh in Jos 13:12, in the territory of Manas- 
seh in Jos 13:31; 1 Ch 6:56. It is included 
in the Levitical cities of Gershom* ( 1 Ch 
6:56). Ashtaroth Carnaim (Gn 14:5) is 
probably identical with Ashtaroth; cf car- 
naim. The site is probably Tell Ashtar, E 
of the Sea of Galilee and 15 mi N of Deraa 

Ashur (Hb 'assur), a son of Shem* (Gn 
10:22); cf Assyria. 

Asia. In 1-2 Mc the name designates the 
Seleucid* kingdom, which extended after the 
battle of Ipsos (301 bc) from the Hellespont 
to the Indus. After the defeat of Antiochus 
III by the Romans (189 bc) at Magnesia 
most of the modern Asia Minor was de- 
tached from the Seleucid kingdom, but the 
name in Mc remains (1 Mc 8:6; 11:13; 
12:39; 13:32: 2 Mc 8:3; 10:24). The terri- 
tory taken from Antiochus III was trans- 
ferred by the Romans to the kingdom of 
Pergamum*, which then included our Asia 
Minor W of the Halys. To this kingdom 
the Romans applied the name of Asia. In 
133 bc the kingdom was left to the Romans 
by the will of Attalus III, the last of the 
Attalid dynasty, and the Romans established 
the territory as the proconsular province of 
Asia. The word in NT designates this prov- 
ince (AA 2:9; 6:9; 16:6; 19:1 ff +; Rm 
16:5; 1 Co 16:19: 2 Co 1:8; 1 Pt 1:1; Ape 

Asiarch (Gk asiarches, found in A A 19:31 
and inscriptions, but meaning not entirely 
clear) . They are thought to be the priests of 
the cult of Caesar* in the province of Asia, 
elected each year by the cities of the prov- 
ince to preside over the festival and games in 
honor of the emperor. They were probably 
wealthy and influential men, and the title 
was retained for life. Some of them were 
friendly to Paul during the riot at Ephesus* 
(AA 19:31). 

Asmodeus. A demon who killed the seven 
husbands of Sarah*, the daughter of Raguel*, 
on their wedding night (Tb 3:8). On the 
advice of Raphael*, Tobias burned some of 
the heart and the liver of the fish he had 
caught to expel the demon (Tb 16:13 ff), 
who was then bound by Raphael in upper 

Egypt (Tb 8:1 ff). The name Asmodeus 
is the Persian Aeshma-Daeva, one of the 
seven evil spirits. The entire account belongs 
to the popular character of the romance of 
Tobias; cf tobit. 

Asnapper. Cf osnappar. 

Asp. In most Eng versions asp translates Hb 
peten, a venomous serpent mentioned in Dt 
32:33; Pss 58:5; 91:13; Jb 20:14, 16; Is 
11:8; cf BS 39:30. The peten is most prob- 
ably the Egyptian cobra, now rare in Pales- 
tine and only in the S. It has an elongated 
flattened head (represented on the uraeus 
serpent head of the crown of the Pharaoh); 
before it strikes it swells its neck, sways, 
and rears. The cobra has no external acoustic 
organ, which is probably alluded to in its 
designation as "deaf" (Ps 58:5). 

Ass. The Bible alludes to both the wild ass 
or the onager and the domesticated ass. The 
wild ass is a proverbial example of freedom 
(Gn 16:12; Jb 39:5-8). It haunts the ruins 
of abandoned cities (Is 32:14). The politi- 
cal meanderings of Israel are compared to 
the wandering of the wild ass (Ho 8:9). 
Yahweh cares for the animal (Ps 104:11). 
Je 14:16 pathetically describes the suffering 
of the wild ass during a drought. 

The domesticated ass in ancient as in 
modern times was the most common and 
most useful animal in the Near East. Its im- 
portance is shown by the occurrence of the 
ass in Israelite law (Ex 20:17; 21:33; 
22:3, 8 f ; 23:4+). The ass may not be 
yoked with the ox (cf yoke). The ass is 
generally gray and stands about 3 ft or a 
little more in height, just enough for a 
man to ride. It is extremely sure of foot and 
has a tractable disposition, and can move 
quite swiftly when it is in the mood. Its 
powers of carriage are remarkable, and it 
can move nearly anything* that can be loaded 
on its back. It is also proverbially sluggish, 
and drivers move it by a constant application 
of a stick to the rump. The relations of the 
ass to its owner are depicted with the utmost 
fidelity in the amusing story of Balaam* (Nm 
22:21-33), apart from the fact that Balaam's 
ass complains about the beating. The ass was 
ridden both by men and by women (Jos 
15:18: Jgs 1:14; 1 S 25:20, 23). It was em- 
ployed as a beast of burden (Gn 42:26; 
45:23; 1 S 25:18+) and is illustrated in 
the tomb painting of Beni Hassan (ANEP 
3). As a riding animal it was good enough 
for a king, although Zc 9:9 probably in- 
cludes the ass as a feature of the messianic 
king of the poor*. Such passages as Jgs 
12:14 suggest that the possession of an ass 
for riding was a luxury, although it would be 




a poor peasant who did not have one for 
working. The ass is also a draught animal (Is 
30:24; 32:20) and was used to turn the 
millstone (Mt 18:6); in modern Egypt it is 
used to turn the water wheel. The flesh of 
the animal was unclean and it was eaten 
only during a desperate famine (2 K 6:25). 
The ass was not sacrificed (Ex 13:13; 

Assassins (Lt sicarii, "dagger men," men- 
tioned in AA 21:38), extreme nationalist 
wing of the party of Zealots* who arose 
during the troubled years ad 50-70. They 
carried small daggers (Lt sica) under their 
garments and assassinated selected enemies 
while they mingled with crowds. AA 21:38 
indicates the organization of 4000 into a 
band of brigands. It was probably this group 
which twice plotted Paul's murder (AA 
20:3; 23:12 ff ) . 

Assos (Gk assos), a city and seaport of 
Mysia* in the Roman province of Asia, 
where Paul met his companions for the 
voyage to Mitylene (AA 20:13 f). The site 
is the modern Behram Keui on the NW coast 
of Asia Minor. 

Assyria (Hb 'assur, etymology uncertain). 

1. Name and geography. The name Ashur 
belongs primarily to the oldest Assyrian city, 
situated on the right bank of the Tigris 
between the upper and the lower Zab, then 
to the surrounding district, then to the 
people of the district. The god of the city 
and the people was also called Ashur; the 
name of the city may be derived from the 
god. It lay N of Akkad* and E of Mitanni 
and close to the Zagros mountains on the 
E and the mountains of Armenia on the 
N. The decisive geographical fact is that the 
district had no natural frontiers and was open 
to attack on all sides. In its earliest history 
it struggled for survival against incorporation 
in larger empires; its later history is an epic 
of conquest in which its offensive against its 
neighbors carried it to the limits of the 
world known to the ancient Semitic peoples. 

2. History. 

I. Origins and Early Period (to 1363 bc). 
The origins of Ashur are obscure. The art of 
later Assyria presents a distinct "Semitic" 
type of countenance with characteristic large 
hooked nose, heavy upper lip, and thick 
curly hair and beard; it differs not only from 
the Sumerian countenance but also from 
that shown in Babylonian art. In the time 
of Sargon of Akkad (2350 bc) Ashur was 
probably ruled by Akkadian invaders from 
the south; it was subject to the kings of the 
3rd dynasty of Ur* (2050-1950 bc) and to 
Isin and Larsa (1950-1830 bc). After the 

collapse of Isin and Larsa before Amorite* 
invaders Assyria gained its independence. 
The "Cappadocian tablets," discovered at 
Kiiltepe in Asia Minor, the ancient Kanish, 
are written in Old Assyrian and show the 
existence of large Assyrian commercial colo- 
nies in Asia Minor and extensive trade rela- 
tions between the two regions. Assyria came 
under the Amorite invaders under Shamshi- 
Adad I (1749-1717 bc), who in turn was 
defeated by Hammurabi* of Babylon, and 
Assyria became a province of the Babylonian 
empire. In the disintegration of the empire 
Assyria regained its independence, but lost 
it again to Mitanni in the 16th century BC; 
this period, when Mesopotamia was inun- 
dated by the barbarian invasion of the Kas- 
sites, is extremely obscure. 

II. Middle Period. The kingdom of Mitanni 
fell before the Hittites* in the 14th century 
BC and Assyria regained its independence 
under Eriba-Adad (1490-1364 bc). His suc- 
cessor Ashur-uballit (1363-1328 bc) installed 
a vassal king of Babylon. Adad-nirari I 
(1305-1274 bc), who assumed the ancient 
title of Sargon of Akkad, "king of the four 
quarters," laid the foundation of empire by 
again defeating Babylon, conquering the 
western trade centers of Harran* and Car- 
chemish, and carrying Assyrian arms into 
Armenia and the Iranian plateau. Shal- 
maneser I (1273-1244 bc) continued cam- 
paigns in the same directions, again de- 
feating Babylon and suppressing a revolt in 
Urartu (Ararat*). Assyrian power reached 
its greatest extent in this period under 
Tukulti-Ninurta (1243-1207 bc), who moved 
westward against the now weak Hittite em- 
pire. Babylon was once again defeated, and 
this time it was leveled to the ground. 
Tukulti-Ninurta replaced its king by an As- 
syrian governor and took the treasures of 
the great temple of Esagil and the statue 
of Marduk* to Assyria. At the peak of his 
power Tukulti-Ninurta was murdered in the 
revolt of his son, who was unable to main- 
tain Assyrian strength, and Assyria was 
shortly reduced to a vassal state of Babylon. 
The relations between Assyria and Babylon 
were much like those of Rome and Greece; 
Assyria felt itself spiritually and culturally 
inferior to Babylon, which had become the 
most civilized city of the ancient Near East. 
Even in its period of greatest growth it 
sensed itself growing more and more "Baby- 
lonian" in its culture. This helps to explain 
the persistence of Babylon under Assyrian 
defeats, so that it finally outlived its stronger 
neighbor. But both cities were submerged 
in the great barbarian invasions of the 13th- 
12th centuries BC which caused upheavals 
in Greece, Asia Minor, Syria, and Mesopo- 
tamia. From the middle period survive 




- .-*.. .v 


Si a \ 

» / 

X ">*.. 

f ' 

\; '■«■ 

I ; ' f . -■. » ■ 

Assyrian victory scenes. 

extensive fragments of a code of Assyrian 
law. Compared with the code of Hammurabi 
the Assyrian law is barbaric in its penalties, 
and in general shows a much less developed 

III. Recent Period. The barbarian invasions 
left Assyria reduced to a small area around 
Ashur; but the other great powers were 
equally reduced or totally destroyed, and 
Assyria under Tiglath-pileser I (111 2-1 074 
bc) was the first to recover. Tiglath-pileser 
restored the conquests of the 14th- 13 th cen- 
turies in Babylonia, Armenia, and in the west 
as far as Syria. He organized these territories 

more tightly than any of his predecessors 
and brought to realization the ancient Ak- 
kadian ideal of a world kingdom. This ideal 
endured even under his weaker successors 
and was an objective for which later and 
stronger kings could strive. In the W Tiglath- 
pileser met the Aramaean* immigration from 
the desert, which he was unable to stem. His 
successors were much weaker than he 
and could not prevent the establishment of 
the strong merchant city-states of the Ara- 
maeans in Syria and Mesopotamia. The 
destruction of the Aramaean cities became 
the primary objective of Ashurdan II (932- 




912 bc). Adad-nirari II (911-890 bc), 
Tukulti-Ninurta II (889-884 bc), whose 
steady attacks prepared the way for the 
more successful conquests of Ashur-nasir- 
pal II (883-859 bc) and Shalmaneser III 
(858-824 bc). Ashur-nasir-pal set himself to 
restore the boundaries of the earlier empire 
and to pass them if possible. He conquered 
Carchemish on the Euphrates and the Ara- 
maean cities between the Tigris and the 
Euphrates so effectively that there was no 
revolt there. The conquered territories were 
organized into provinces and districts under 
his own officers. He transferred the royal 
city from Ashur to Calah, on the left bank 
of the Tigris N of the upper Zab; some 
scholars believe that this was a move from 
the cultural influence of Babylon. Calah, fal- 
len into ruins after centuries of abandon- 
ment, was rebuilt in magnificence and settled 
with people from the conquered Aramaean 
cities. Shalmaneser III (858-824 bc) moved 
still farther westward and southward. Baby- 
lonia as far as the Persian gulf was secure 
under vassal kings. Some Aramaean cities W 
of the Euphrates were conquered and Shal- 
maneser invaded Syria as far S as Damascus; 
two battles with an Aramaean coalition, 
Karkar (853 bc) and Hamath (848), were 
indecisive, but weakened the Aramaeans. 
Ahab* of Israel was among the allies at 
Karkar, and Jehu* of Israel paid tribute 
in 842 bc, together with a number of Ara- 
maean cities which tried thus to buy off 
further Assyrian invasions. After his succes- 
sor Shamshi-Adad V (823-810 bc) Assyrian 
power was retarded and much of the con- 
quered territory was not held effectively; in 
other parts there were revolts. The weak 
frontiers of Urartu in Armenia to the N and 
the Iranian plateau to the E, where a people 
called the Medes* now appears, were neither 
now nor later strengthened permanently. In 
745 bc a palace revolution in Calah brought 
Tiglath-pileser* III, a man of unknown 
origin, to the throne (745-727 bc). He re- 
stored Assyrian power to its former limits, 
made himself king of Babylon in place of 
the satellite king, and conquered the Ara- 
maean cities of Syria, including Damascus*. 
The conquered territory was organized as 
provinces; cities were allowed to keep their 
satellite rulers, and tribute was demanded 
from them. Half of the kingdom of Israel 
was incorporated into' the Assyrian province 
in 734 bc, and tribute was received from 
Judah. Shalmaneser* V (727-721 bc) de- 
voted his entire reign to suppressing rebellion 
in the W; he destroyed Samaria* and the 
remnant of the kingdom of Israel, but died 
before the surrender. Sargon II (721-705 
bc) was not a son of the king, and it is not 
known how he reached the throne. He held 

and consolidated the conquests of Tiglath- 
pileser, and had little trouble in Syria and 
Palestine. He finally destroyed the kingdom 
of Urartu, but did not himself live to see 
that this opened the northern frontier to 
barbarian invasion from beyond. In the S a 
new adversary grew strong; the Chaldean* 
Marduk-apal-iddin (the biblical Merodach- 
baladan*) revolted and seized the throne of 
Babylon. Sargon suppressed the revolt and 
the Chaldeans fled to the marshes of the 
Persian Gulf, whence Marduk-apal-iddin was 
to return. Sargon moved the royal residence 
to an entirely new city, Dur-Sharrukin, com- 
pleted only two years before his death, after 
which it was abandoned. He died in battle 
and was succeeded by his son Sennacherib 
(705-681 bc). Sennacherib was met by a 
general revolt throughout the entire empire. 
The revolt of the Chaldeans under Marduk- 
apal-iddin was aided by Elam, and the 
revolt of Palestine was aided by Egypt. The 
western revolt was quickly suppressed when 
Egypt was defeated at Eltekeh; Jerusalem 
was besieged but not taken, and Hezekiah* 
was left as a vassal king. The Babylonian 
revolt required several campaigns, and Elam 
was defeated; Sennacherib did not, like his 
predecessors, unite the two kingdoms under 
himself, but established a satellite king. When 
rebellion broke out again, Sennacherib solved 
the Babylonian problem by leveling the 
famous ancient city to the ground. Senna- 
cherib was assassinated by two of his sons 
in a palace intrigue (2 K 19:37), but the 
throne was seized by another son, Esar- 
haddon*, who pursued and punished the 
murderers. Sennacherib transferred the royal 
residence to the old city of Nineveh*, on 
the left bank of the Tigris a little above 
Calah, and this remained the royal city until 
its destruction. Esarhaddon (681-669 bc) 
had to fight against the Chaldeans in Baby- 
lonia, where he rebuilt Babylon. He invaded 
Egypt, which had long supported revolt in 
the W; Memphis was sacked (671) and 
Esarhaddon established 20 satellite kings in 
Egypt, all of whom were overthrown immedi- 
ately after the departure of the Assyrians. 
Esarhaddon died during the campaign to 
recover Egypt. Before his death he desig- 
nated his eldest son, Shamash-shum-ukin, 
as king of Babylon, and a younger son, 
Ashur-bani-pal, as king of Assyria. The 
threat from the barbarians of the N and 
the Medes on the E continued to grow dur- 
ing his reign, but he was unable to do any- 
thing about it. Ashur-bani-pal (668-630 bc) 
continued the campaigns in Egypt and re- 
stored Assyrian power; he sacked Thebes 
and installed a satellite Pharaoh. In several 
campaigns Elam was totally defeated. But 
the kingdom was rocked by the revolt of his 




brother Shamash-shum-ukin of Babylon in 
652, who was aided by several disaffected vas- 
sals; the revolt was suppressed after four years 
of costly warfare. After the death of Ashur- 
bani-pal the end came quickly. Assyria had 
expended its manpower in a century of world- 
wide warfare, while the Medes had grown 
strong and the Chaldeans, safe in the marshes 
of the "Sealand," had fostered their resources. 
In 616 bc the two allies began an offensive, 
and the heartland of Assyria was lost when 
Nineveh was destroyed in 612 bc. All of 
the Assyrian cities were so thoroughly leveled 
that they were never resettled. An Assyrian 
army under Ashur-uballit established an As- 
syrian kingdom at Harran but was driven 
westward by the allies; despite the assistance 
of the Egyptians under Necho*. it was finally 
defeated in 609 bc and the Assyrians dis- 
appeared from history. 

3. Religion. Assyrian religion was that of 
Babylonia, with the exception of its national 
god Ashur, who gave his name to the city 
and the people. Ashur was primarily a war- 
rior and a conqueror, whose symbol was an 
archer within a winged disk. The conquests 
of Assyria were his victories, and some 
scholars have explained Assyrian militarism 
as religiously motivated. He exhibits no 
characteristics of a nature deity and no con- 
sort; he was, in fact, an embodiment and 
a deification of the nation itself. 

4. Significance. In biblical studies Assyria 
is the controlling factor in Israelite history 
during almost 200 years. Besides this its in- 
direct cultural influences on Israel were num- 
erous and decisive. The cultural dependence 
of Assyria on Babylon has been noticed. As- 
syria diffused Babylonian culture through its 
empire. It created no literature except its 
annals (cf below), but it is from the li- 
brary of Ashur-bani-pal that most Akkadian 
literature has been recovered; besides col- 
lecting, the scribes of Ashur-bani-pal also 
drew up grammatical and lexicographical 
material on older Akkadian and Sumerian 
texts, and this has been the most important 
means of interpreting these languages. Their 
limmu lists, dating each year of a reign by 
a royal officer's name, are the only con- 
sistently reliable scheme of dating all events 
in the ancient Near East, including Israelite 
history, for the 9th— 7th centuries. The As- 
syrian royal annals are so great a refinement 
of the old royal records as to be a new 
literary form; they are concise but detailed 
and unfaithful to fact only by omission. 
They are the only monumental record of 
the period except for the OT, which is more 
limited in scope. The annals are supple- 
mented by Assyrian art, one field in which 
they excelled Babylon. Relief sculpture on 
a large scale was brought to a point no 

other- artists had reached; and their eye 
for detail and their realism have preserved 
Assyrian garments, weapons, and furniture, 
as well as similar details for other peoples. 
Politically they were the first to realize the 
world state, an ideal which goes back to 
Sargon of Akkad; had they developed an 
administrative machinery to compare with 
their military machine, it would have en- 
dured longer. They did not, despite the 
efforts already mentioned, and had to hold 
the empire together by force. A part of 
this force was the calculated ^rightfulness of 
their conquests, which we learn from their 
own records. They intended to weaken re- 
sistance and discourage revolt by making 
horrible examples of rebels and persistent 
enemies. Hence whole cities were entirely 
destroyed, kings and their officers were 
flayed or impaled, whole armies were de- 
capitated and whole populations enslaved. 
Tiglath-pileser III moderated this somewhat 
by removing populations from one part of 
the empire to another, as he removed the 
Israelites from Samaria and replaced them 
by colonists likewise displaced. By uproot- 
ing them from their soil he hoped that they 
would become citizens of the one kingdom 
of Ashur, and within the empire he was 
successful; the final blows came from out- 
side. Assyria was, at least at first, a frankly 
plundering empire and exacted heavy tribute; 
but it also permitted a much more free 
exchange of goods and peoples over a larger 
area, and its unification outlasted itself. The 
Assyrian empire passed intact to the Baby- 
lonians and from them to the Persians and 
then to Alexander*; it came apart only un- 
der his successors, but there was a unity 
of culture even in political separation. The 
ideal of a world state, that peoples would 
attain maximum peace and security under 
a single government, was likewise passed to 
Alexander and from him to Rome. Thence 
it lived on in such ideals, as the Holy Roman 
Empire, "Christendom," and in all subse- 
quent efforts to achieve over a continental 
area what the Assyrians did. The Hebrew 
prophetic idea of the world kingdom of God 
did not take definite shape until the Hebrews 
had seen the world kingdom of Assyria, 
which threatened to destroy the kingdom 
of God; and the idea of this kingdom* of 
God, enunciated in the Gospels, is a basic 
Christian belief. 

Astarte (Hb 'astorei; the word was written 
with the vowels of the word boset, "shame," 
"shameful thing," which was to be read 
instead of the name of the pagan deity). 
With Anath* and Asherah* Astarte was one 
of the three Canaanite goddesses of fertil- 
ity; their characteristics are not usually care- 




fully distinguished. Astarte was in all respects 
similar to Anath. She was identified with 
the evening star. Unlike Anath she is men- 
tioned several times in the OT. She is the 
goddess of Sidon* (1 K 11:5, 33; 2 K 23: 
13). The Philistines* had a temple of Astarte 
(1 S 31:10). The name occurs in the plural 
with Baal, also in the plural (Jgs 2:13; 
10:6; 1 S 7:3, 4; 12:10), which suggests 
that she was the consort of Baal in the form 
of fertility cult adopted by the Hebrews. A 
number of Astarte plaques and figurines have 
been found in Israelite levels of occupation; 
Albright believes that those found by him at 
Tell Beit Mirsim are amulets* worn or 
carried by women during pregnancy and 

Astrology. The art of divination* by the 
heavens was incredibly developed in Meso- 
potamia which has left extensive literature 
on its interpretation. It is mentioned in the 
OT only in a poem on the fall of Babylon 
(Is 47:13). Some scholars render the Ara- 
maic* word gazrayya (Dn 2:27; 4:7; 5:7, 
11) as astrologers. 

Atargatis (Gk atargatis), a temple of this 
goddess is mentioned in Carnaim (2 Mc 
12:26). The name is probably a corrupted 
form of Astarte*. Her cult at Hierapolis 
in Syria, as described by Lucian, was an 
extreme form of the Semitic cults of 
the mother-goddess Ishtar, Anath, and 
Astarte. Her consort was Attis (Gk Adonis) 
who killed himself by self-castration; her 
priests castrated themselves in her honor. 
The festival was celebrated by sacred pro- 
stitution. The goddess was represented with 
the body of a fish, which is thought to repre- 
sent her journey through the underworld. 

Ataroth (Hb '"tarot, "sheepfold"?), the name 
of several towns. 1. In the territory of Gad* 
(Nm 32:3, 34); the Moabite Stone (cf 
mesha) says that the men of Gad had always 
inhabited it and that it was built by the 
king of Israel. Mesha* took it (ANET 320). 
The site is probably the modern Khirbet 
Attarus 8 mi NW of Dibon*. 2. On the NE 
boundary of Ephraim (Jos 16:7), probably 
the modern Tell Sheikh ed Diab in the Jor- 
dan valley N of Jericho. 3. On the bound- 
ary of Ephraim and Benjamin* (Jos 16:2), 
called Ataroth Addar in Jos 16:5; 18:13. 
The site is unknown. 4. Ataroth Beth Joab 
in the territory of Judah (1 Ch 2:54). The 
site is unknown. 

Athaliah (Hb '"talyah, "Yah[weh] is ex- 
alted"?), daughter of Ahab* and Jezebel* 
and wife of Jehoram*, king of Judah (2 K 
8:18, 26). After her son Ahaziah* was killed 

by Jehu* she murdered all the royal family 
except the infant Joash who was saved by 
his sister Jehosheba and hidden in the tem- 
ple by the priest Jehoiada*. After Athaliah 
had reigned six years (842-837 bc) Jehoiada 
won over the loyalty of the royal guard 
and proclaimed Joash* king in the temple, 
after the doors had been secured. Athaliah 
was unable to escape or summon help and 
was led out of the temple and executed (2 
K 11:1 ff), and her temple of the Baal 
was destroyed and its priest Mattan killed. 

Athens (Gk athenai), a city of Greece lo- 
cated in Attica, the peninsula which forms 
the SE extremity of the mainland of Greece. 
The city lay in ancient times about 5 mi 
from its harbor, the Piraeus. The "Long 
Walls" which joined Athens and the Piraeus 
in a single fortified enclosure in the 5th 
century BC did not exist in NT times. The 
city faces the Saronic Gulf to the SW and 
is almost entirely ringed by mountains to 
the E and N. The modern city of Athens 
occupies the same site but is larger by far 
than Athens of ancient times. 

The city was visited by Paul almost 
by accident; he awaited his companions 
there after their expulsion from Berea* and 
before their journey to Corinth*. He found 
a synagogue there and was moved by the 
many religious buildings and images of the 
city to dispute in the agora or market*. He 
was heard by philosophers of the Epicurean 
and Stoic schools and was invited to address 
them formally at the Areopagus*. His dis- 
course, much more formal and erudite than 
his usual style, was not impressive, and only 
a few men and women were convinced (AA 
17:10-34). There is no further record in 
the NT of a Christian community at Athens. 

Although settlement on the site of Athens 
goes back to the Neolithic period, the city 
does not appear in history until the 7th 
century BC. During the Persian wars Athens 
emerged as the leading Gk city and reached 
its peak as a leader in politics and creative 
culture during the 2nd half of the 5th cen- 
tury. The Athens which Paul visited was 
not the great city which produced so much 
in literature and the arts; it had not enjoyed 
political liberty since Philip of Macedon 
defeated it (337 bc) and had been sacked 
by Sulla in the early 1st century BC. But 
it was the city which Romans regarded as 
the center of philosophy and the arts and 
the city wherein any one who wished a 
genuine education must study. 

Many of the remains which are now visible 
in Athens represent structures which were 
in existence in the 1st century AD; in par- 
ticular, the religious buildings and art which 
attracted Paul's attention have survived to 




a) Athens, Acropolis, b) Odeum ot Herades Atticus. 

a notable extent. These include the Acropolis 
with the Parthenon, the Erechtheum, the 
temple of Victory, and the great stairs and 
gateway on the W called the Propylaea. The 
hill of the Acropolis rises steeply above the 
city to a height of 512 ft and despite the 
ruined condition of the structures is one of 
the most impressive sights of the world. At 
the foot of the Acropolis were the temple 
of Asclepios the healer, the theatre of Diony- 
sius and the Odeum of Pericles. The temple 
of Zeus Olympios, the largest temple of 
Greece, lay SE of the Acropolis; although 
it was begun in 530 bc, it was still unfinished 

when Paul saw it. The agora or marketplace 
lay N of the Acropolis and has been ex- 
cavated by the American School of Classical 
Studies in a series of campaigns since 1930. 
The level uncovered by these excavations 
represents the agora as it was constructed 
in the 3rd-2nd centuries BC, the agora 
which Paul saw. It is a large level area 
covering several acres which was almost 
completely enclosed by stoas or colonnades; 
from one of these, the Stoa Poikile, the 
Stoic school of philosophy received its name. 
On the E side stood the great Stoa of Attalus 
of Pergamum*, restored by the American 




School after the recent excavations. Two 
smaller stoas stood on the S side and an- 
other great stoa, the Stoa of Zeus Eleu- 
therios, on the W. The Stoa Poikile (many- 
colored) probably stood on the N side, where 
excavation was impossible. To the W of the 
agora stands the Theseum, one of the best 
preserved Gk temples. The agora was ex- 
tended to the E by benefactions of Julius 
Caesar and Augustus*; the area contained 
many shops and arcades and is now called 
the Roman agora. The agora contained 
buildings for public business and numerous 
temples dedicated to Apollo, Aphrodite, 
Hephaestus, the Mother of the Gods, and 
Ares. On the place where Paul spoke cf 


No inscription "to an unknown god" (AA 
17:23) has been found at Athens. The 
geographer Pausanias, however, mentions 
similar inscriptions at Athens and at Olympia, 
and a fragmentary inscription which prob- 
ably contains the phrase has been found at 
Pergamum. An inscription to an unnamed 
god or goddess has been found at Rome. 
The inscription mentioned in AA 17:23 is 
not therefore unparalleled in Gk and Roman 

Atonement (Eng at-one-ment, "bringing to- 
gether"), theologically it includes the ideas 
of expiation for sin and reconciliation of 
man with God. 

1. OT. The key word for atonement is 
Hb kapper and its derivatives, which means 
etymologically to cover, to conceal the of- 
fending object and so to remove the obstacle 
to reconciliation. In the cultic ritual the 
word is used in a technical sense, to make 
an act of atonement, which is accomplished 
by the application of the blood of the victim 
(cf sacrifice). The priest makes an act of 
atonement for himself or for another or for 
all Israel, or he makes an act of atonement 
for sin or guilt. This is the first step in 
reconciliation and Yahweh Himself takes 
the second; "he makes an act of atonement 
— and he is forgiven" (Lv 4:20, 31; Nm 
15:25 +). The gold plate of the ark of the 
covenant* was the "place of atonement," 
kapporet, the place where Yahweh receives 
atonement. Outside of the Levitical code 
the word used of Yahweh Himself means 
to receive an act of atonement (Pss 78:38; 
79:9; Ezk 16:63; Je 18:23). The effect of 
the act of atonement is defined by the meta- 
phorical use of the word in Is 28:18, "your 
covenant with death will be voided;" so the 
sin or guilt for which atonement is made 
is voided and annulled, it is no longer an 
effective obstacle to reconciliation. One may 
also be reconciled by the payment of a fine 
or damages, koper; but this leads into the 

pattern of ransom and redemption, which 
is not the same as that of atonement. 

2. NT. Of the Gk words for kapper and 
its derivatives the following are the most 
important which appear in the NT. 

hilaskesthai, hilasmos, hilasterion: in clas- 
sical Gk to reconcile or render favorable, 
reconciliation, the means of reconciliation. 
This use of kapper is illustrated in Gn 32:20, 
where Jacob says of Esau, "Perhaps I will 
render his countenance favorable." The word 
hilaskesthai in Lk 18:13; Heb 2:17, is used 
in the OT sense of kapper. Christ Himself 
is hilasmos, reconciliation for our sins, and 
for this the Father has sent Him (1 Jn 2:2; 
4:10). God has set Him (or displayed?) 
as hilasterion, the means of reconciliation in 
His blood (Rm 3:25); the language indi- 
cates that God has made him a sacrifice of 

katharizein, katharismos: in classical Gk, 
to cleanse, used for the ritual cleansing of 
the mystery cults; the LXX use introduces 
a new metaphor into kapper. But kapper is 
reflected in 2 Co 7:1; Eph 5:26, and espe- 
cially in Heb 9:22-23; 1 Jn 1:7, 9, where 
"atone for sin" has become "cleanse from 
sin." Heb 1:3, making katharismos of sins, 
must be translated making atonement. 
aphairein: classical Gk, to take away, but in 
no religious use; to take away sins, Rm 
11:27; Heb 10:4. 

katallasso, katallage: classical Gk "recon- 
cile," "reconciliation" but not in LXX. We are 
reconciled to God (Rm 5:10; 2 Co 5:20); 
God reconciles us and the world to Himself 
in Christ (2 Co 5:18-19). We receive rec- 
onciliation through Christ (Rm 5:11). The 
apostles* have the ministry and the message 
of reconciliation (2 Co 5:18-19). The rejec- 
tion of the Jews could be the reconciliation 
of the world (Rm 11:15). In these words 
the idea of the ritual act of atonement is 
suppressed. It is to be noted that except for 
Rm 11:15 these words appear in only two 
contexts. God is the agent of reconciliation 
but not of atonement, which is the act of 
Christ as the representative of men. This is 
seen most clearly in Heb, where the priest- 
hood and sacrifice of Christ are compared 
with the priesthood and sacrifice of Aaron, 
who performed the act of atonement for the 
people (cf forgiveness). 

Atonement, Day of (Hb yom hakkipurim), 
the 10th day of the 7th month: the ritual 
is described in Lv 16:1 ff; cf Lv 23:26 ff; 
Nm 29:7 ff. The priest, dressed in linen 
vestments, takes two goats as a sin-offering 
and a ram as a burnt-offering for the com- 
munity, and a bullock as a sin-offering for 
himself. Lots are cast for the two goats; 
one is for Yahweh, one for Azazel*. Atone- 




ment is made by applying the blood of the 
sin-offerings to the furniture of the sanctuary 
and the altar. He then lays his hands on 
the goat for Azazel and confesses the sins 
of Israel, and the goat thus laden symboli- 
cally with the national guilt is expelled into 
the desert. The priest then changes his vest- 
ments and offers the whole-burnt sacrifices. 
The atoning agent is the blood of the vic- 
tim, which symbolizes life. Only in this 
ceremony was the sacrificial blood applied 
to the inner Sanctuary, the Holy of Holies. 
The day was also celebrated by a fast and 
a sabbatical rest. 

Attalia (Gk attaleia), a seaport city on the 
coast of Pamphylia, the modern Adalia, 
founded by Attalus II, king of Pergamum 
159-138 bc, from which Paul sailed to 
Antioch to conclude his first missionary 
journey (AA 14:25). 

Attalus (Gk attalos), one of the kings to 
whom the Romans addressed a circular 
letter warning against attacks on the Jews 
(1 Mc 15:22); king of Pergamum in Asia 
Minor, either Attalus II (159-138 bc) or 
Attalus III (138-133 bc). 

Augustus. Gaius Octavius (cognomen un- 
known), nephew of Gaius Julius Caesar. 
After Caesar adopted him as his heir he 
took the name of Gaius Julius Caesar Octav- 
ianus. In the civil wars which followed the 
assassination of Caesar Octavianus was 
finally triumphant in 31 bc and ruled Rome 
until his death in ad 14. The title Augustus 
(venerable) was granted him by the Senate 
in 27 bc. He refused the title of king, but 
ruled through his control of the Senate and 
his office as tribune and proconsul of the 
provinces where legions were stationed. Jesus 
was born during his rule (Lk 2:1; cf census; 
jesus Christ). All succeeding emperors re- 
tained the title of Augustus. He was a patron 
of Herod* the Great, at first a follower of 
Antony, and Augustus confirmed him as king 
of the Jews. 

Avenger. In the nomadic society of the 
desert there were no police or courts and 
the individual man could not defend him- 
self. Hence the rights of the person were 
under the protection of his family and clan, 
each of whom was obliged to defend his 
kinsman or to avenge him. The iHb go' el, 
"avenger," covers this complex of duties. 
Life and bodily integrity were protected by 
the assurance that the nearest kinsman would 
seek out the killer or the assailant. The ob- 
ligation arose as soon as the death or injury 
was known and no further legal process took 
place. Naturally if the group to which the 

killer belonged thought the revenge was un- 
just they would avenge in turn; and thus 
arose the feud or vendetta, which could lead 
to the extinction of entire groups. 

The unrestricted custom of vengeance does 
not appear in Hb law. In the earliest laws, 
the code of the covenant limits the ven- 
geance to the damage inflicted (Ex 21: 
23-25) and does not permit life to be taken 
in revenge for injury. The law is still further 
regulated (Nm 35: lOff; Dt 19:1 ff; Jos 20: 
1 ff) by a distinction between accidental 
homicide and murder*; the homicide may 
flee to designated cities of refuge where his 
guilt may be determined; revenge for murder 
is left to the avenger of blood. Excessive 
vengeance is threatened in the song of 
Lantech* (Gn 4:23-24), the descendant of 
the first murderer, Cain*, who demands 
"seventy and sevenfold," i.e., unlimited re- 
venge. The problem of revenge within the 
family itself was settled by David in the 
fictitious case of the woman of Tekoa (2 
S 14:5 ff) by the principle that blood re- 
venge has no place in the family, since it 
would consume itself; it is intended to pro- 
tect the family from external aggression. 
From this it appears that the obligation of 
the go'el is directed less to the protection of 
the individual than to the preservation of 
the group. This appears also in the obliga- 
tion of the go'el to purchase landed property 
of his kinsman in order to keep it within 
the family; if a man were forced to sell 
his land, the next of kin had the first oppor- 
tunity to buy. Custom permitted him to pass 
the obligation to the next of kin after him 
(Lv 25:25 ff). The operation of this law 
is seen in Rt 4:3 ff; Je 32:6 ff. The law 
of the levirate*, which obliged a man to 
marry his brother's widow if his brother 
died childless, is also a form of the obliga- 
tion of the go'el. Hence the law of "revenge" 
is really a statement of the wider duty of 
each man to support his nearest of kin and 
thus to protect the family and clan from 

It is against this social background that 
we find Yahweh called the go'el of Israel 
or the Israelite 35 times in the OT, espe- 
cially in Is 40-55. The translation "re- 
deemer" or "redemption" fails to bring out 
the appeal to Yahweh as the next of kin 
who has the duty of protecting his clan and 
its individual members. The kinship thus 
invoked does not rest upon any physical 
relationship, but upon the covenant by 
which Yahweh has made Israel His own. 

Awwim (Hb 'awwim) , a pre-Israelite tribe 
of Canaan living in the neighborhood of 
Gaza* in territory later occupied by the 
Philistines* (Dt 2:23; Jos 13:3). The in- 




elusion of the name among the cities of 
Benjamin* (Jos 18:23) is difficult, and some 
suspect that the text is corrupt. 

Axa. Cf ACHSAH. 

Ayin (Hb 'ay in), the 16th letter of the Hb 
alphabet. The sound, written ', is not heard 
in English; it is close to a g pronounced 

Azariah (Hb ' a zaryah. '"zarydhu, "Yahweh 
helps"'). 1. King of Judah better known as 
Uzziah*. 2. A companion of Daniel* who 
received the Babylonian name of Abednego*. 
With Daniel he was taken into the court 
of Nebuchadnezzar* (Dn 1:6 ff) and passed 
the test of fasting. With Shadrach* and 
Meshach* he was cast into the fiery furnace 
and escaped unharmed (Dn 3:12 ff) . This 
popular name was borne by 20 others in 
the OT. 

Azazel (Hb '"za'zel, meaning and etymology 
unknown). On the Day of Atonement* the 
high priest* confessed the sins of the people 
while imposing his hands upon a goat (Lv 
16:21). This "scapegoat" was then expelled 
into the desert "to Azazel" (Lv 16:8, 10, 
20, 26). The symbolism of expelling the 
guilt-laden goat from the community needs 
no explanation; but the name Azazel is not 

explained. In the opinion of most scholars 
it is the name of a demon who inhabits 
the desert; such allusions to popular belief 
in demons* are found elsewhere in the OT. 
The origin and antiquity of the rite are 
unknown, nor is it known why the guilt- 
laden animal should be sent to this demon. 
G. R. Driver, however, translates the word 
as "precipice," with no demonic significance. 

Azekah (Hb '"zekah), a town of Judah (Jos 
15:35) near the site of the battle of Joshua 
with the five Canaanite kings (Jos 1 0: 10 f ). 
and the camp of the Philistines* in their in- 
vasion against Saul (1 S 17:1). Azekah 
was fortified by Rehoboam* (2 Ch 11:9) 
and was one of the towns settled after the 
exile* (Ne 11:30). During Nebuchadnez- 
zar's campaign it was one of the last cities 
of Judah to fall (Je 34:7). Its capture is per- 
haps alluded to in the Lachish* Letters; the 
writer observes that they are watching the 
signals of Lachish but can no longer see 
the signals of Azekah (ANET 322). The 
site is Tell Zakariyeh in the Shephelah*; 
it lies in the valley of Elah 7 mi NNE of 
Beit Jibrin. The site was excavated by F. 
J. Bliss in 1898; a fortified citadel with 
eight towers was found at the highest point 
of the mound, but the structures were not 
dated by the excavators. Possibly the fortifi- 
cations are to be attributed to Rehoboam. 


Baal (Hb ba'al, "lord" in the sense of owner 
or master, e.g., of a wife, a slave, a piece 
of property.) Most commonly it is a divine 
appellative (not a personal name) and as 
such appears as a component in many per- 
sonal and local names. Baal worship appeared 
early in Israel; the Israelites worshiped the 
Baal-Peor of Moab (Nm 25:1 ff). It is 

A Syrian representation 
of Baal brandishing the 
thunderbolt from Ugarit. 

mentioned several times in Jgs, and Gideon 
tore down an altar of the Baal in his father's 
household (Jgs 6:28). Several of the kings 
of Israel and Judah permitted or patronized 
the cult of the Baal. It is mentioned by 
the prophets Hosea, Zephaniah, Jeremiah. 
To worship the Baal is to "serve" him, to 
"walk after" him, or to "commit fornica- 
tion after" him. The Baal had prophets ( 1 K 
1 8: 19 ff; Je 2:8+). The symbol of the Baal 
was the massebah, an upright stone pillar of 
uncertain character (2 K 3:2; 10:26+). It 
may have been raw unhewn stone or possi- 
bly a crude image; in any case, it was most 
probably a phallic symbol. The Baal was 
worshiped on the high* places. Frequently 
the OT speaks of Baals in the plural; this 
does not indicate that the Baal was a local 
god to be found in each city; like so many 
ancient gods, the Baal took a number of 
forms and was worshiped in a special way 
or under some special title in a number of 
places. That he was a dispenser of fertility 

is clearly indicated in Ho 2:2-13. This pas- 
sage also indicates that Yahweh was some- 
times given the attributes of the Baal and 
worshiped with the rites of the Baal. Hence 
the large number of Israelite names com- 
pounded with Baal found in the ostraka* of 
Samaria do not necessarily indicate Baal 

The character of the Baal cult has been 
much illuminated by the discovery of the 
Canaanite mythological tablets of Ugarit*. 
The title Baal, "lord," was applied to sev- 
eral gods; but when used without further 
qualification it signified the storm-god 
Hadad* (Akkadian Adad or Addu). In the 
Ugaritic texts he has the title Aliyan, "he 
who prevails" (Albright). As the storm-god 
who rules the weather he is the giver of fer- 
tility. The myth of the death and resurrec- 
tion of Baal represents the annual cycle of 
the cessation and return of fertility; by the 
ritual enactment of the myth the recurrence 
of the cycle is assured. The extensive frag- 
ments of Ugarit show that the character 
of both the gods and the myth was fluid. 
Baal is killed by the monsters spawned by 
Asherah*. His consort Anath* attacks and 
kills his adversary Mot (death); perhaps 
another form of the myth contained the 
killing of Baal by Mot. The death of Mot 
restores Baal to life, but then Baal himself 
enters into mortal combat with Mot. Anath 
and Baal then obtain from El, against 
the wishes of Asherah, a palace for Baal 
like that of the other gods; the symbolism 
is obscure, but it probably represents the 
annual return of fertility. The inconsistency 
is only apparent; each of the adversaries is 
always dying and prevailing in turn. There 
are also references to a combat between 
Baal and various draconic monsters, Yam 
(Sea), and the biblical Tannin and Lotan 
(cf leviathan). These must be forms of 
the dragon of chaos subdued by the crea- 
tive deity (cf creation). The ritual enact- 
ment of the myth no doubt included the 
sexual union of Baal and his consort, repre- 
sented by a priest and a priestess, and sexual 
union of the worshipers with the goddess 
represented by the sacred prostitutes; by 
this sexual union they participated in the 
divine power of fertility. 

Baalism was a danger to Israelite belief 
not merely because of its obscenities but 
also because it was nature worship which 
reduced Yahweh to the level of a personified 
natural force and made religion no more 





than a means of securing the good of nature. 
Ultimately the cult was a denial of any moral 
values or of any transcendental reality, 

Baal-hazor. Cf hazor. 

Baalis (Hb ba'atis, etymology unknown), 
king of Ammon* at the fall of Jerusalem 
in 587 bc, who sent Ishmael* and his band 
to murder Gedaliah* and furnished them 
asylum (Je 40:14ff), intending thus to dis- 
rupt the Judahite community which had 
survived the disaster. He was successful; the 
survivors fled to Egypt (Je 42: 1 ff). 

Baalzebub. Cf beelzebub. 

Baanah {Hb baanah, etymology uncertain), 
with his brother Rechab* a guerrilla com- 
mander of Ishbaal*, son and successor of 
Saul*. Observing David's growing success, 
Baanah and Rechab murdered Ishbaal in his 
house and took his head to David, expecting 
a reward; but David executed them (2 S 
4:1 ff).. Their crime, however, hastened the 
accession of David to the throne of all Israel 
(2 S 5:1 ff). 

Baasha (Hb ba'sa', etymology uncertain), 
son of Ahijah of Issachar, king of Israel 
900-877 bc. He came to the throne by the 
assassination of Nadab*, son of Jeroboam* 1, 
and murdered the entire family of Jeroboam. 
He established his royal city at Tirzah*. He 
was at war with Asa s of Judah for his 
entire reign and was at first successful; but 
when he blockaded Jerusalem by the forti- 
fication of Raman/ 8 , Asa subsidized Ben- 
hadad* of Damascus* to invade Israel on 
the N. Baasha was rebuked for his impiety 
by the prophet Jehu ben Hanani (I K 15: 
16-22; 15:33-16:7). 

Babel, Tower of. In Gn 11:1-9 is related 
the story of a great tower erected in the 
land of Shinar* and left unfinished because 
Yahweh confounded the speech of the build- 
ers; the city was therefore called Babel or 
"confusion" (from Hb balal, "to mix, con- 
fuse"). Hb babel represents Akkadian bab-ilu, 
Babylon. As an account of the origin of the 
diversity of languages the story is evidently 
imaginative, and the etymology balal-babel 
is popular. The tower is now recognized as 
a ziggurat, the tower which customarily stood 
next to a Mesopotamian temple. The tower 
of Babylon was called Etemenanki, "house 
of the foundation of heaven and earth," and 
was attached to Esagil, "house of the raising 
of the head," the temple of Ma'rduk. Only 
the foundation plan of the ziggurat was dis- 
covered by the modern explorers; it was a 
square about 230 ft on a side. Some scholars 

Retonstruction of temple tower of Esogil, Babylon. 

Remains of Mesopotamian temple tower, 

think, that the altitude equaled the side of 
the base. The appearance of the ziggurat 
must be conjectured from a few more ex- 
tensive remains and from cuneiform plans 
and the description of Herodotus. According 
to this evidence the ziggurat was constructed 
in an odd number of stages, three, five or 
seven, Etemenanki, according to Herodotus, 
was built in seven stages, each with a different 




color of brick. On the summit was a small 
shrine. Access was gained by stairs or ramps 
or a combination of both, but their con- 
struction is uncertain. The symbolism of the 
ziggurat is also uncertain. It has been sug- 
gested that it was, like the Egyptian pyra- 
mid, the tomb of the god or of the king; 
this is not well supported. More probable 
is the interpretation of the ziggurat as the 
cosmic mountain, symbolic of the earth it- 
self; Mesopotamian. seals' represent a god 
emerging from the cosmic mountain. Not 
entirely unrelated to this view is the inter- 
pretation of the ziggurat as the divine moun- 
tain, the seat of the gods. It has also been 
regarded as an artificial mountain, built by 
the first settlers of the plain, who had been 
accustomed to worship on "high places" in 
their native mountains. The mountain then 
becomes the link between heaven and earth, 
by which man ascends to the gods and the 
gods descend to manifest themselves on the 
peak. This view finds some support in Cn 
11:4, "a tower which shall reach to the 
heavens," and is perhaps suggested in the 
dream of Jacob (Gn 28:11-19). In his- 
toric times the symbolism of the ziggurat 
was no doubt already too complex for analy- 
sis and probably included some or all of 
the features indicated. 

Babylon, Babylonia (Hb babel, Akkadian 
hab-ihi, probably "gate of the gods"). 

1. Geography and description. The city 
of Babylon lay on the left bank of the 

Euphrates, not far S of the modern Bagh- 
dad, where the Tigris and the Euphrates 
approach each other most closely. The classi- 
cal name of Babylonia, derived from the 
city, corresponded geographically to the an- 
cient Akkad*. It is a broad alluvial plain 
whose soil is enriched by the silt of the two 
rivers; but their floods are devastating un- 
less they are controlled by canals and reser- 
voirs. These were constructed in prehistoric 
Babylonia. The slower and more meandering 
Euphrates is much more easily navigable 
than the Tigris, a factor which early drew 
the cities of the region together. 

Babylon the city was excavated by Kolde- 
wey under the auspices of the Deutsches 
Orientgesellschaft (1899-1917), and some 
of the grandeur of the city so much admired 
by the ancients was revealed. The area of 
the ruins was roughly Ha sq mi; the "new 
city," an expansion built by Nebuchadnezzar 
on the right bank of the Euphrates, is on 
the left bank of the present course of the 
stream. The city was defended by a double 
wall; beyond this Nebuchadnezzar built an- 
other and much more extensive wall. A num- 
ber of canals passed through the city. There 
were eight gates, each of which opened into 
a broad avenue; the intersecting avenues di- 
vided the city into quarters. The Euphrates was 
crossed by two bridges. The city contained 
53 temples, of which the greatest was Esagil, 
the temple of Marduk*, with its temple tower 
or ziggurat, the tower of Babel*. In this 
temple stood the statue of Marduk, from 

The Ishtar gate. 




Viclory Stele of Norom-Sin. 

whom the king received his royalty each 
year when he "took the hands of Marduk" 
at the New Year* festival. This famous 
statue was removed by the Kassites in the 
17th century BC and later returned by them, 
removed again by the Assyrian Tukulti- 
Ninurta (1243-1207 bc) and returned after 
66 years, removed again by the Elamite 
Kutur-Nahhunte about I 176 rc and brought 
back by the Babylonian Nebuchadnezzar I 
about 1130 bc. It was brought to Nineveh 
by Sennacherib* of Assyria in 689 bc and 
restored to Babylon after 2 f years by Esar- 
haddon. These adventures show not only 
the political rise and fall of Babylon but 
also the importance of the possession of 
the statue by one who claimed king- 
ship over the land of Marduk. In the 
temple were shrines or cells for the statues 
of the other gods which were carried 
in procession with Marduk in the New Year 
festival from Esagil to the bit akitit, "new 
year house," outside the walls; the Ishtar 
gate, decorated with genii, through which 
the procession passed, was discovered by 
the excavators. The ruins of the great palace 
of Nebuchadnezzar contained what appeared 
to be two rows of seven vaulted chambers 

each, which have been accepted as the sub- 
structure of the "Hanging Gardens," one or 
the seven wonders of the ancient world. 

2. History. Babylon is mentioned for the 
first time by Sargon of Akkad (c 2350- 
2294 rc). The city was unimportant until 
the first dynasty of Babylon was established 
by the Amorites under Sumu-abum (1830 
bc). Under this dynasty, and especially un- 
der Hammurabi* (1728-1686 bc), Babylon 
reached its first period of glory. Successful 
wars against Larsa, Elam !: , and Assyria 1 ' 
united Sumer and Akkad under his rule, 
which extended nearly to the Mediterranean 
on the west. Letters to his governor Sinid- 
dinam at Larsa show that Hammurabi created 
a closely administered bureaucratic state 
which provided internal peace and security 
and allowed commerce and the arts to flour- 
ish. His codification of law is of special in- 
terest for biblical studies (cf hammurabi; 
law). The empire of the Amorites fell to 
pieces under the invasion of the Kassites, 
who succeeded them as kings of Babylon. 
The Kassite period, about 1530-1160 bc, 
is a dark period culturally, politically and 
historically for Babylon, and of it there are 
few records; but the ascendancy of Babylon 
as a cultural center had been so firmly estab- 
lished under Hammurabi that it was never 
lost. Politically Babylon remained weak un- 
til the 7th century BC. Assyrian expansion 
moved first in its direction and during the 
centuries of Assyrian empire Babylon was 
a vassal kingdom; for most of the period 
745-626 bc it was united with Assyria in 
a dual monarchy under the Assyrian king. 

The Chaldean" phase of the history of 
Babylon begins at the time of the invasion 
of the Aramaeans*, with whom they were 
connected. They paid tribute to the Assyrian 
overlord but were never effectively con- 
trolled. Under the weak rulers who preceded 
Tiglath-pileser* III they became the real 
masters of Babylonia; but Tiglath-pileser 
drove them to the S and himself took the 
throne of Babylon. The Chaldean chief, 
Marduk-apaliddin (biblical Merodach-bala- 
dan s: ), himself seized the throne of Babylon 
in 721 rc and in alliance with Elam defeated 
Sargon of Assyria; although he was later 
driven S and Babylon was sacked, he con- 
tinued to harass the Assyrians into the reign 
of Sennacherib. In 626 bc another Chaldean 
chief, Nabopolassar (Nahu-apil-usur), gover- 
nor of the "sea lands," seized the throne 
of Babylon and revolted against the Assyrians. 
Nineveh fell to the Babylonians and the 
Medes in 612 bc and the last Assyrian king 
established his royal seat at Harran* 1 : he 
was supported by the Pharaoh Necho of 
Egypt. He was defeated at Harran and 
moved westward; no more is related of 




him. The Babylonian army, now under the 
command of Nebuchadnezzar*, defeated the 
Egyptians at Carchemish in 605 bc and in 
successive campaigns during the ensuing 
years pushed through Syria and Palestine. 
Nebuchadnezzar succeeded his father Nabo- 
polassar on the throne in 605 bc, the year 
of his victory at Carchemish. Jerusalem 
surrendered to the Babylonians in 597 bc; 
it revolted in 588 bc and was stormed and 
destroyed in 587 bc. In the long reign of 
Nebuchadnezzar (605-562 bc) Babylon, the 
heir of the Assyrian empire, attained the 
high point of its glory. His successors were 
unable to maintain the empire. Nabonidus 
(556-539 bc) spent much of his reign in 
Teima in Arabia, possibly attempting to se- 
cure his empire by conquests of the Arabian 
tribes, and left Babylon under his son Bel- 
shazzar* as regent. He alienated the priest- 
hood of Marduk, and when Cyrus of An- 
shan, who had deposed the king of the Medes 
in 550 bc, defeated Belshazzar in battle, the 
city was surrendered to him by treachery 
without any further defense. The city re- 
mained an important administrative center 
under the Persians, but after the Greek 
conquest it sank into insignificance. 

3. Religion. Babylonian-Assyrian religion is 
a syncretism of very considerable elements 
from Sumerian* religion and of diverse 
Semitic elements. It is polytheistic; there 
are at least 3300 divine names in Akkadian 
literary remains, many of which are different 
names of the same deity. The gods are 
represented in human form, larger than men 
and immortal; in art they are designated by 
the horned cap. They are divided into two 
great groups, the celestial gods (Igigi) and 
the terrestrial gods (Anunnaki). We can 
mention only some of the principal deities, 
some of them treated under special articles. 

The cosmic triad is composed of Anu, 
the god of the heavens, Enlil (Bel*), the 
god of the upper air, and Ea, the god of 
the watery abyss. In historic times Anu 
(whose sign is the sign for "god" simply) 
already has receded in importance. The astral 
triad is composed of Sin, the moon god, 
Shamash, the sun god, and Ishtar, identified 
with the planet Venus. Sin was worshiped 
at Ur* and Harran, both mentioned in the 
traditions of Abraham*. Sin is a god of 
destiny. Shamash is a patron of law and 
justice. Cf hadad; dagon; marduk; nebo. 

Babylonian religion believed in the exist- 
ence of both good and bad demons*, whose 
malicious work could be either invoked or 
frustrated by magic* It also believed in 
the discernment of the future by divination*. 
The gods were present in the temples* in 
their images*, and there sacrifice* was of- 
fered, and hymns (cf psalms) and prayers* 

were addressed to them. The king* was 
representative of the divine government, and 
he received his power to rule from the gods. 
He was also the chief priest*, but the special- 
ized function of worship was committed to 
the priests. The kingship was renewed an- 
nually at the feast of the New Year*, which 
also was a renewal of creation*. : 

In general, Babylonian-Assyrian religion 
was a worship of nature, and mpst , 'of the 
gods are personified natural forces,' especially 
the forces of fertility. Many of the gods, 
however, have no such nature character in 
the form in which we know them; and many 
of them appear as patrons of a city. In 
Ashur and Marduk, at least, we seem to 
have the worship of the national genius. 
But Babylonian religion never rose to the 
knowledge of a god who really transcends 
the powers of nature or of the human per- 
son. Furthermore, it was disfigured by the 
gross superstitions of demonology and di- 
vination. In spite of the sometimes noble 
moral sentiments of its hymns, its moral force 
was slight. In the last analysis it was a reli- 
gion of this world and its goods; it promised 
its worshipers nothing more and demanded 
of them nothing except the performance of 
the ritual. 

4. Importance. The contributions of Baby- 
lonia to civilization are many and funda- 
mental. The Babylonians adapted the cunei- 
form* writing of the Sumerians. to their own 
language and produced an extensive litera- 
ture, although little of any merit. Their 
mythology and hymns depend to a large ex- 
tent on Sumerian originals, which are now 
often available for comparison; but they 
were more than mere imitators. Of particular 
interest for biblical studies are the creation* 
epic, the epic of Gilgamesh*, which contains 
an account of a universal deluge*, the poem 
"I will praise the lord of wisdom," which 
takes up the problem of suffering (cf job), 
and the "penitential psalms," which have 
some resemblance to certain Hb psalms. 
The vast literary remains of magic and 
divination are a pathetic monument to in- 
genious superstition. The scribes compiled 
extensive grammatical and lexicographical 
tablets. Babylonia did not produce history; 
but the Babylonian Chronicle and the "Syn- 
chronistic History," which correlates the 
kings of Babylon and of Assyria, are primary 
historical sources. 

Babylonia is the cradle of civilization, al- 
though here also the Semites were the heirs 
and improvers of Sumerian institutions. Here 
men lived in cities, with the diversified spe- 
cialization of arts, crafts, and trades which 
freed each family from the food quest as 
its principal occupation. The cities of Baby- 
lonia were governed by law with courts and 




police and protection for the basic human 
rights; these institutions, of course, were im- 
perfectly developed and subject to abuse. 
The family was the social, economic, and 
legal unit. Transactions were governed by a 
law of contract; private property was guar- 
anteed, including landed property. Slavery* 
was accepted, but its administration in Baby- 
lonia was relatively humane. The city-state 
was a closely organized political unit under 
a monarchic king, the viceroy of the god; 
but the popular will was effective through 
its representatives. Some modern scholars 
have described this society as "primitive de- 
mocracy." Manufacture and commercial ex- 
change of goods were carried on in peace 
and security. The Mesopotamian policy failed 
in securing peace between its cities and in 
the organization of its own and conquered 
territories into a larger political unit. Ulti- 
mately this failure was the cause of its ruin. 
Science existed only in practical applica- 
tions, but these were important. The pseudo- 
science of astrology created a remarkably 
advanced observation of the heavens and a 
practical calendar*. Mathematics advanced 
to the calculation of area and volume. In 
building and monumental art the Babylonians 
were surpassed by the Assyrians; but this 
is largely due to the absence of stone and 
the use of brick. In such things as seals, 
jewelry, and personal ornaments the Baby- 
lonian craftsmen exhibited a very high tech- 
nique. Conservatism and stylization imposed 
limits upon the originality of the artist. 

Bacchides (Gk bakchides, "son of [the god] 
Bacchus"), a royal officer, "king's friend," 
of the Seleucid court of Syria* under Deme- 
trius* I Soter, and governor of the territory 
W of the Euphrates. After Demetrius had 
murdered his predecessor, Antiochus V, in 
162 bc, he sent Bacchides to install Alcimus* 
as high priest in Jerusalem. After the defeat 
of Nicanor* by Judas, the king again sent 
Bacchides to Palestine, where he defeated 
Judas in the battle of Elasa in 161 bc. He 
did not succeed in suppressing the Maccabean 
party, and was defeated by Jonathan in a 
skirmish near the Jordan. He fortified a 
number of border points of the territory of 
Judaea* and after the death of Alcimus re- 
turned to Antioch (1 Mc 7:8 ff; 9:1, 12 ff, 
32 ff, 43 ff). 

Bagoas (Gk bagoas, from Hb bigwai, prob- 
ably a Persian name), eunuch of Holof ernes 
(Jdt 12:11; 13:1 ff), who discovered the 
dead body of his master (Jdt 14:1 ff). 

Bahurim (Hb bahurim, etymology uncertain), 
a town or village mentioned several times 
in the stories of David, apparently near 

Jerusalem (2 S 3:16; 16:5; 17:18), the 
home of Shimei* (2 S 19:16; 1 K 2:8) and 
of David's hero Azmaweth (2 S 23:31; 1 
Ch 11:33). It is identified with the modern 
Ras et Tmim, NE of the Mt of Olives. 

Balaam (Hh bil'am, etymology uncertain), 
son of Beor, a seer of Pethor* who was 
summoned by Balak*, king of Moab*, to 
curse the Israelites (Nm 22:5). The sum- 
mons and the arrival of Balaam, with his 
refusal and subsequent acceptance and his 
visions of God and the refusal of his ass 
to go on the journey, and his conversation 
with his animal, are heavily overlaid with 
details of folklore. Before the ritual curse 
Balaam built seven altars and offered four- 
teen sacrificial victims. Balaam then delivered 
four oracles, each of which is not a curse 
but a blessing. The first of these (Nm 23:7 ff) 
praises Israel for its distinction from other 
nations. The second (Nm 23: 18 ff ) praises 
Israel for the fact that there is no misfortune 
or trouble within it, by which is probably 
signified the absence of idolatry in Israel; 
for this reason no divination or enchantment 
is successful against Israel. The third (Nm 
24:2 ff) sees the future prosperity of Israel 
and its victories over its enemies. The fourth 
(Nm 24:15ff) again sees the victories of 
Israel over its neighbors Moab and Edom*. 
To the fourth oracle are appended some 
short sayings about the Kenites*, the Ama- 
lekites*, and Ashur* and Eber*. Another 
and much later tradition about Balaam tells 
how he counseled the Moabites to seduce 
the Israelites into the worship of the Baal* 
of Peor*, and for this he was executed by 
the Israelites (Nm 31:8, 16; Jos 13:22). 
The place of Balaam's origin, in Hb "the 
land of the children of his people," (Nm 
22:5), has been corrupted beyond recogni- 
tion. Albright has argued from the language 
and the grammatical and syntactical charac- 
teristics of the poems that they are as ancient 
as the 12th or the 11th century, the period to 
which Balaam belongs in tradition. The same 
writer has shown that the "Star of Jacob" 
(Nm 24:17) should actually be translated, 
"When the stars of Jacob prevail." Balaam 
is mentioned as a teacher of false doctrine 
in 2 Pt 2:16; Jd 11; Ape 2:14. 

Balak (Hb balak, etymology uncertain), 
king of Moab* who hired Balaam* to curse 
Israel (Nm 22:2 ff). The episode is alluded 
to in Jgs 11:25; Mi 6:5. A variant tradition 
(Jos 24:9) tells of a battle between Balak 
and the Israelites which is not mentioned 

Balance. The balance, in ancient as in mod- 
ern times, consisted of a standard and an 




Balances and weights. 

arm from which were suspended pans or 
baskets; some of these have been found in 
ancient sites and are represented in ancient 
art. Some Egyptian paintings show balances 
with standards nearly as tali as a man and 
an arm of proportionate size; such balances 
rested upon fixed bases. Merchants carried 
small portable balances which could be held 
in one hand; these are illustrated in ANEP 
111, 117. Larger balances are illustrated in 
ANEP 133, 350, 639. Israelite law pre- 
scribed an accurate balance (Lv 19:36; Dt 
25:13-16); several prophetic exhortations 
suggest that this was a common form of 
dishonesty <Pr 11:1; 16:11; Ezk 45:10; Ho 
12:7; Am 8:5; Mi 6:11). The balance often 
appears in figures of speech {Ps 62:10: Jb 
6:2; 31:6; Is 40:12, 15; Dn 5:27). 

Balm, Balsam. The balm of Gilead (Je 
8:22), Hb frt, is probably the aromatic 
resin obtained from the mastix tree, pis- 
tachio lentiscus, a bushy evergreen which 
grew in Palestine. The identification of the 
tree as balsamodendron opobalsamum can- 
not be maintained; this tree is not now na- 

tive to Palestine and does not appear to have 
been. This balm was used for healing pur- 
poses (Je 8:22; 46:11; 51:8), was handled 
by Midianite* merchants (Gn 37:25), was 
included in the gifts of Jacob to the Pharaoh 
(Gn 43: !1), and was one of the exports 
of Palestine (Ezk 27:17). 

Ban (Hb herein, and the verb to make a 
herein), a primitive Hb religious institution 
by which persons or objects were devoted 
to the deity. In its earliest form this prac- 
tice was destruction. The ban is mentioned 
most frequently in the period of the con- 
quest. It was applied to Jericho* (Jos 6: 16 ff, 
especially 6:21) and is mentioned of other 
Canaanite cities (Jos 8:26; 10:28 ff). The 
ban was applied to the Amalekites* by Saul 1 ' 
at the direction of Samuel {1 S 15:1 ft), 
Saul's failure to execute the ban entirely 
was the occasion of his breach with Samuel. 
This policy is imposed in a number of pas- 
sages of the law of Deuteronomy* (Dt 3:6; 
7:2 + ), and is also imposed upon the Israel- 
ites for one of their own cities if it is proved 
that there is idolatry in that city (Dt 13: 
12 ff). In later literature the word sometimes 
appears simply in the meaning of destroy or 
exterminate with no religious connotation 
(1 K 9:21; 2 K 19:11; Je 25:9; 50:21; 
51:3). In the priestly code objects which 
fall under the ban go to the priests (Nm 
18:14), doubtless a later modification of 
the earlier custom of total destruction. The 
word is also used in the priestly code of sim- 
ple devotion of an object to Yahweh (Lv 
27:28 f), with no connotation of destruc- 
tion. The practice of the ban. like a number 
of other features of ancient Hb law and 
custom, is a survival from primitive and 
more barbarous times which finally disap- 
peared with the growth of a more enlight- 
ened morality and a more civilized manner 
of life. These mass murders of hostile peo- 
ples were doubtless done in good faith by 
the early Hebrews, but they cannot be jus- 
tified morally in any way by the fact that 
the Hebrews believed that the action was 
pleasing to God, and the growth of Hb 
understanding in this respect is exhibited in 
the historical books, where the practice does 
not appear after the war of Saul with the 

Banaias. Cf benaiah. 

Bank, Banker (Gk trapeza, lit "the table," 
"table man"). The table was the counter of 
the money changer. The earliest function of 
the banker was to change coins from one 
denomination to another at a discount. The 
banker was also a money lender; and money 
could be deposited with him to be invested 




either in money changing or in lending (Mt 
25:27; Lk 19:23). Cf loan; money. In the 
Hellenistic world of the 4th- 1st centuries BC 
banking was carried on by temples*, which 
had great stores of deposited wealth and 
ample revenues, by public authorities such 
as city-states and in Egypt the royal bank, 
and by private individuals. Private banking 
was carried on in Babylon in the Neo-Baby- 
lonian period and in the large commercial 
cities of Syria and Phoenicia, and very 
probably also in Israel* of the monarchy; 
but little or nothing is known of their opera- 
tions. The extensive commerce of the Hellen- 
istic and Roman periods would have been 
impossible without banking. 

Banner. In the camp of the Israelites as 
described in Nm 2:2 ff, each tribe was as- 
sembled around its own banner. The banner 
or standard as a military emblem was the 
point around which the troops assembled 
(Is 5:26) and which showed the direction 
of march or attack (Is 13:2; 18:3). The 
ancient military banner was a device upon 
a pole or a lance. There is nothing to indi- 
cate the appearance of the Hb banners. Gall- 
ing thinks banners may be suggested by the 
animals associated with tribes in the blessing 
of Jacob (Gn 49); the lion of Judah, the 
serpent of Dan, the deer of Naphtali, 
the bull of Joseph, the wolf of Benjamin. 
Banners of ancient Egypt and Mesopo- 
tamia, as represented in ancient art or 
recovered by archaeology, are usually an 
animal device or a divine symbol; in some 
cases both motifs are united in one, espe- 
cially in Egyptian standards. The only ban- 
ner which is described in the OT is the 
bronze serpent of Moses (Nm 21:8; cf 
brazen serpent) . The standards of the Ro- 
man legions were the eagles and other sym- 
bols. Jewish prejudice against images was 
once responsible for a riot in Jerusalem 
when Pilate* attempted to introduce military 
standards into the temple* area. 

Banquet. Cf meals. 

Baptism (Gk baptizein, baptisma) , in Chris- 
tian belief the first of the seven sacraments. 
Baptism is called by the Church the sacra- 
ment of regeneration by water and is admin- 
istered in modern practice by pouring water 
upon the forehead. In the early Church bap- 
tism was conferred by immersion; sprinkling, 
now in use in some Protestant churches, was 
never commonly practiced in the Catholic 

1. Pre-Christian Baptism. Before Jesus 
began His public ministry, John* the Bap- 
tist was baptizing in the Jordan*. His bap- 
tism was symbolic, expressing the repentance 

of the sinner, and effected of itself no in- 
terior sacramental change. This is signified 
by a number of NT references to the fact 
that John baptized with water (Mt 3:11; 
Mk 1:8; Lk 3:16; Jn 1:26), in contrast to 
the baptism of Jesus, which was effected 
by water and the Holy Spirit (AA 11:16). 
The Qumran* Scrolls now indicate that 
baptism was practiced by the sect of Qumran 
before John the Baptist; and a connection 
between John and this group is not ex- 
cluded. In the Manual of Discipline it is 
stated that mere ablution cannot really cleanse 
a man; only by the submission of his soul 
to all of God's ordinances can he become 
clean and thus be sprinkled with the waters 
of ablution and sanctified by the waters of 
purification. God Himself will finally purge 
all the acts of man and refine man's sub- 
stance, destroying every spirit of perversity 
within his flesh and cleansing him by a 
holy spirit and sprinkling upon him the spirit 
of truth like waters of purification to cleanse 
him — a phrase remarkably similar to Mk 
1:8. The Manual, however, forbids any one 
to go into water in order to attain the purity 
of holy men, which indicates that the sect 
did not regard the rite in itself as effective. 
It had no value except as a token of the 
sincere inner disposition of repentance. 

The baptism of John is called in the Gos- 
pels (Mk 1:4) the baptism of repentance, 
in contrast to the baptism of Jesus, which 
was the baptism of the Holy Spirit (cf AA 
19:1 ff). In submitting to the baptism of 
John, Jesus did not confess that He was a 
sinner, but openly signified His real union 
with sinful humanity, which He had come 
to redeem from its sins. The theophany of 
the voice of the Father and of the Spirit 
as a dove made this the prototype of Chris- 
tian baptism "in the Spirit," "in the name of 
the Father and of the Son and of the Holy 

2. Baptism in the NT. Baptism is rarely 
mentioned in the Gospels. Jesus is said both 
to have baptized (Jn 3:22) and to have 
committed baptism to His disciples (Jn 4:2). 
The necessity of baptism is stated in Jn 3:5; 
unless a man is born again of water and the 
spirit, he cannot enter the kingdom of God. 
The disciples are commanded to make dis- 
ciples by baptizing them in the name of the 
Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit (Mt 
28:19). The word baptism is used meta- 
phorically of the future passion of Jesus 
(Mk 10:38; Lk 12:50). The metaphor seems 
to be based upon baptism as the beginning 
of a new life or a new state, a crisis. In 
AA baptism is explicitly reported of almost 
every individual or group who accepts Chris- 
tianity (AA 2:38+). This baptism is said 
to be conferred in the name of Jesus (AA 




8:16; 10:48; 19:5); it is extremely unlikely 
that this phrase indicates the formula em- 
ployed in baptizing. It rather indicates that 
the person baptized receives the name of 
Jesus (Ape 14:1; 22:4), that is, he accepts 
the claims of Jesus and unites himself to the 
group which accepted Jesus as its founder 
and leader. Baptism is also called baptism in 
a holy spirit (Mk 1:8; AA 1:5; 11:16). 
This phrase is clearly used metaphorically in 
AA 1:5; 11:16; and it is probable that its 
use in Mk also is metaphorical, signifying the 
beginning of a new state, a new and critical 
experience. Elsewhere the spirit is received 
with baptism (AA 19:5 f; cf confirmation; 
grace). For Paul baptism is the Chris- 
tian's experience of the passion, death, and 
resurrection of Jesus in himself (Rm 6:3 f; 
Col 1:12). Baptism symbolizes expressly not 
only the beginning of a new life in Christ, 
but also death to the old man, the old life 
of sin. By baptism the Christian is washed, 
sanctified and made righteous in the name of 
the Lord Jesus Christ and in the spirit of 
our God (1 Co 6:11). Christ sanctifies the 
Church, cleansing it by the washing of water 
in the word (Eph 5:26). By this experience 
the Christian is reborn, regenerated (Tt 3:5). 
Baptism symbolizes and effects not only the 
incorporation of the Christian into Christ 
(Gal 3:27) but also his union with his fel- 
low Christians as members of the one body 
of Christ (1 Co 12:13). The Christian is 
redeemed through the blood of Jesus Christ 
and the water of baptism (1 Jn 5:6), to 
which the Spirit testifies. The saving power 
of baptism is illustrated by the ark of Noah, 
in which all its passengers were saved by 
water (1 Pt 3:20). "Baptism on behalf of 
the dead," alluded to in 1 Co 15:29, is men- 
tioned nowhere else and refers to a practice 
which is unknown to us. It has been sug- 
gested that at Corinth it was the custom for 
friends of catechumens who had died before 
baptism to receive baptism in their place. 
Such a baptism could have no validity for 
the deceased and actually tended to endanger 
the concept of baptism itself. Paul simply 
mentions the practice without expressing 
either approval or disapproval. 

Barabbas (Aramaic bar' abba', "son of the 
father," probably a nickname). This man is 
mentioned in all four Gospels as the pri- 
soner who was released instead of Jesus 
at the wish of the Jews (Mt 27:16 ff; Mk 
15:7 ff; Lk 23:18; Jn 18:40). Mt adds the 
detail that it was the custom for the governor 
to release a prisoner of popular choice at the 
time of the Passover. According to the 
same Gospel ,Pilate* offered the choice to 
the Jews; in the other Gospels the request 
was first made by the Jews. Barabbas is 

described as a notorious prisoner (Mt), as 
a revolutionary and a murderer (Lk), and as 
a bandit (Jn). These features are not con- 
tradictory; men who combined lawlessness 
with a fanatic refusal to submit to the empire 
of Rome appear frequently in the Jewish 
community in the last years before the fall 
of Jerusalem. His name was probably Jesus; 
cf variant reading Mt 27 : 1 6. 

Barak (Hb barak', "lightning," probably an 
abbreviated form of the name), son of 
Abinoam from Kedesh* in Naphtali, one 
of the judges* of Israel. Under the inspira- 
tion of Deborah* he assembled an army of 
10,000 from Naphtali and Zebulun* and 
defeated Sisera* at Mt Tabor (Jgs 4:1 ff). 
He is mentioned among those who delivered 
Israel (1 S 12:11) and among those who by 
their faith conquered kingdoms, proved 
mighty in war, and put foreign armies to 
flight (Heb ll:32ff). 

Barbarian (Gk barbaros, means a non-Greek, 
one who does not speak Greek), the name 
was originally contemptuous, indicating the 
nonsensical sound of a foreign language; but 
in NT times and earlier it designated simply 
the non-Greek world (AA 28:2; Rm 1:14; 
1 Co 14:11; Col 3:11). 

Bar Jesus (Gk bar jesous, from Aramaic 
bar yesit"', "son of Jesus"), also called 
Ely mas; a Jewish magician and false prophet 
of Cyprus* attached to the court of the 
governor Sergius Paulus*. When the gover- 
nor asked Barnabas* and Paul* to preach 
the gospel to him, Elymas opposed them. 
Paul then cursed him with blindness, which 
may have been only temporary; and this so 
impressed the governor that he accepted the 
gospel. The name Elymas seems to be not a 
proper name but an Arabic name meaning 
seer or sorcerer (AA 13:6 ff). 

Bar Jonas (Gk bar ionas, from Aramaic bar 
yonah, "son of Jonah"), a patronymic ap- 
plied to Simon Peter* (Mt 16:17). 

Barley. Barley was cultivated in the Near 
East in the Stone Age; it was and still is a 
common crop. In Palestine it is planted in 
the autumn after the early rain has softened 
the ground but ripens a month earlier than 
wheat, usually in April (Ex 9:31; Rt 1:22; 
2:17, 23; 3:2, 15). Barley is mentioned quite 
often as a Palestinian crop (2 S 14:30; Jb 
31:40; Jl 1:11 +); Is 28:25 alludes to the 
skill of the planter. It was used as fodder 
(IK 4:28). Barley bread is coarser than 
wheat bread, but the barley loaf was com- 
mon (Jgs 7: 13; 2 S 17:28; 2 K 4:42; Je 41:8; 
Ezk 4:9 ff; Jn 6:9, 13). Barley was offered 




in the ordeal of the suspected wife (Nm 
5:15). Barley was included in the payment 
made by Solomon to Hiram for work on 
the temple (2 Ch 2:10, 15) and in payment 
of Hosea for his wife (Ho 3:2). In 2 K 
7:1, 16, 18 barley is sold at half the price 
o.f wheat, in Ape 6:6 at one third the price 
of wheat. 

Barnabas (Gk barnabas, from undetermined 
Aramaic word). In AA 4:36 the name is 
explained as "son of consolation"; but this 
popular etymology can hardly be accepted. 
Some scholars have suggested "son of 
prophecy," others bar n e bo "son of (the god) 
Nebo," the Akkadian Nabu; the surname of 
Joseph, a Levite of Cyprus, first mentioned 
in AA 4:36 as selling his property and giving 
the money for the disposal of the apostles. 
It was Barnabas who persuaded the Jeru- 
salem community to receive Paul* as a 
disciple (AA 9:27). Barnabas was sent from 
Jerusalem to investigate the community of 
Antioch* in Syria (AA ll:22ff), and 
brought Paul from Tarsus* to Antioch. 
With Paul he carried the contribution from 
Antioch to Jerusalem during the famine (AA 
ll:29f). After their return from Jerusalem 
with John Mark*, Barnabas and Paul were 
selected by the prophets and teachers of 
Antioch, among whom Barnabas was num- 
bered, to carry the gospel to cities where 
it had not yet been preached (AA 13: Iff). 
With John Mark they traveled to Cyprus*, 
Perga*, Antioch in Pisidia*, and the cities 
of Lycaonia*, where at Lystra* they were 
first acclaimed as gods, Barnabas as Zeus and 
Paul as Hermes, and then stoned out of the 
city (AA 14:8 ff). After they returned to 
Syrian Antioch the controversy concerning 
the observance of Jewish rites arose, and 
Paul and Barnabas were sent to the council 
at Jerusalem (AA 15:1 ff). In his own ac- 
count of this journey Paul mentions that 
Barnabas with Peter at first refused to eat 
with Gentiles (Gal 2:13); but at the council 
Barnabas agreed with Paul in refusing to 
impose Jewish observances on Gentile con- 
verts. After their return to Antioch Paul 
wished to revisit the cities where they had 
preached. Barnabas wished to take John 
Mark, who had abandoned them on the 
earlier journey (AA 13:13); Paul's refusal 
to accept a companion who had exhibited 
this weakness led to a difference so sharp 
that they finally separated, Paul taking Silas* 
as a companion and Barnabas going to 
Cyprus with Mark (AA 15:37 ff). No 
more is known of the career of Barnabas. 
From the mention of Mark as a companion 
of Paul (Col 4:10), where we learn that 
he was a cousin of Barnabas, and Phm 24, 
and from Paul's praise of Barnabas in 1 Co 

9:6 and of Mark in 2 Tm 4:11, we may 
assume that the breach with Barnabas was 
ultimately healed. Tertullian proposed Bar- 
nabas as the author of Heb. 

Barsabbas (Aramaic bar sa'ba", a patro- 
nymic, etymology uncertain). 1. Joseph the 
just, a candidate with Matthias* for the place 
in the Twelve left vacant by the death of 
Judas (AA 1:23 ff). 2. Judas, sent with 
Paul, Barnabas, and Silas to Antioch with the 
letter of the council of Jerusalem (AA 

Bartholomew (Gk bartholomaios, from Ara- 
maic bar talmai, "son of Tolmai," a patro- 
nymic), one of the Twelve, mentioned only 
in the lists of the Twelve (Mt 10:3; Mk 
3:18; Lk 6:14; AA 1:13). He is identified 
by some with Nathanael* mentioned in Jn. 

Bartimaeus (Gk bartimaios, from Aramaic 
bar timai, "son of Timaeus," a patronymic), 
a blind beggar of Jericho* whose persistent 
requests won healing from Jesus (Mk 
10:46ff). The man's personal name is not 
given; the phrase "son of Timaeus" is a 
doublet of his Aramaic patronymic. 

Baruch (Hb baruk, "blessed"), companion 
and amanuensis of Jeremiah*. In 605 bc 
Baruch at Jeremiah's dictation wrote out the 
discourses which Jeremiah had delivered up 
to that date and then read the contents of 
this scroll to the people in the temple. He 
read the scroll again before the officers of 
king Jehoiakim* and then on their advice 
fled with Jeremiah. Jehoiakim had the scroll 
read to him and destroyed it. Baruch then 
wrote another scroll at Jeremiah's dictation 
which contained the same material as the first 
with a number of additions (Je 36:1 ff). 
Jeremiah committed the deed of sale of the 
property which he had bought from his 
cousin Hanamel* during the siege of Jeru- 
salem to Baruch for safekeeping (Je 
32:11 ff). When Baruch complained at the 
sorrows of his life and the miseries of his 
people, Jeremiah uttered for him an oracle 
which contained a rebuke and a promise 
that he himself would survive the catastrophe 
(Je 45:1 ff). When the survivors of the fall 
of Jerusalem wished to flee to Egypt after 
the murder of Gedaliah*, Jeremiah uttered 
an oracle forbidding them to go. Baruch 
was blamed as inciting Jeremiah to deliver 
this oracle and was taken with the prophet 
to Egypt when the people fled there. No 
more is known of his life. 

One canonical book and two apocryphal* 
books bear his name, none of which were 
written by him. The canonical book of 
Baruch is placed after the book of Lamenta- 
tions in the Vulgate. This book is not 




found in the Hb Bible and is not contained 
in the Protestant canon. It is preserved 
in the Gk Bible and is included in the 
canon of the Council of Trent. The book con- 
tains the following parts: 

1. Introduction (1:1-14). 

2. A prayer, containing a confession of 
national guilt and a petition for forgive- 
ness and the expected restoration of Israel 

3. A poem in praise of wisdom, which 
is not intellectual speculation but is iden- 
tified with the Law given to Israel through 
Moses (3:9-4:4). 3:37, in which wisdom 
is said to appear on earth and associate 
with men, has been thought by many scholars 
to be a Christian interpolation; but the phrase 
simply signifies the communication of the Law. 

4. A poem in which Jerusalem personified 
addresses her children, reminding them of 
their past sins and encouraging them with 
the hope of the messianic blessings of the 
future (4:4-5:9). 

5. The letter of Jeremiah addressed to the 
exiles in Babylon, a polemic against idola- 
try (6:1-73). 

The parts of the book are not all from 
one author, and many scholars believe that 
the three principal parts of the book were 
written by three different authors. It is un- 
likely that any part of the book is earlier 
than the 2nd century BC or later than the 
end of the 1st century BC. A Hb original 
is most probable for the entire book. For 
the apocryphal books of Baruch cf apocry- 
phal books. 

Barzillai (Hb barzillai, etymology uncer- 
tain; perhaps connected with barzel, iron), 
a man of Rogelim in Gilead* who with 
Shobi and Machir met David and his party 
at Mahanaim* with refreshments after their 
flight from Absalom* (2 S 17:27 ff). After 
the defeat of Absalom David invited Bar- 
zillai to accompany him and spend the rest 
of his life at court; but Barzillai refused 
because at the age of 80 he was too old for 
the pleasures of the court (2 S 19:31 ff). 
He permitted his son Chimham* to go and 
live at David's court. In his last words to 
Solomon* David recommended the sons of 
Barzillai and asked that they be permitted 
to remain perpetually at the court. 

Bashan (Hb basan, "fertile plain"), a region 
in E Palestine* which lay N of Gilead*. 
Its boundaries lay generally from the foot 
of Mt Hermon on the N to the Yarmuk 
on the S, and from Maacah* and Geshur* 
on the W to Salhad in the Jebel ed Druz to 
the E. It included the lava field of the Lejja, 
about 350 sq mi of petrified lava, from 
which the Gk name Trachonitis was given 

to the region. The region shows abundant 
traces of volcanic activity; the limestone 
which lies under all Palestine is here covered 
with a layer of black basalt, used for build- 
ing stone in ancient and modern times. It 
gives the buildings of the area a distinctive 
appearance. The soil is a rich and red vol- 
canic soil. The whole region is a plateau 
about 2000 ft high. In contrast with the area 
S of the Yarmuk it is not so well watered 
and has a more limited rainfall, but the 
region was and is a good grain producer. Its 
resources in ancient times included timber, 
which has now entirely disappeared, its fer- 
tile plains suitable for agriculture and even 
more for pasture, its building stone, and its 
position on important trade routes. Before 
the Israelite settlement the territory with 
its traditional 60 cities was ruled by Og*, 
who was defeated by the Israelites at Edrei*. 
Hb tradition is consistent in asserting that 
their conquest of Bashan preceded their set- 
tlement in W Palestine (Nm 21:33; Dt 
3:1 ff; 29:6; Jos 1 2 : 4 f ; 13:11). It is less 
consistent in its attribution of Bashan to 
the tribes. Bashan is attributed to half the 
tribe of Manasseh in Jos 13:30; 17:1, 5; 
21:6; 22:7, but to Gad* in 1 Ch 5:11, 16. 
There were no doubt some tribal movements 
in the territory. Bashan was divided between 
two of Solomon's administrative districts ( 1 
K 4:11, 19). Bashan, however, was probably 
never solidly Israelite. The Aramaeans be- 
gan to move into the region during the 
period of the Judges, and they seem to have 
had firm control of Bashan by 900 bc. The 
fertility of Bashan is praised in the OT (Is 
33:9; Na 1:4). More frequently its rich 
pasture is mentioned and its livestock is 
praised for its fatness (Dt 32:14; Je 50:19; 
Ps 22:13; Ezk 39:18; Am 4:1; Mi 7:14). In 
the Gk period various names appear for the 
whole or part of Bashan: Batanea, Trachoni- 
tis, Auranitis, Gaulanitis, Iturea. It was in- 
cluded in the kingdom of Herod and com- 
prised the entire tetrarchy of Philip* (Iturea 
and Trachonitis, Lk 3:1), the only mention 
of the region in the NT. 

Basin. A portable shallow vessel for holding 
liquids. Basins are mentioned in the Bible 
as holding water for washing (Jn 13:5), for 
receiving the blood of sacrificial victims 
(Ex 12:22; 24:6). They formed a part of 
the temple furniture and were used for 
many unspecified purposes, such as convey- 
ing libations. 

Basket. Containers woven of fiber are repre- 
sented frequently in ancient art. They were 
made in a great variety of sizes and shapes. 
They could be quite large, like the basket in 
which Paul was let down from the walls of 




Damascus* (2 Co 11:33). A large number 
of Hb and Gk words are translated by 
"basket"; they indicate different types and 
sizes of the vessel which we cannot identify. 
They appear in two prophetic visions: Jere- 
miah's vision of the baskets of good and 
bad fruit (Je 24:2) and Am 8:2, where 
Amos plays on the word basket (kayis) 
as signifying the end (kes) of Israel. They 
are frequently mentioned as containers of 
food of all kinds and as used in brickmaking 
(Ps 81:6). 


Bathing. In the OT bathing is mentioned 
most frequently in the ceremonial laws as a 
means of ritual purification; it is prescribed 
for the priests and for any one who has 
incurred ceremonial uncleanness (cf clean). 
The obligation of bathing seven times in the 
Jordan imposed upon Naaman* is sym- 
bolic of the cleansing from his disease (2 K 
5:10ff). The bathing of infants is alluded 
to in Ezk 16:4. Bathing is most frequently 
the washing of the feet, particularly after 
a journey, and it was a duty of hospitality 
to furnish water to guests for this purpose 
(Gn 24:32; 18:4; 19:2; SS 5:3). This duty 
was sometimes performed by slaves (1 S 
25:41). Bathing was sometimes if not 
usually done out of doors, on the roof of 
a house or in its inner court (2 S 11:2) or 
in the garden of the house (Dn 13:15). 
Bathing was also done in streams; the daugh- 
ter of Pharaoh bathed in the Nile (Ex 
2:5). David bathed and anointed himself 
at the end of a period of mourning (2 S 
12:20); the use of perfumes and unguents 
was extremely common in the ancient Orient 
and probably was the usual substitute for 
bathing or followed upon it. Herodotus in 
the 5th century reported that the Egyptians 
bathed daily or several times daily; but it is 
impossible to determine the frequency of the 
practice in ancient times. In Palestine, par- 
ticularly, water for this purpose was difficult 
to obtain in most places. In NT times similar 
practices prevailed, although Pharisaic in- 
terpretation of the Law had multiplied 
ceremonial bathing. Water was furnished 
the guests at a banquet for the washing of 
the feet (Lk 7:44). From this incident we 
may deduce that the good host furnished 
unguents. One who had bathed needed only 
wash his feet to be entirely clean (Jn 13:10). 
The elaborate public baths of Hellenistic 
times were unknown in Jewish cities, but 
such baths were always found in the Hel- 
lenistic cities of Palestine and the adjoining 
regions and were known to the Jews. There 
were also mineral springs in the neighbor- 
hood of the Dead Sea and the Sea of 

Galilee which were used by Gentiles; 
orthodox Jews probably did not use these 
baths. The community of Qumran* em- 
ployed numerous ablutions, most of which 
were ceremonial. 

Bathsheba. (Hb bat seba\ "daughter of 
Sheba," perhaps a divine name?), daughter 
of Eliam and wife of Uriah* the Hittite*, 
one of David's officers. David* saw her 
bathing from the roof of his house and 
invited her to his palace and seduced her. 
His effort to make Uriah responsible for 
the paternity of her child was unsuccessful, 
and he ordered Joab* to station Uriah in the 
front line of battle to be abandoned (2 S 
11:1 ff). David then married Bathsheba, but 
the child of the adultery died (2 S 12:15 ff). 
The second child was Solomon*, who suc- 
ceeded David as king (2 S 12:24 ff). In 
David's old age, Bathsheba, at the insis- 
tence of Nathan*, who had rebuked David 
for his adultery, persuaded David to name 
Solomon as his successor (1 K 1: 11 ff). Her 
suggestion that Solomon permit Adonijah* 
to have Abishag*, David's companion in his 
old age, in his harem was less successful 
(1 K 2:12 ff). In 1 Ch 3:5 she is called 
Bathshua, the daughter of Ammiel, an inver- 
sion of Eliam; Bathshua is either a textual 
corruption or a variant spelling. Three other 
sons of Bathsheba are mentioned in this 
passage. She is mentioned but not by name 
in the genealogy of Jesus (Mt 1:6). 

Battle. Cf war. 

Bdellium (Hb b'dolah, Gk bdellion) , an aro- 
matic transparent yellow gum obtained from 
a tree native to Southern Arabia, Baby- 
lonia, India, and Media. It is said to 
come from Hawilah*, a part of Arabia (Gn 
2:12), and its color is compared to the color 
of manna* (Nm 11:7). 

Bear. The bear is now practically extinct in 
Palestine and Syria except in remote moun- 
tain wildernesses; and it is very probable 
that it was nearly extinct in NT times, since 
it is mentioned only in Ape 13:2. In OT 
times the allusions to bears indicate that 
they were more common. They were fero- 
cious and attacked persons as well as flocks 
(1 S 17:34-37; 2 K 2:24). The growling 
of the bear was a not unfamiliar sound (Is 
59 : 1 1 ) , and the ferocity of the bear reft 
of her cubs was proverbial (2 S 17:8; Pr 
17:12); this image is applied to the anger 
of Yahweh (Ho 13:8; cf Lam 3:10). The 
day* of Yahweh is as dreadful as the attack 
of a bear (Am 5:19). The bear or its fea- 
tures appear in the visions of the beasts of 
Dn 7:5; Ape 13:2. In the peace of the mes- 
sianic kingdom the bear and the cow will 




feed together (Is 11:7). The size and species 
of the ancient Palestinian bear are not 

Beard. The ancient Semitic peoples gen- 
erally wore the full beard. The Sumerians* 
and Egyptians 4 are represented in art as 
clean shaven; the Egyptians wore an artificial 
ceremonial beard, a square cut goatee. This 

The type of beard worn by the Assyrians under 
Sargon Ei is illustrated in this bos-relief from Nimrud. 

was so much a part of the royal costume 
that it was even worn by queen Hatshcpsut. 
The beard was cultivated with great care by 
the Hebrews. It was anointed (Ps 133:2), 
and its neglect was a token of eccentricity 
or unsound mind (1 S 21:14) or of mourn- 
ing (Je 41:5; 48:37). To have one's beard 
shaved or plucked was a great indignity (2 S 
10:4; Is 50:6). The Holiness code pro- 
hibited the trimming of the "corners" of the 
beard (Lv 19:27; 21:5), probably for cultic 
reasons which are unknown. In NT times it 
was the custom of Jews to wear the full 
beard, although both Greeks and Romans 
were normally clean shaven in this period. 

Beatitude. A technical term for a literary 
form found in both OT and NT. A beatitude 
is a declaration of blessedness on the ground 
of some virtue or good fortune. The formula 
begins "Blessed is . . ." It occurs 26 times 
in Pss, eight times in Pr, ten times in the 
other Hb books of the OT, and 13 times in 
the Gk books of the OT. It is associated 
with prayer* and with wisdom* utterances. 
One is called blessed for virtue or for en- 
joying the forgiveness, protection or near- 
ness of Yahweh. The beatitude is common 
in the NT also, most frequently for faith 

or for sharing in the kingdom of God. Best 
known are the beatitudes uttered by Jesus, 
eight in Mt 5:3 ff, four in Lk 6:20 fF. The 
beatitudes in Mt may be counted as nine if 
5:11 is separated from 5:10. It is difficult 
to say which of the two formulae is nearer 
to the words actually spoken by Jesus. The 
first three of the beatitudes of Lk are very 
nearly identical with the 1st, 2nd and 4th of 
Mt, the last two inverted. These three beati- 
tudes of Lk indicate those who suffer the 
misfortunes of poverty, hunger, and sorrow. 
These griefs will be removed. The 4th is 
identical with the 8th of Mt, persecution 
and hatred endured in the name of Jesus. 
The beatitudes of Mt have been expanded 
by the addition of meekness, compassion 
(almsgiving), purity of heart, and reconcili- 
ation; to each of the beatitudes has been 
added an explicit reward, which in each case 
is synonymous with the kingdom* of heaven 
of the 1st beatitude, described in terms 
which correspond to each beatitude. The 
beatitudes of Mt suppose a groundwork of 
Christian virtue. The difference between 
"poverty" of Lk and "poverty of spirit" of 
Mt is less than the translation leads one 
to believe; cf poor. Both terms indicate the 
depressed classes of the ancient world, those 
who have no material possessions and enjoy 
no esteem or reputation. The beatitude ad- 
dressed to those who hunger has been refined 
in Mt into an address to those who hunger 
for righteousness. In Mt the paradox of 
the beatitudes as stated in Lk has been some- 
what softened. The paradox consists in this, 
that the beatitude is declared not because of 
some good fortune, but because of ill for- 
tune — poverty, hunger, sorrow, and persecu- 
tion. Jesus states that in these things men 
may be happy if they accept them as coming 
from their heavenly Father and in the 
spirit which Jesus teaches them. He thus 
declares that the opposite of these things — 
wealth, joy, fullness — have nothing to do 
with one's true happiness, which is to be 
found only in the kingdom of God and in 
His righteousness. But the paradox is still 
apparent in Mt,- and the blessedness is now 
expanded by the addition of some difficult 
habits of virtue, which demand the suppres- 
sion of self-love and ambition. 

Bed. Beds as articles of furniture were used 
in Egypt from earliest times in the palaces 
of kings* and the wealthy. Most of these 
beds were made of wood, rather low, some- 
thing like the modern daybed. In the New 
Kingdom there appear much more ornate 
beds, sometimes made of ivory plated with 
gold, and often so high that one ap- 
proached them by steps. These were richly 
ornamented with animal and divine emblems; 





: ^ 


Will '- J_ 11 

Egyptian bed made with 
bronze fittings. 

the foot is usually modeled after the foot 
of a lion. In Assyria there were in royal 
palaces beds made of wood plated with 
gold, silver, other metals, and precious 
stones. The temples contained a bedchamber 
of the gods, in which was found a highly 
ornamented couch for the reclining of the 
gods; probably also such a couch was found 
in the chamber where the sacred marriage 
was performed (cf new year). In ancient 
Israel similar beds were possessed by the 
kings and the wealthy; Amos mentions cor- 
ners of a bed (3:12) and beds of ivory 
(6:4). An imposing bronze bed frame from 
the Iron Age has been found in Tell el Fara, 
and ivory fragments from Arslan Tash 
which come from a wooden bed frame. 
Such beds are also indicated by the phrase 
"ascend" to one's bed. Ashur-bani-pal of 
Assyria is pictured as reclining on a bed 
while at dinner. Such beds were articles of 
luxury. The ordinary person slept on the 
ground wrapped in his cloak, or on a mat 
of straw. This mat could be rolled up and 
carried about with one. Such beds are indi- 
cated in the Gospels where those who are 
cured are told to pick up their bed and 
walk (Mt 9:6; Lk 5:24). 

Bee. The bee is mentioned in the Bible only 
4 times (Dt 1:44; Jgs 14:8; Ps 118:12; Is 
7:18), although honey* is mentioned more 
frequently. Only Is 7:18 is possibly a refer- 
ence to apiculture; the other passages clearly 
mean the wild bee. On the uncertainty con- 
cerning the introduction of apiculture cf 
honey. The bee cultivated in modern 
Palestine is smaller than the European and 
American species. 

Beelzebub (Hb ba'al z e biib, Gk beel zeboub), 
in the OT the god of the Philistine* city of 
Ekron*, of whom king Ahaziah* of Israel 
inquired during his illness (2 K l:2ff). In 
the NT it appears as the name of the 
demon in whose authority the Pharisees 
said Jesus expelled demons (Mt 10:25; 
12:24, 27; Mk 3:22; Lk 11:15 ff). The best 

Gk MSS read beelzeboul instead of beelze- 
boub, the reading of the Vg. The meaning of 
the Hb name is most easily explained as 
"lord of flies," which is scarcely the original 
title of the god; it is more probably a Hb 
contemptuous corruption of the divine name. 
This name is almost certainly correctly pre- 
served in the NT. Beelzebul was formerly 
explained from the Hb word z e bul, "habita- 
tion." It is now explained from the Ugaritic* 
zbl, "prince," a title frequently given to 
Aleyan Baal*, the fertility god of Ugarit. 
He is called, "prince, lord of the earth," 
and "prince, king." 

Beer (Hb lekar, cognate to Akkadian 
sikaru, is now considered to mean beer rather 
than distilled spirits). It is mentioned rather 
frequently in the OT and was apparently a 
common beverage (Is 24:9) which was not 
available in the desert (Dt 29:5). It was 
poured as a libation to Yahweh (Nm 28:7) 
and was prohibited to those under the 
Nazirite* vow (Nm 6:3) and to the priests 
before their entrance into the sanctuary 
(Lv 10:9). It was prohibited to the mother 
of Samson* before the birth of the hero 
(Jgs 13:4, 7, 14); in other respects she is 
said to lie under the Nazirite obligation. 
Beer was drunk at sacrificial banquets at the 
sanctuary (Dt 14:26). Not all the references 
to beer are favorable; its intoxicating quali- 
ties are mentioned (1 S 1:15; Is 29:9; 28:7) 
and it is with wine a beverage of drunkards 
(Ps 69:13; Is 5:11, 22; 56:12). It leads to 
quarrels (Pr 20:1) and is not the drink of 
rulers (Pr 31:4). "A preacher of wine and 
beer" is the preacher suitable to the people 
of Israel (Mi 2:11). Beer should be given 
to the perishing so that they may forget their 
poverty (Pr 31:6). 

The technique of brewing in Israel is un- 
known; but it was probably not dissimilar 
to the techniques used in Egypt and Meso- 
potamia. Egyptian brewing is represented 
in Egyptian art (ANEP 153, 154). The beer 
was made from barley. The grain was made 




Brewing was gn or) known to the Egyptians, 05 this scene from the Old Kingdom illustrates. 

into flour and baked and the beer was pro- 
duced by adding water to fermented bread, 

Beeroth (Hb b r 'erot, "wells"?), one of the 
four Hivite (Horite*) cities which entered 
into a league with the Israelites (ios 9:17): 
listed in the territory of Benjamin (Jos 
18:25); the home of the murderers of Ish- 
baal, son of Saul (2 S 4:2-9) and of 
Naharai, one of David's heroes (2 S 
23:37; 1 Ch 11:39). Men of Beeroth were 
included among the exiles who returned to 
Judah (Ezr 2:25; Ne 7:29). Beeroth is 
possibly identified with the modern village of 
El Bireh, in which the name survives, about 
ten mi N of Jerusalem near Ramallah; 
some prefer a location nearer to Gibeon 
in the valley of Beth-horon*. 

Beersheba (Hb b''er seba'), a town of the 
Negeb*. The name is literally "well of 
seven," possibly derived from the number of 
springs found there. Beersheba is associated 
with the patriarchs; it was a point on 
Hagar's flight from Sarah* (Gn 21:14). A 
covenant* settling a quarrel over water rights 
between Abraham* and Abimelech* is re- 
lated in Gn 21:25-33; the meaning of the 
name is here doubly explained, from the 
seven (He seba") lambs of the sacrifice 
and from the mutual oath (Hb SB'-) sworn 
between them. This must be regarded as a 

popular etymology. The story of the oath 
with Abimelech is also told of Isaac and 
the derivation of the name is also related 
in this episode (Gn 26:31-33). Beersheba 
is the home at times of both Abraham (Gn 
22:19) and of Isaac (Gn 26:23; 28:10); 
but Abraham is not really at home at 
Beersheba and it is quite probable that his 
connection with the place is secondary. Beer- 
sheba was the scene of a theophany both 
to Isaac (Gn 26:23) and to Jacob (Gn 
46:1-5); these were connected with Beer- 
sheba as a sanctuary. It is listed both among 
the towns of Judah* (Jos 15:28) and the 
towns of Simeon* (1 Ch 4:28). Except for 
the mother of Jehoash* of Judah, Zibiah, 
who came from Beersheba (2 K 12:2; 2 Ch 
24:1), and for the court held there by 
Samuel's sons (1 S 8:2) Beersheba does 
not appear in Israelite history; but it is 
frequently mentioned in the phrase ''from 
Dan to Beersheba" to designate the N-S 
limits of Israelite territory (Jgs 20:1; 1 S 
3:20; 2 S 24:15; 17:1 1; 1 K 5:5; 1 Ch 21:2; 
2 Ch 30:5) or as the S limit of the territory 
of Judah (2 S 24:7; 1 K 19:3; 2 K 23:8: 
2 Ch 19:4), Beersheba was one of the towns 
of Judah settled after the exile (Ne 11:27, 
30). Am 5:5; 8:14 attests that there was a 
sanctuary at Beersheba; and the allusions 
to Beersheba in the stories of the patriarchs 
indicate that the sanctuary was probably 




older than the settlement of the Israelites 
in Canaan. 

The name survives in the modern Bir es 
Seba, about 28 mi S of Hebron*; the site of 
the OT settlement is probably at Tell es Seba, 
Z¥i mi E of the modern town. Beersheba lies 
on the frontier of the cultivated land and the 
steppe of the Negeb* to the S; its altitude 
is only about 1000 ft above sea level, and 
the mountains of Judah fall to an altitude 
of no more than 2000 ft a little to the N of 
Beersheba. The antiquity of the settlement 
and its regional importance arose from its 
abundant water supply, which is the only one 
in the neighborhood; there are no other 
settlements near. This oasis was a natural 
point of convergence for caravan routes from 
the desert to the markets of the central 
mountains and the coastal plain. 

Begging. Begging as such is scarcely men- 
tioned in the OT; but the numerous refer- 
ences to the poor, the stranger, the 
widow, and the orphan, and the recom- 
mendations to be generous in giving to them, 
indicate that there were many people who 
had to support themselves by begging. In 
later Judaism and in NT times begging 
was very common. BS 40:28 ff says it is 
better to die than to beg, and describes beg- 
ging as an existence which cannot be called 
life; only the shameless man can beg. 
Beggars are mentioned frequently in the NT, 
especially those who suffered from some 
bodily infirmity (Mt 9:27; 20:30; Mk 10:46; 
Lk 18:35; Jn 9:8; AA 3:2), who asked alms 
by the roadside or at the temple gates. In 
the economic conditions of NT times, when 
most of the population were extremely poor, 
with only a slight margin between themselves 
and destitution, many were reduced either 
to begging or to selling themselves into 
slavery (cf poor). 

Behemoth (Hb b e hemot, pi of b e hemah,"&m- 
mal"). In Eng Bibles the word is a transcrip- 
tion of the name of the animal mentioned in 
Jb 40:15 ff, identified by older interpreters as 
the elephant*. The passage is now recognized 
as a description of the hippopotamus, prob- 
ably written from hearsay rather than from 
observation. The behemoth is mentioned by 
the poet as an example of the creative wis- 
dom of God. 

Bel (Hb bel, Akkadian belu, cognate of Hb 
ba'al, "lord"), in the OT the title of Mar- 
duk*, god of Babylon* (Is 46:1; Je 50:2; 
51:44). Dn 14:2 ff relates the story of the 
image of Bel in the temple of Babylon. In 
Akkadian literature the title Bel is most 
frequently given to Marduk, but it was 
actually transferred to Marduk from Enlil of 

Nippur, lord of the upper air and the crea- 
tive deity in an older form of the creation* 
epic. After the title had become proper to 
Marduk, Enlil is often referred to as the 
older Bel. 

Belial. The common Eng rendering of Gk 
beliar, the reading of the Gk in 2 Co 6:15. 
Beliar is the name of a demon found fre- 
quently in apocalyptic* literature. It is a 
corruption of Hb b e tiyya'al, a noun meaning 
malice or wickedness; the word is probably 
compounded of two words meaning, "it is 
of no profit." In the OT the word is often 
translated in Eng as a proper name, which 
it is not; it occurs most frequently in the 
combination "son of belial," a wicked man. 

Belshazzar (Aramaic belsa'ssar, from Akka- 
dian bel-sar-usur, "Bel protect the king"), ac- 
cording to Dn 5:1 ff; 8:1, the last king of 
Babylon when it was captured by Cyrus*. 
Dn 5 : 1 ff relates the story of the great 
banquet given by Belshazzar, at which he 
and his guests drank from the sacred ves- 
sels of the temple of Jerusalem. A hand 
appeared upon the wall writing a mysterious 
message which no one could interpret except 
Daniel. Daniel revealed that it was a threat 
of the end of the kingdom and its transfer 
to the Medes and the Persians. That very 
night Cyrus captured the city and Belshazzar 
was slain. One of Daniel's visions is dated in 
the 3rd year of the reign of Belshazzar (Dn 
8:1). The Babylonian records of this period 
identify Belshazzar as the son of Nabonidus, 
the last king of Babylon. Belshazzar was co- 
regent with his father and administered the 
capital for eight years during the absence of 
his father in Teima in Arabia. He was never 
king of Babylon; the story of his death is 
supported by an anecdote of Xenophon. He 
was the son of Nabonidus, not of Nebu- 
chadnezzar* (Dn 5:17). The treatment of 
Belshazzar in Dn illustrates the legendary 
character of Babylon as it appears in the 
book. The author, who lived some centuries 
after the fall of Babylon, had little accurate 
knowledge of the history of the period, and 
treated it in an extremely free and imagina- 
tive style. Cf DANIEL. 

Belteshazzar (Hb belfsassar) , the Ak- 
kadian name given to Daniel in the court 
of Nebuchadnezzar* (Dn 1:7; 2:26; 4:5 ff; 
5:12). The name probably represents Akka- 
dian bel-balatsu-usur, "Bel protect his life." 

Benaiah (Hb b e nayahu, "Yahweh has built"), 
son of Jehoiada and officer of David* and 
Solomon*. He was commander of the 
Cherethi* and Pelethi, the professional sol- 
diers who formed David's royal guard (2 S 




8:18; 20:23; 1 Ch 18:17). He was one of 
David's thirty heroes and three of his mighty 
deeds are mentioned in 2 S 23:20 ff; the text 
of these deeds is somewhat corrupted. In the 
last days of David Benaiah with Nathan* 
and Zadok* favored the candidacy of Solo- 
mon*, the son of Bathsheba*; Benaiah and 
the royal guard installed Solomon as king 
(I K 1:8 ff, 38 ff). At the command of 
Solomon he executed Adonijah*, Solomon's 
rival candidate for the kingship (1 K 2:25), 
Joab* (1 K 2:28 ff), and Shimei* (1 K 
2:39 ff), the last two in fulfillment of 
David's last will. After the death of Joab, 
Benaiah was appointed commander of the 
army (1 K 2:35; 4:4). The name is borne 
by six others in the OT. 

Benedictus. The first word in Lt and the 
usual designation of the song of Zechariah* 
uttered after the birth of John the Baptist* 
(Lk l:68ff). The song is divided into two 
parts: the first (68-75) expresses thanks- 
giving that the deliverance promised to the 
patriarchs and prophets through the house 
of David* has now appeared: the second 
part, addressed to the child (76-79), calls 
him a prophet who will prepare the way of 
the Lord. The entire song is woven of OT 
phrases; the first part depends mostly on 
Pss, the second part on Is and other 
prophets. The song is of value as a rare 
monument of genuine messianism* in the 
generation contemporary with the Gospels. 

Ben-hadad (Hb ben-h a dad, from Aramaic 
bar h"dad, "son of Hadad"), the name 
of several kings of Damascus*, two of 
whom are mentioned in the Bible. 1. 
Ben-hadad I, who was bribed by Asa* 
of Judah to rescue him by invading 
the territory of Israel while Baasha* was 
invading Judah (1 K 15:18 ff). This king 
is called the son of Tabrimmon and the 
grandson of Hezion. This invasion occurred 
about 878 bc. It is not certain that this 
Ben-hadad is the same king who was defeated 
by Ahab* of Israel in two successive cam- 
paigns, the first when he besieged Samaria* 
and the second at Aphek* (1 K 20:1 ff); as 
a result of this campaign, a treaty was signed 
in which Israel was granted the same com- 
mercial rights in Damascus which the 
Aramaeans* had enjoyed in Samaria*. W. F. 
Albright dates the reign of Ben-hadad I 880- 
842 bc. This war must have occurred 
before the appearance of both Ahab and Ben- 
hadad at the battle of Karkar in 853 bc, 
in which the Assyrian advance in' the west 
was temporarily halted. The same Ben-hadad 
was the commander of the Aramaean army, 
not mentioned by name, in the unsuccessful 
campaign of Ahab to recover Ramoth- 

gilead*, in which Ahab was slain (1 K 
22:1 ff). This battle occurred three years 
after the battle of Karkar. Some scholars 
identify the Ben-hadad of 1 K 20: 1 as Ben- 
hadad II; recent opinion tends to eliminate 
this second Ben-hadad from history. The 
Ben-hadad who besieged Samaria (2 K 
6:24 ff) cannot be identified positively, since 
the king of Israel in whose reign the siege 
occurred is not named; but it was probably 
Ben-hadad I. According to 2 K 8:7 ff, Ben- 
hadad was assassinated by Hazael*. If this 
were Ben-hadad I, the assassination occurred 
in 842 bc. The Assyrian records of Shal- 
maneser III* (858-824) do not mention 
Ben-hadad; the king of Damascus is called 
Adad-idri, identical with the biblical name 
Hadarezer*. Unless Hadarezer is supposed 
to follow Ben-hadad I on the throne, we must 
suppose that the Assyrians confused the 
names of two kings of Damascus, which is 
not entirely unprecedented in Assyrian 
records. Shalmaneser observes in one docu- 
ment that Adad-idri perished after his de- 
feat by the Assyrians and was replaced by 
Hazael, "a son of nobody," on the throne; 
but it does not appear from the Assyrian 
record that he was aware of an assassination. 
Some scholars suggest that the name Ben- 
hadad in 2 K 8 is itself an intrusion. 

2. Ben-hadad the son of Hazael, who was 
defeated three times by Jehoash* of Israel 
(801-786) as predicted by Elisha* (2 K 
13:14 ff , 24). This Ben-hadad is most prob- 
ably the king meant in Am 1:4 and Je 49:27. 

Benjamin (Hb binyamln, "son of the right," 
most probably "son of the south," souther- 
ner), son of Jacob* and Rachel* and the 
name of one of the 12 tribes* of Israel. 
Benjamin was the only of Jacob's sons born 
in Canaan*, at Ephrath*, and Rachel died 
after his birth (Gn 35:16 ff). Rachel named 
him Benoni, "child of my sorrow," but Jacob 
changed the ill omened name to Benjamin. 
When the brothers of Joseph* went to 
Egypt to purchase grain during the famine, 
Jacob kept Benjamin, the youngest, at home 
(Gn 42:3 f). But Joseph, Benjamin's only 
full brother, insisted that the brothers bring 
Benjamin as a proof of their veracity (Gn 
42:15). When Benjamin arrived, Joseph was 
moved to tears (Gn 43:29 ff). As a test of 
his brothers Joseph had his silver cup put 
in Benjamin's sack (Gn 44: Iff), and then 
accused the brothers of stealing it. Judah* 
responded to the test by offering himself for 
punishment; and this proof that the brothers 
had changed from what they were when 
they sold Joseph into Egypt finally moved 
Joseph to reveal himself. 

A tribe of Banu Yamina has been found 
in the Mari* tablets, but this tribe has 




nothing in common with the Israelite tribe 
of Benjamin except the name. In the Bless- 
ing of Jacob Benjamin is described as a 
ravenous wolf, devouring prey in the morn- 
ing and dividing spoil in the evening; this 
is an allusion to the warlike character of 
the tribe, verified elsewhere in the OT (Gn 
49:27). In the Blessing of Moses Benjamin 
is the beloved of Yahweh, on whose shoul- 
ders Yahweh dwells (Dt 33:12), an allusion 
to the temple of Jerusalem. In the census 
of Nm (probably from the time of David) 
Benjamin is counted as 35,400 (Nm 1:37) 
and as 45,600 (Nm 26:41). The clans of 
Benjamin are listed (Nm 26:38 ff). The boun- 
daries of Benjamin are described and its 
cities enumerated (Jos 18:11 ff). Its territory 
lay between Judah and Ephraim*, run- 
ning westward from the Jordan near Jeri- 
cho* up the slopes of the central highlands 
as far as Kirjath-jearim* and including 
the five Canaanite cities grouped around 
Gibeon*, and Jerusalem, which were not 
held by the Israelites. The narrative of the 
invasion of Jos 2-9 takes place entirely 
within the later territory of Benjamin, and 
this has led M. Noth to affirm that the story 
of the invasion is an account of Benjamin's 
invasion which was retold so as to make it 
the story of the invasion of all Israel. Ben- 
jamin was reckoned as the smallest tribe of 
Israel in numbers (1 S 9:21; Ps 68:28), but 
it enjoyed some renown as a fighting tribe. 
Ehud*, who delivered Israel by assassinating 
Eglon* of Moab* in his own house, was a 
man of Benjamin (Jgs 3 : 12 ff). Benjamin 
was among the tribes which fought with 
Barak* and Deborah* against Sisera* (Jgs 
5:14). Benjamin was one party of an inter- 
tribal war which began because the men of 
Gibeah* raped the wife of a Levite and 
thus violated the laws of hospitality (Jgs 
19:1-21:25). This is the only instance in 
Hb history of such a unified action in de- 
fense of Hb morality, and its historical 
character has been questioned by many 
scholars. This is due in part to the fantastic 
numbers of the fighting men in the story, 
which exceed all possibility. The story has 
doubtless been overlaid with a number of 
unhistorical elements drawn from popular 
tradition, and the unity of all the tribes of 
Israel may be such an element; but there is 
no serious reason to question the action of 
the Hb community against such a flagrant 
crime. According to the story the men of 
Benjamin routed the other Israelite tribes at 
the first encounter. Benjamin had 700 picked 
men, all left-handed slingers* who could hit 
a hair without missing. It is a coincidence 
that the Benjaminite hero Ehud was also 
left-handed. The men of Benjamin were de- 
feated by a stratagem, and the tribe was very 

nearly exterminated. This prospect alarmed 
the other tribes, but they had sworn not to 
give their daughters in marriage to Ben- 
jamin. They circumvented the oath by allow- 
ing the men of Benjamin to seize the 
maidens of Jabesh-gilead, which had not 
taken part in the tribal war. This number 
was insufficient, and they permitted the re- 
maining men to seize the maidens of Shiloh* 
while they celebrated the vintage festival. 
Saul*, the first king of Israel, was a man of 
Benjamin (1 S 9:1 ff), and his royal resi- 
dence was at Gibeah of Benjamin. After the 
death of Saul, Benjamin adhered to Ishbaal* 
(2 S 2:9); but Abner*, after his quarrel 
with Ishbaal, persuaded Benjamin to submit 
to David (2 S 3:19). It is doubtful that 
Benjamin was ever completely loyal to David. 
Shimei* ben Gera cursed David as he fled 
from Absalom* (2 S 16:5). After the re- 
bellion of Absalom had been subdued another 
rebellion broke out led by a Benjaminite, 
Sheba* ben Bichri (2 S 20: Iff). In the 
division of the kingdom after Solomon 
Rehoboam* succeeded in retaining at least a 
part of the territory of Benjamin ( 1 K 
12:21 ff). This territory was expanded by 
Asa* (1 K 15:22). Jeremiah* came from 
Anathoth* of Benjamin (Je 1:1). Men of 
Benjamin were included among those who 
returned to Jerusalem from Babylon (Ezr 
1:5+). Paul* also was a man of Benjamin 
(Rm 11:1; Phi 3:5). 

Ben Sira. This book of the OT is also called 
the book of Sirach or Ecclesiasticus in the 
Vg and RD Bibles. The latter title, meaning 
"used in the Church," was applied in the 
early Church to the entire group of books 
now called deuterocanonical, and has been 
retained by this book in particular; cf canon. 
The book is not found in the Hb Bible or 
in the Protestant canon; but it was used in 
the early Church and is included in the 
canon of the Council of Trent. The author 
of the book is named in 50:27 as Jesus, son 
of Eleazar, son of Sirach, Hb y e shu' a ben 
'el'azar ben sira'. The prologue, written by 
the Gk translator whose name is not given, 
tells us that the translator came to Alexan- 
dria* in the 38th year of king Euergetes, 
which is calculated as 132 bc, in the reign 
of Ptolemy* VII Physcon. Since he found in 
Egypt that a number of Jewish books had 
been translated into Gk, he decided to trans- 
late the book written by his grandfather as 
well. The date of the translation and the 
mention in the book of the high priest*, 
Simon* (50:1 ff) indicate that the book was 
written in Jerusalem 190-180 bc. MSS con- 
taining about two thirds of the book in Hb 
were discovered in the synagogue of Cairo 




in 1896, and some additional fragments 
were discovered in 1931. More Hb fragments 
were discovered at Qumran*. These Hb 
fragments exhibit a different recension from 
the text of Gk, and the restoration of the 
original text is still an unfinished work of 
criticism. BS is wisdom* literature. Its author 
was a wise man of Jerusalem who lived in 
the period of the Hellenization of Pales- 
tine. To this cultural change he was op- 
posed, and he wrote this book in order 
to disclose to his readers the treasures of 
traditional Hb wisdom, with which they 
could be content without seeking the novel- 
ties of Gk learning. His book resembles Pr 
in form and content. Like Pr, it is a com- 
pilation of detached wise sayings, which it 
is impossible to outline in any consecutive 
scheme. The wise sayings are often grouped 
around single topics, so that these collections 
somewhat resemble small essays: for ex- 
ample 2:1-18, admonitions of patience in 
tribulation; 3:1-16, admonitions of obedi- 
ence and respect to parents; 4:1-10, admoni- 
tions to be generous to the needy; 6:1-17, 
on friendship; 9:1-13, on dealing with 
women; 12:30-35, on hospitality; 20:1-8, 
on silence; 30:33-40, on the treatment of 
slaves; 34:12-35:13, on conduct at banquets. 
Like Pr, Jb, and Ec, the book contains little 
poems in praise of wisdom: 1:1-20; 4:11- 
19; 14:20-15:8; 51:13-29. Many of the 
ideas of BS are the ideas of traditional wis- 
dom. He has no theory of the origin of sin, 
but accepts the division of all men into the 
two great classes of the righteous and wicked, 
the wise and the foolish. His ideas of the 
future life do not advance beyond those of 
Pr. The problem of evil, which is discussed 
at length in Jb and also in Ec, he makes no 
attempt to meet. His wisdom is the tradi- 
tional wisdom of skill in the management of 
one's life and affairs. His precepts deal with 
the ordinary duties and situations of ordi- 
nary life: virtues and vices such as pride and 
humility, the administration of wealth, self- 
control, the education of children, prudence 
and reflection, avoiding evil companions, the 
certain retribution of wickedness, custody of 
the tongue, selection and treatment of a wife. 
In some other respects BS is more original. 
Traditional wisdom, which was international 
in character and to some extent derived 
from foreign sources, did not exhibit BS's 
emphasis upon Israel, the covenant, and 
the Law. Earlier books contain no parallel 
to the prayer for the restoration of Israel 
(36:1 ff). For BS wisdom is identified with 
the Law. Wisdom is personified, as in Pr 
8:22 ff, and represented as coming down 
from heaven to dwell on earth in the spot 
selected by the Creator. This spot is Israel, 
where wisdom takes up her habitation as the 

Law given through the covenant of Moses* 
(24: Iff). BS was indeed conscious and 
proud of the abilities of the man learned in 
the Law, the scribe*. He assesses the value 
of the arts and crafts (38:25 ff) and finds 
that while each of the crafts is necessary for 
an ordered society, they cannot achieve wis- 
dom. This is the privilege of the scribe 
(39:1 ff), whose supremacy in wisdom is de- 
scribed in the most enthusiastic terms. The 
hymn in praise of creation (42:15-43:37) 
also has its parallels in earlier wisdom litera- 
ture. It may be compared to Jb 38:1 ff and 
Ps 104. He reviews the heroes of Israel's 
past from Enoch* to Nehemiah* (44:1- 
49:19). His judgment upon the kings of 
Israel and Judah, except for David*, Solo- 
mon*, Hezekiah*, and Josiah*, is unfavor- 
able without reservation. The omission of 
Ezra* from his list is puzzling and is not 
easily explained with some scholars on the 
basis of an ideological opposition between 
BS and Ezra. Dn is omitted from the list 
of the prophets because the book had not yet 
been composed. But the peak of his enthusi- 
asm is reached in the description of Simon*, 
the son of Onias, the high priest, who is 
described in all his priestly array as he ap- 
peared in the temple at the great festivals. 
BS represents a phase of development in 
which the wise man has become the scribe, 
the man learned in the Law of Moses. The 
term of this development appears in the 
NT. But BS is familiar not only with the 
Law, but also with almost the entire OT, 
which must have been collected by his time 
substantially in the canon which is still the 
canon of the Jews. In his attitude toward 
the Law and its observance he seems to be- 
long to that group which later became the 
Sadducees* rather than to the Pharisees*. 
He exhibits no knowledge of an oral tradi- 
tion of the Law, nor does he deduce from it 
the meticulous obligations which were char- 
acteristic of Pharisaic interpretation. 

Berea (Gk beroea) , a city of Macedonia, 
founded in prehistoric times. The site is the 
modern Verria on the left bank of the Aliak- 
mon (ancient Astraeus), some distance from 
the coast; a broad plain lies to the N of 
Berea and Mt Olympus rises to the S. It is 
about 19 mi W of Thessalonica*. The Chris- 
tians of Thessalonica sent Paul and Silas 
hastily to Berea to escape a riot in their 
own city; Paul and Silas preached in the 
synagogue of Berea and enjoyed success until 
Jews came from Thessalonica to incite a riot 
against them in Berea also. Paul was again 
sent off for his own safety, and Silas and 
Timothy remained to continue the evangeli- 
zation of Berea (AA 17:10-14). Berea was 




the home of Sopater*, one of Paul's associ- 
ates (AA 20:4). 

The Berea of 1 Mc 9:4 is possibly 
Beeroth. The Berea of 2 Mc 13:4 is the 
Hellenistic name of Aleppo. 

Bernice (Gk bernike, abbreviation of bere- 
nike, a Macedonian form of pherenike, 
"bearing victory"). 1. The daughter of the 
'"king of the south" (Dn 11:6), not men- 
tioned by name; Bernice, the daughter of 
Ptolemy* V Philadelphus, of Egypt (285- 
246 bc), who married Antiochus II Theos 
of Syria as a part of the peace treaty 
between Syria and Egypt. To marry her 
Antiochus divorced his wife Laodice. After 
the death of Antiochus Bernice and her son 
were murdered by Laodice. 2. The daughter 
of Herod* Agrippa I, and wife of her uncle 
Herod* of Chalcis. After his death in 48 
bc she lived in incest with her brother Herod 
Agrippa* II. She was present with Agrippa 
when Paul* was heard before the governor 
Festus* (AA 25:13, 23; 26:30). Later she 
married Polemon, king of Cilicia*, but after- 
wards returned to her brother. She was later 
the mistress of Titus, and died about ad 79 
at the age of 51. 

Beth. The second letter of the Hb alphabet, 
with the value b. 

Bethany (Gk bethania, Hb bet H 'myydh, con- 
traction of bet '"ndmyah? "house of Anani- 
yah"?). 1. A village near Jerusalem, the 
modern el Azariyeh at the foot of the E 
slope of the Mt of Olives about two Roman 
mi from Jerusalem (Jn 11:18), which means 
the Jerusalem of Mt Zion; it is about four 
mi from the modern city. Mt 21:17; Mk 
1 1 : 1 1 f indicate that Jesus spent the nights 
at Bethany during His last week in Jerusalem. 
Bethany was the home of Lazarus*, Martha*, 
and Mary (Jn 11:1, 18; 12:1 ff). Mt 26:6; 
Mk 14:3 relate the anointing of Jesus at 
Bethany in the house of Simon* the leper; 
Jn 12:1 ff places the anointing at Bethany in 
the house of Lazarus; on the problem created 
cf mary. Mk 11:1; Lk 19:28 place the be- 
ginning of the procession of palms at Beth- 
any. Lk 24:50 places the ascension* on the 
road "toward Bethany"; but it is very prob- 
able that the summit of the mountain, where 
the Church of the Ascension stands, is the 
site intended by this designation. 

2. Bethany beyond the Jordan, where John 
the Baptist baptized (Jn 1:28). No Bethany 
in the Jordan valley is known; a variant read- 
ing in some MSS shows Bethabara, also not 
mentioned elsewhere, but preferred by some 
critics ("house of the crossing"?). 

Bethel (Hb befel, "house of El [god]"), a 

town. The site lies near the modern Beitin 
about 14 mi N of Jerusalem. Bethel is asso- 
ciated with the patriarchs; there are several 
allusions to its earlier name of Luz. Abra- 
ham built an altar at Bethel (Gn 12:8; 
13:3). Since the primary associations of 
Bethel are with Jacob, it is possible that 
the introduction of Abraham into Bethel is 
a secondary consideration. The great cultic 
legend of Bethel must have been the story 
of the theophany of Jacob and his erection 
of a standing stone (Gn 28:10 ff); this was 
the story of the foundation of the sanctuary. 
The story is a combination from J and E (cf 
pentateuch), principally from E; this sanc- 
tuary of northern Israel was an object of 
particular attention in the circles which pro- 
duced E. The story also credits Jacob with 
conferring the name Bethel; this is doubtless 
a popular explanation rather than a certainly 
genuine tradition. Gn 35:1-8 (E) contains 
an additional account of the erection of the 
sanctuary by Jacob and his dedication of his 
clan to Yahweh there; this also is very 
probably a projection of later Israelite cultic 
practices into an earlier period. Gn 35:9-13 
contains P's account of the theophany of 
Bethel. While these stories are from a later 
period, they reflect the antiquity and the im- 
portance of the sanctuary of Bethel, which 
must have been one of the spots earliest 
associated with Israelite cultic traditions. 

Bethel is mentioned in the account of the 
conquest of Ai (Jos 7:2; 8:9, 12, 17) but 
only as a geographical point of reference. 
This account is very probably an account of 
the taking of Bethel itself (cf ai and below 
on archaeological data). Bethel is enumer- 
ated in the list of conquered kings (Jos 
12:16). Jgs 1:22-25 relates the taking of 
Bethel by the house of Joseph*; here the 
change of the name from Luz is related to 
this conquest. In the tribal division Bethel 
lies on the frontier of Ephraim and Ben- 
jamin in the territory of Benjamin (Jos 
16:1 f; 18:13, 22); 1 Ch 7:28, however, 
makes it the possession of a clan of 
Ephraim, and the town doubtless changed 
hands. In the late narrative of Jgs 20:18, 
26; 21:2 Bethel appears as the place of as- 
sembly of all Israel; this also reflects its 
early cultic importance. The same appears 
in its inclusion among the places where 
Samuel held court (1 S 7:16). Jeroboam 
did not establish a new place of cult with 
his erection of a sanctuary at Bethel, but 
rather restored and maintained an old center 
(1 K 12:29-33). Abijah of Judah took 
Bethel from Israel (2 Ch 13:19); if this tra- 
dition is genuine, Judah did not hold Bethel 

Bethel appears as a center of prophetic 
activity also; this may be deduced from the 




anecdotes of prophets which center about 
Bethel (1 K 13), from the presence of the 
sons of the prophets at Bethel (2 K 2:2 f) 
and the connection between Elisha* and 
Bethel (2 K 2:23). The sanctuary was main- 
tained by Jehu (2 K. 10:29). Bethel is the 
object of polemics uttered by Hosea (4:15: 
5:8; 10:5) and Amos (3:14; 4:4; 5:5 f), 
who reprobate the calf image of Bethel. Their 
criticisms are otherwise not specific, but the 
cult of Bethel appears to have become super- 
stitious. Hosea contemptuously calls it bet 
'cm en, "house of wickedness" (4:15; 5:8; 
10:5), and this insulting title has crept into 
the historical books (Jos 7:2; 18:12; 1 S 
13:5; 14:23). The preaching of Amos was 
delivered at Bethel, "a royal sanctuary," until 
he was expelled by the priest Amaziah* 
(Am 7:10 ff) . After the Assyrian conquest 
Bethel was the residence of an Israelite 
priest who was sent to teach the immigrant 
settlers of the land "the fear of Yahweh" 
(i.e., the cult of Yahweh; 2 K 17:28). The 
sanctuary of Bethel was destroyed in the 
reform of Josiah* (2 K 23:15); but Je 
48:13 could still refer to the shame which 
Israel experienced from Bethel, their con- 

Men from Bethel were found among the 
exiles who returned from Babylon (Ezr 2:28; 
Ne 7:32), and it was one of the towns settled 
after the exile (Ne 11:31; Zc 7:2). 

The site was excavated in 1934 under 
the direction of W. F. Albright and in several 
seasons beginning in 1954 under the direc- 
tion of J. L. Kelso. The excavations revealed 
the interesting fact that the urban occupa- 
tion of Bethel began with the destruction 
of the EB level of Ai. Urban occu- 
pation continued through the MB and 
LB periods, apparently with no major 
interruption, and the city was large and 
prosperous with some massive structures, 
either temples or palaces. The fortifi- 
cations* were of the massive type found 
in all MB levels. LB occupation was 
ended by a destruction and almost total 
conflagration in the 13th century BC; this 
was attributed by the excavators to the 
Israelite conquest. The site was rebuilt 
and occupied in early Iron I with a decided 
lowering of the cultural level; this occupa- 
tion was attributed to the Israelites. The 
occupation of the site during Iron I and II, 
affirmed in the literary sources, was fully 
confirmed by the archaeology of the site. 
The city was destroyed by fire in the 6th 
century BC, the period of the Babylonian 
conquest, and reoccupied in the Persian and 
Hellenistic periods. 

Bethesda (Gk bethesda, etymology uncertain), 
Bethesda is found in the received text and 

in Eng versions, but the name Bethzatha 
(Gk bethzatha, etymology uncertain) found 
in some MSS is the preferred critical read- 
ing. The name designates a pool in Jeru- 
salem (Jn 5:2), but actually designated 
the name of the new N quarter of the city 
in NT times. The pool is the scene of the 
healing of the paralytic (Jn 5). Scholars 
accept the identification of Bethesda with an 
ancient cistern excavated adjacent to the 
church of St. Anne of the White Fathers 
in Jerusalem. The pool is a large double 
cistern over which a Byzantine church was 
built. There are remains of five colonnades 
(Jn 5:2). The cisterns themselves are dated 
in the Maccabean period, the colonnades 
in the Herodian period. The "troubling of 
the water" (Jn 5:7) was no doubt caused 
by the sudden inflow of water through drains. 

Beth-horon (Hb bel-horan, "house of Horon 
[god?j"), the name of two towns, distin- 
guished as the upper Beth-horon and the 
lower Beth-horon; they are identified with 
two modern villages likewise distinguished 
as the upper and the lower, Beit Ur et Tahta 
(lower) and Beit Ur el Foqa (upper), lying 
respectively 11 mi and 10 mi NW of Jeru- 
salem. The towns lie in the valley of Aija- 
lon*, one of the main approaches to the 
central highlands through the Shephelah*; 
they control this route and give their name 
to the road, called the road of the pass of 
Beth-horon (Jos 10: 10 f ) . The lower Beth- 
horon lies about 1300 ft above sea level, 
the upper Beth-horon about 2000 ft above 
sea level. The boundary of Ephraim and 
Benjamin passed this point (Jos 16:3. 5; 
18:13 f). 1 Ch 7:24 relates that Beth-horon 
was fortified by a clan of Ephraim. I K 
9:17 relates that the lower Beth-horon was 
fortified by Solomon; 2 Ch 8:5 mentions 
both upper and lower Beth-horon. Beth-horon 
is included in the list of Levitical cities (Jos 
21:22; 1 Ch 6:53). It appears in the list 
of Palestinian cities conquered by Shishak* 
of Egypt. It was the home of Nehemiah's 
enemy Sanballat* (Ne 2:10, 19; 13:28). 

Bethlehem (Hb bet lehem, "house of bread"? 
or "house of [the godj Lahm"?), the name 
of two towns. 1. Bethlehem of Zebulun* 
(Jos 19:15), the home of the minor judge 
Ibzan* (Jgs 12:8-10); it is identified with 
the modern Beit Lahm about 7 mi WNW of 

2. Bethlehem of Judah (but strangely 
not included in the list of the towns of Judah 
in Jos). It is identified with Ephrath, the 
burial place of Rachel*, in Gn 35:19; 48:7; 
but these allusions very probably come from 
a date after Bethlehem was settled by an 
Ephrathite clan (cf below), and the Ephrath* 




of Rachel's burial is to be located farther 
to the N. Bethlehem appears twice as the 
home of a Levite (Jgs 17:7-9; 19:1 ff), 
which suggests that it may have been a cen- 
ter of Levite clans. It was the home of the 
family of David (1 S 16:4 ff + ), of David's 
nephew Asahel* (2 S 2:32), of Elhanan 6 
(2 S 21:19; 23:24; 1 Ch 11:26), of Elime- 
lech*, Naomi*, and Boaz* (Rt). Except 
for the anointing of David, no episode is 
located there except the anecdote of David's 
heroes who broke through the Philistine 
lines to bring him a drink from the spring 
of Bethlehem (2 S 23:14-16; I Ch 11: 
16-18). It was one of the cities fortified 
by Rehoboam* (2 Ch 11:6). Men from 
Hcihlchcm were included among the exiles 
who returned from Babylon (Ezr 2:21; 
Ne 7:26). At an uncertain date it was 
settled by an Ephrathite clan (1 Ch 2:51, 54; 
4:4). Mi 5: 1 glorifies it as the place of 
origin of the dynasty of David and there- 
fore of the future scion of David who will 
rule all Israel. 

Bethlehem was the birthplace, of Jesus 
(Mt 2:1 ff; Lk 2:4 ff). Jn 7:42 suggests 
that this was not generally known, and some 
scholars have suggested that the birth of 
Jesus at Bethlehem is a midrashic* feature 
of the infancy* gospels to affirm the mes- 
sianic character of Jesus. Despite certain 
difficulties in the story of the census* which 
was the occasion of the journey to Bethlehem 
in Lk, and the absence of Bethlehem else- 
where in the NT, there is nothing in the 
infancy narratives themselves or elsewhere 
in the Gospels to indicate that Jesus was 
born in any other place, and the tradition 
should be accepted as genuine. That He was 
born in a cave, however, is not found in 
the Gospels; this is a datum of local tradi- 
tion. The region of Bethlehem has a large 
number of caves in the limestone which 

Belhlehem, with 
shepherd's field tn 

have served even in modern limes as shelters 
both for animals and for persons; some of 
these lie under the present church of the 
Nativity, but the identification of any one 
of them with the scene of the birth rests 
on no certain foundation. 

The identity of biblical Bethlehem with 
the modern Bethlehem about 5 mi S of 
Jerusalem is not questioned. The modern city 
is built on a double hill and the connecting 
saddle ridge at an altitude of 2550 ft above 
sea level. The ancient city lay on the S 
hill, where the church of the Nativity stands; 
archaeological exploration of the site has 
never been possible. The present church was 
erected during the Crusades; it lies on the 
site of the first church of the Nativity, built 
by Helena, the mother of Constantino 
(+327) and the successor church built by 
Justinian. This was also the location of the 
monastery built by St. Jerome. A short dis- 
tance to the SE is the large artificial cone 
upon which Herod's fortress of the Herod- 
ium was built. 

Beth phage {Gk bSthphagi, Aramaic bit 
pagge, "house of unripe figs"), a village on 
the Mt of Olives, the point where the pro- 
cession of palms into Jerusalem began (Mt 
21:1; Mk 11:1; Lk 19:29). The village lay 
near the summit of the mountain a short 
distance E of the modern Russian convent; 
the name survives in the modern village. 

Beth-Rehob. Cf rehob. 

Bethsabee. Cf bathsheba. 

Bethsaida (Gk bethsaida, Aramaic bit-sayida' , 
"house of fishing"?), one of the towns of 
Galilee cursed by Jesus (Mt 11:21; Lk 
10: 13), the home of Peter, Andrew and 
Philip (Jn 1:44; 12:21), the scene of the 




healing of a blind man (Mk 8:22). The 
relation of Bethsaida to the "desert" nearby, 
the scene of multiplication of the loaves (Mk 
6:45; Lk 9:10) is obscure, and Lk seems 
to suppose a different location of the episode 
from Mk. 

The location of Bethsaida at the modern 
et Tell, 2 mi N of the Sea of Galilee and 
E of the Jordan, and Khirbet el Araj on 
the shore of the sea S of et Tell, is generally 
accepted. Josephus relates that Philip* the 
tetrarch founded his capital there and named 
it Julias after the daughter of Augustus. It is 
thought that Khirbet el Araj on the lake is 
the site of the original fishing village and 
et Tell the site of the new city built by 

Beth-shan (Hb bet-la 'n or bet-san, "house of 
[the god] san"), an important city, located 
at the mound of Tell el Husn in the SE 
corner of the plain of Esdraelon*; the mod- 
ern village of Beisan nearby preserves the 
ancient name. Tell el Husn was excavated 
under the auspices of the University Museum 
of Philadelphia 1921-1933. The mound was 
large and was built up of 79 ft of occupa- 
tion debris. The earliest buildings were 
erected 3400-3300 bc; there were about 20 
levels of occupation. The city was destroyed 
about 2400 bc and was rebuilt in the 15th 
century after a gap of 800 years in the 
occupation. The city became an Egyptian 
fortress about 1450 bc, and Egyptian control 
was retained until the end of Egyptian power 
in Palestine. The control was not absolute; 
the Egyptian fortress was destroyed at least 
twice during this period. The Egyptian city 
was large and wealthy and was evidently 
one of the most important cities of Canaan. 
It was a commercial center and contained a 
large number of imported articles. Its im- 
portance is derived from its site; it controls 
one of the principal roads which connect 
the coastal plain and the central highlands 
with E Palestine and Syria to the N. The 
Canaanite city had large temples, two of 
which were dedicated to Dagon* and 
Astarte*, which exhibited several reconstruc- 
tions. In the early Israelite period it was 
one of the Canaanite cities which stretched 
across Palestine dividing Galilee* from 
Ephraim* and keeping the trade route in 
Canaanite possession. It passed under Philis- 
tine control and was destroyed in the time 
of David; there is no other agent to whom 
this destruction can be attributed, but it is 
not mentioned in the OT. The site lay un- 
occupied until the Persian period. It be- 
came a major city again with the establish- 
ment of a Gk military colony with the new 
name of Scythopolis, "Scythian* city"; but 
the origin of this name is unknown. This 

was the greatest of the Gk cities of the 
Decapolis*. It was conquered by John 
Hyrcanus in 108 bc and was detached from 
Jewish rule by Pompey in 63 bc. The ex- 
cavators found the remains of a Hellenistic* 
temple of the 3rd century bc. 

The OT twice mentions that Beth-shan 
was not taken from the Canaanites by the 
Israelites (Jos 17:16; Jgs 1:27). It is 
reckoned in the territory of Issachar* in 
Jos 17:11, in the territory of Manasseh* in 
Jgs 1:27; 1 Ch 7:29; actually it lay on the 
border of the two tribes, and Manasseh* 
expanded into the territory of Issachar. When 
it was under Philistine control the bodies of 
Saul and his sons were hung on its walls 
and their armor was hung as a trophy in 
the temple of Astarte (1 S 31:10, 12);' the 
men of Jabesh-gilead* liberated the bodies. 
The city was included in Solomon's 5th 
district, but whatever settlement was there 
was not on the mound of Tell el Husn. The 
Hb name appears Grecized in 1 Mc 5:52 
and 12:40 f; it was the point where Jona- 
than* and Trypho* met and declared a truce. 
Its Gk name Scythopolis appears in 2 Mc 
12:39 f; the Jews of Scythopolis attested the 
goodwill of the Gk inhabitants toward them. 
Jdt 3:10 introduces Scythopolis into its ficti- 
tious narrative. 

Beth-shemesh (Hb bet-semes, "house of the 
sun" or "house of [the god] Shamash"), the 
name of several towns. 1. A town in Naph- 
ta!i retained by the Canaanites after the 
Israelite settlement: the site is unknown 
(Jos 19:38; Jgs 1:33). 2. A town on the 
boundary of Issachar* (Jos 19:22); it is 
located in the Jordan valley near Beth-shan*. 
3. A town on the boundary of Judah (Jos 
15:10), possibly identical with Ir Shemesh 
of Dan (Jos 19:41), a Levitical city (Jos 
21:16; 1 Ch 6:44). It was the point to 
which the ark was first returned by the 
Philistines after its capture (I S 6:9-20) 
and the scene of the defeat of Amaziah* of 
Judah by Jehoash* of Israel (2 K 14:11- 
13; 2 Ch 25:21-23). It lay in Solomon's 
2nd district (1 K 4:9). 

This Beth-shemesh is identified with Tell 
er Rumeileh near the modern Ain Shems, 
which preserves the name, in the Wadi Sarar 
(the biblical valley of Sorek*) about 15 mi 
W of Jerusalem. It was excavated by Dun- 
can Mackenzie in 1911-1912 and by Elihu 
Grant in 1928-1933. The town was founded 
near the end of the EB Age, about the 
same time as Bethel, and flourished at 
its greatest 1500-918 bc. The city was de- 
stroyed by the Babylonians in 587 bc and 
was not reoccupied. It is mentioned in the 
Egyptian Execration texts of the 19th cen- 




tury BC. Excavation disclosed that the mate- 
rial culture of the Israelite period was very 
similar to the material culture of Philistine 
sites; Beth-shemesh lay on the border of 
Israelite and Philistine territory and the su- 
perior culture of the Philistines was influen- 
tial. Some large houses* of wealthy nobles, 
consisting of several rooms around a court, 
were built in the LB Age. One large 
palace-citadel was identified by the ex- 
cavators as the residence of Solomon's 
governor; it had very thick walls, long high- 
roofed rooms for storage of grain, and was 
erected on an earthen platform at first 105 
ft square, later enlarged to 256 ft. The cita- 
del, however, was built in David's reign, 
which suggests that David installed district 
governors before Solomon did. The site con- 
tained large oil presses of a size which seems 
to suit commercial rather than private opera- 
tions, a stone lined silo 23 ft in diameter 
and 19 ft deep, and a small copper smelting 
furnace. The fortifications*, attributed to 
David's time, consisted of casemate walls. 

Beihuel (Hb b'tii'el, meaning uncertain, per- 
haps m e tu'el, "man of God"?) . Son of 
Nahor* and cousin of Abraham* (Gn 22: 
22 ff) and father of Rebekah* and Laban*. 
Since he does not appear in the story of the 
wooing of Rebekah (Gn 24:1 ff), it is as- 
sumed that he was dead when this episode 

Bethulia (Gk baitoulia) , the home of Judith* 
and the scene of the defeat of Holofernes*. 
The city cannot be identified with any bibli- 
cal name or any known site, and the geog- 
raphy of the book, like its historical back- 
ground, is probably fictitious. The author 
represents the town as located opposite 
Esdraelon* facing the plain near Dothan* 
(Jdt 4:7). 

Beth-zur (Hb bet-sur, etymology uncertain), 
a town of Judah (Jos 15:28), settled bv 
a clan of Caleb* (1 Ch 2:45), fortified by 
Rehoboam (2 Ch 11:7), the center of a 
district of postexilic Judah (Ne 3:16), the 
scene of the defeat of Lysias* by Judas* 
(1 Mc 4:29; 2 Mc 11:5). It was apparently 
only after this battle that Beth-zur was forti- 
fied by Judas (1 Mc 4:61; 6:7, 26, 31), 
principally against Idumean* incursions. The 
fortress changed hands during the following 
years. The Jewish garrison was forced to 
evacuate the post because of failure of pro- 
visions (1 Mc 6:49 f) and Beth-zur was 
occupied by Seleucid forces, including some 
Jews who were members of the faction op- 
posed to the Hasmoneans (1 Mc 10:14). 
Beth-zur was fortified again by Bacchides* 
(1 Mc 9:52) and was taken by Simon* after 

a siege (1 Mc 1 1 : 65 f ; 14:7); Simon again 
fortified it. 

Beth-zur is identified with Khirbet et 
Tubeiqua, about 5 mi N of Hebron (the 
figure of 5 schoenae from Jerusalem, about 
150 stadia [cf weights and measures] is 
an error) . The site was excavated by O. R. 
Sellers in 1931 and 1957. No occupation 
was assured before the 17th century BC; 
but in the Hyksos period, 17th-16th cen- 
turies, occupation was intense, although the 
area is not large. The city was defended by 
massive walls of the Hyksos type (cf fortifi- 
cations), well enough built to be remodeled 
and reused in the Gk period. The site was 
apparently abandoned during the LB period 
and reoccupied about 1200 bc: the for- 
tifications were strengthened during the 
Iron I period, but no trace of the fortifica- 
tions ascribed to Rehoboam appeared. The 
site was occupied in Iron II and abandoned 
for an undetermined period after the 6th 
century. Abundant traces of fortification and 
occupation during the Gk period were evi- 
dent. In the later part of the Gk period the 
territory must have been quite peaceful, as 
occupation spread well outside the walls. 
The site was abandoned about the beginning 
of the 1st century BC or perhaps even later 
in the century. 

Beulah (Hb b e 'uldh, lit "married woman"), 
a name applied to the land of Palestine to 
signify its restoration under the figure of 
marriage with Yahweh after the exile (Is 


Bezaleel (Hb fr'sal'el, "in the shadow of 
El"?), the son of Uri, the son of Hur, a 
skillful craftsman in metal, stone, and wood- 
work, appointed with Oholiab to make the 
furniture of the tabernacle* (Ex 31: Iff; 
35:30 ff). 

Bezek (Hb bezek, etymology uncertain), a 
town ruled by the Canaanite king Adoni- 
bezek*, defeated by Judah (Jgs 1:4 f ) ; the 
point where Saul mustered the men of 
Israel for his campaign against the Am- 
monites (1 S 11:8). Bezek is identified 
with Khirbet Ibziq, N of Shechem and S of 
Mt Gilboa*; this suits Saul's rally, but not 
the campaign of Judah. Bezek has very 
probably entered the text of Jgs 1:4 ff by 
corruption, and its presence is responsible 
for the alteration of Adoni-zedek to Adoni- 
bezek; the story of Adoni-bezek must be 
a variant of the story of Adoni-zedek* of 

Bible (Lt biblia, Gk biblia, plural of bib- 
lion, "book" [diminutive], from by bios, papy- 
rus*). The name, "the books" without quali- 




flcation, indicates the special position which 
these books occupied, and also shows that 
the Bible is a collection or a library rather 
than a single literary composition. The books 
of- the Bible are called "sac-r-ed," because they 
are written under divine inspiration*, and 
"canonical," which signifies that they are 
enumerated in the authentic list of sacred 
books called the canon*. The Bible is divided 
into Old Testament and New Testament; 
the word testament (Lt testament um) here 
signifies Gk diatheke, Hb b e rit, "covenant*," 
and indicates the central fact of salvation, 
the old covenant of Sinai* and the new 
covenant of Jesus Christ. The OT books 
are divided into historical, didactic, and 
prophetical; but the literary* forms of the 
biblical books are much more numerous than 
this. The NT was written in Gk and the OT 
in Hb, with the following exceptions: 2 Mc, 
WS and Dn 13 (Susanna) and 14 (Bel) 
were written in Gk; Jdt, Bar, BS, 1 Mc were 
written in Hb but are preserved in Gk (ex- 
tensive fragments of Hb BS, however, have 
been recovered since 1896). The Qumran 
texts suggest that Tb may have been written 
in Aramaic. Je 10:11; Ezr 4:8-6:18; 7:12- 
26; Dn 2:4-7:28 are in Aramaic. The Hb 
Bible was divided into verses and into sec- 
tions for synagogue reading before the 
Christian era. The modern division and 
numeration of chapters is generally attrib- 
uted tb Stephen Langton (+ 1228), professor 
at Paris and later Archbishop of Canter- 
bury; he perhaps employed an existing divi- 
sion. The modern numeration of verses in 
the OT was made by Sanctes Pagnini, O.P., 
in his Lt Bible of 1528; the Paris printer 
Robert Etienne adopted the numeration of 
Pagnini and himself numbered the verses 
of the. NT in his edition of 1555. The Bible 
was first printed (Lt) by Gutenberg (Mainz, 
1450); over 100 editions appeared before 

The Catholic Church regards the Bible 
as the word of God, a source of revealed 
doctrine and a part of the rule of faith. 
The Church receives her faith from the Bible 
and from tradition, which is the living teach- 
ing authority of the Church as it has existed 
from its foundation by Jesus Christ. It is 
the Church which defines the Bible as the 
word of God and determines the canon of 
the sacred books; hence theologians call the 
Bible the remote rule of faith as distinguished 
from tradition, the proximate rule of faith. 
Cf also interpretation; text; versions; 
articles on separate books. 

Biblical Commission, Pontifical. By the Apo- 
stolic Letter Vigilantiae of Oct 30, 1902, 
Leo XIII established a Commission for the 
promotion of biblical studies and their pro- 

tection from error. The Commission was to 
consist of a Council of members drawn from 
the college of Cardinals; these were to be 
assisted by Consultors to be selected from 
reputable biblical scholars of every nation. 
By the Apostolic Letter Scripturae Sanctae 
of Feb 23, 1904, Pius X granted the Com- 
mission the faculty of examining candidates 
and conferring degrees in Sacred Scripture. 
By the Motu proprio Praestantiae Sacrae 
Scripturae of Nov 18, 1907, Pius X declared 
that the decisions of the Commission have 
the same authority as the decrees of the 
sacred Congregations: they oblige the faith- 
ful not only to external submission, but also 
to internal assent. From 1905 to 1915 the 
Commission published 14 responses, and 
only 5 since 1915. As a general rule the 
Commission speaks only in answer to ques- 
tions proposed. 

The Commission was established at the 
time when Catholic biblical studies had been 
deeply affected by the errors of Modernism 
and the responses of 1905-1915 were directed 
against these errors. Since that time Catholic 
biblical studies have taken a more definite 
form and the work of the Commission has 
been less to correct error and more to en- 
courage scientific work. It is against this 
background that its responses are to be un- 
derstood. The Commission has rarely decided 
a strictly exegetical or critical question. The 
Church believes in a twofold authorship of 
the Bible, divine and human, and conse- 
quently in a twofold interpretation, authen- 
tic, uttered by the Church alone, and scien- 
tific, reached by scientific methods. The 
Church speaks in order to protect her dogmas 
and the faithful and to restrain scientific 
work not only from error but also from 
unduly hasty and ill-founded hypotheses. 
Consequently, the responses more frequently 
deal with the certitude of various hypothe- 
ses, or indicate lines of study which the 
Catholic exegete cannot fruitfully pursue. 
Its responses are not irreformable and are 
subject to revision by the Commission itself. 

Bildad (Hb bildad, etymology uncertain), 
the Shuhite, one of Job's three friends (Jb 

Bilhah (Hb bilhah, etymology uncertain), 
slave given to Rachel* by Laban* when 
Jacob married Rachel (Gn 29:29), sub- 
stituted for Rachel because of her barren- 
ness (Gn 30:3; cf marriage), the mother 
of Dan* and Naphtali* (Gn 30:5 ff). Later 
she had incestuous relations with Reuben*, 
son of Jacob and Leah* (Gn 35:22), al- 
luded to in the curse addressed to Reuben 
in Gn 49:4. 




Birthright. Ct firstborn. 

Bishop (Gk episkopos, "overseer"), in classi- 
cal Gk used to designate an inspector, mu- 
nicipal officials, temple supervisors; in LXX 
used to translate Hb words for military 
officers, overseers of workmen, temple super- 
visors, tribal officers. The apostolate is called 
the office of an episkopos (Judas, AA 1:20) 
in a quotation of Ps 109:8; the office is a 
"good work" (1 Tm 3:1). Paul, addressing 
the presbyters* of Ephesus (AA 20:17), 
calls them "bishops," appointed by the Holy 
Spirit to care for the flock of which they 
are shepherds (AA 20:28). They are dis- 
tinguished from the deacons* (Phi 1:1). 
Jesus Himself is called "the shepherd and 
bishop of souls" (1 Pt 2:25). The same 
officers are called "leaders" (Gk hegoumenoi, 
Heb 13:17); they guard the souls of the 
flock, for which they must render an ac- 
count. The "leaders" of Hb 13:7, who an- 
nounced the gospel and ended their lives 
keeping the faith, are more probably the 
apostles. The qualities of a bishop are 
enumerated in 1 Tm 3:1-8; Tt 1:6-9; they 
are called presbyters in Tt 1:5. Titus is to 
appoint them at Crete. These texts indicate 
that the apostles appointed these officers to 
govern the churches which they founded. 
There is a clear distinction between bishops 
and deacons, but no clear distinction between 
bishops and presbyters. AA 20:17 and Tt 
1:5 suggest that the bishop-presbyters formed 
a college. The institution of the monarchical 
episcopate, in which each church is governed 
by a single bishop, does not appear in the 
NT. Most probably the supreme govern- 
ment of each church rested in the apostle 
who founded it, and under whom the local 
bishops administered its affairs. Since churches 
appear under a single bishop before the end 
of the first century (e.g., Ignatius of Antioch) 
it is easily assumed that one of the college 
was elected to succeed the apostle after his 
death as the monarchical head of the church. 

Bithynia (Gk bithynia), a region in the NW 
of Asia Minor, stretching along the coast of 
the Sea of Marmora and the Black Sea 
from Mysia to Pontus. Bithynia was a 
satrapy of the Persian Empire; it attained 
its independence after the conquest of Alex- 
ander but became a satellite kingdom of 
the Romans in 190 bc. Nicomedes III willed 
the territory to the Romans in 74 bc and 
with Pontus it was constituted a Roman prov- 
ince. Paul and Silas wished to enter Bithynia 
on Paul's second journey, but "the spirit 
of Jesus did not permit them" (AA 16:7). 
The Christians of Bithynia and the provinces 
of Pontus, Galatia*, Cappadocia*, and Asia* 
are addressed in 1 Pt 1:1, but the evangeliza- 

tion of Bithynia is not related. Two cities 
of Bithynia were later seats of ecumenical 
councils, Nicaea (325) and Chalcedon (451). 

Bitumen. Mineral pitch or asphalt, produced 
by the native mixture of hydrocarbons, 
oxygenated a thick dark substance which 
varies from solid to semiliquid. Species of 
bitumen are designated by the following Hb 
words: koper, used for calking boats (Gn 
6:14); hemar, found in pits near the Dead 
Sea* (Gn 14:10). used for mortar (Gn 11:3) 
and to construct the basket in which Moses 
was placed (Ex 2:3); zepel, also used in 
Ex 2:3, and in figure in Is 34:9: the rivers 
of Edom will be turned to pitch, and the 
land will become flaming pitch. There are 
heavy deposits of bitumen near the Dead 
Sea and detached masses often float upon its 
surface; hence it was called Asphaltitis by 
the Greeks and Romans. 

Blasphemy (Gk blasphemia) , abusive or con- 
temptuous language directed toward God* 
or sacred things. In the Holiness code 
blasphemy was punished by stoning (Lv 24: 
16). David's adultery and murder were 
blasphemous (2 S 12:14); (the ancient Jew- 
ish editors inserted the word "enemies" to 
protect the sanctity of the divine name), 
making "you have utterly scorned the Lord" 
"you have utterly scorned the enemies of 
the Lord." The robber and the wicked 
blaspheme (Ps 10:3, 13). Disbelief in God's 
promises is blasphemy (Nm 14:11, 23; 16: 
30), as is the unbelief which thinks Him 
powerless or accepts other gods (Is 1:4; 
5:24). The enemy of Israel blasphemes by 
thinking that Yahweh cannot deliver His 
people (Ps 74:10, 18). Infidelity to the cove- 
nant is blasphemy (Dt 31:20). The defeat 
of Israel causes the name of Yahweh to be 
blasphemed as unable to deliver (Is 52:5). 
The messianic claims of Jesus (Mt 26:65; 
Mk 14:64) and His assertion of power to 
forgive sins (Mt 9:3; Mk 2:7; Lk 5:21) 
were called blasphemy. The insults addressed 
to Jesus on the cross are called blasphemy 
in the Gospels (Mt 27:39; Mk 15:29; Lk 
23:39), as well as the charges of the lying 
witnesses (Lk 22:65). Jesus' claim to be 
one with the Father was treated as blas- 
phemy (Jn 10:33 ff). The "blasphemy against 
the Holy Spirit" was the attribution of Jesus's 
exorcisms to diabolical power (Mt 12:31; 
Mk 3:28 ff; Lk 12:10). This blasphemy is 
the one sin which is not forgiven, not be- 
cause of a lack of God's mercy but be- 
cause it takes away the principle which makes 
it possible for a man to ask forgiveness. 
Stephen was accused . of blasphemy (AA 
6:11). The refusal of the Jews to accept the 
gospel was blasphemy (AA 13:45; 18:6), 




and Paul before his conversion tried to 
compel Christians to curse Christ (AA 26: 
11). He calls himself a former blasphemer 
(I Tm 1:13). Paul elsewhere adopts the 
Jewish idiom and warns Christians to con- 
duct themselves so that "the name of God 
may not be blasphemed" because of their 
faults (1 Tm 6:1; Tt 2:5). In Judaism 
and to some extent in Christianity also blas- 
phemy was understood to mean not only 
abusive language toward or about God, 
but also abusive language about sacred per- 
sons or things. Warnings in the Epistles 
against blasphemy occur in Eph 4:31; Col 
3:8; I Tm 6:4. 

Bless, Blessing. 1. In OT. Blessing is con- 
ceived as a communication of life from 
Yahweh. With life come vigor and strength 
and success, which bring one peace of mind 
and peace with the world. Yahweh Himself 
is the only one who can bless; men bless 
by wishing and praying that Yahweh will 
bless. This wish is particularly effective when 
it is uttered by a person of authority, such 
as the priest, the king, or the head of 
a family; here the person who possesses a 
blessing transmits it to another. The effect 
of the blessing most frequently mentioned 
is fertility, whether in men, animals, or 
crops. In the first creation account God 
blesses birds and fish (Gn 1:22), men 
(Gn 1:28; 5:2); it is probable that an 
earlier form of the story included a blessing 
of animals. In each of these blessings there 
is a command to be fruitful and multiply. 
God blessed the seventh day (Gn 2:3), i.e., 
made it a source of blessing. After the Del- 
uge* God blessed Noah* and his sons, again 
with a command to be fruitful and multiply. 
The patriarchs were blessed: Abraham 
(Gn 12:2-3), Isaac (Gn 26:3-4), and 
although the word is not used of Jacob 
in Gn 28:13ff, the formula is otherwise 
the same: the result of the blessing will be 
an innumerable progeny. Jacob was blessed 
in his encounter with the heavenly being at 
Penuel* (Gn 32:29), and was himself a 
medium of blessing for Laban (Gn 30:27, 
30). Joseph also was a medium of blessing 
for Potiphar and his house (Gn 39:5). 
The clan of Abraham will be a formula of 
blessing for all nations (Gn 12:3; 18:18; 
22:18; 28:14); the phrase may possibly 
mean that the patriarchs and their descend- 
ants will be a medium of blessing, but it 
is now more commonly understood to mean 
that the nations of the earth will ask that 
God bless them as He blessed Abraham. 
The people Israel, with Egypt and Assyria, 
will be a blessing in the midst of the earth 
(Is 19:24). The people Israel is blessed above 
all people (Dt 7:14) in the fertility of i.ts 

cattle. In Dt the blessing is often repre- 
sented as the recompense for the observance 
of the law of Yahweh (ll:26ff; 15:4, 18). 

The solemn formula of blessing is uttered 
by a person who in some capacity repre- 
sents God. Noah blesses his sons Shem 
and Japhet (Gn 9:26-27). The blessing of 
the father conferred upon his firstborn was 
a formula of vital importance, as may be 
seen in the blessing stolen from Esau by 
Jacob (Gn 27:28-29), which invokes fer- 
tility upon him and power to rule his family 
and others. By the blessing the father com- 
municates his own life, strength and author- 
ity to his son. In this passage also appears 
the conception of the blessing and other 
solemn utterances as entities endowed with 
a vital reality; once the blessing is spoken, 
it cannot be recalled or annulled. Balaam* 
must bless Israel, even though he has been 
hired to curse them; for Yahweh has blessed 
Israel and the power of this blessing repels 
a curse (Nm 23:8, 20). Jacob blesses the 
sons of Joseph (Gn 48:15 f), wishing a 
numerous progeny and conferring the rights 
of the firstborn upon Ephraim*; the bless- 
ing was usually if not always accompanied 
by the imposition of hands, through which 
the blessing flowed from one person to an- 
other. The blessings of Jacob upon his sons 
and of Moses upon the tribes of Israel 
(Dt 33:1 ff) are not exact illustrations of 
the formula of blessing; they are artificial 
compositions which allude to the fates of 
the individuals or the tribes. In both poems 
Joseph is blessed with fertility, and in the 
blessing of Jacob Judah receives the power 
to rule. A solemn blessing upon Israel is 
uttered by Moses in Dt 28:1 ff with a cor- 
responding curse*; again fertility is a domi- 
nant motif. David blessed his house after 
the enthronement of the ark* in Jerusalem 
(2 S 6:20), and Solomon blessed the entire 
people after the dedication of the temple 
(1 K 8:14, 55). The priestly blessing of 
Nm 6:22 ff is still employed in Jewish 

God blesses man, but man does not bless 
God; however, God is blessed frequently in 
Hebrew prayer, especially in the Pss. To bless 
God is to thank Him and to acknowledge 
His power and glory; the phrase, "Blessed 
be Yahweh" is usually a recognition of some 
benefit conferred by God or men. To bless 
in common speech comes to mean to greet; 
blessings were invoked not only by author- 
ized persons, but also by one Israelite upon 
another at meeting; Boaz* greets his work- 
ers, "May Yahweh be with you," and they 
respond, "Yahweh bless you" (Rt 2:4). 

2. In NT. Blessing is understood much as 
in the OT. In the Gospels it is rare. Jesus 
blesses the food in the miracle of the multi- 




plication of the loaves (Mt 14:19; Mk 6:41; 
8:7; Lk 9:16), the institution of the Eucha- 
rist* (Mt 26:26; Mk 14:22), and the sup- 
per of Emmaus (Lk 24:30), and blesses 
the apostles at the ascension (Lk 24:50). 
The evangelical precept to return a blessing 
for a curse (Lk 6:28) is repeated and ex- 
panded by Paul (Rm 12:14). Mary is 
called blessed among women (Lk 1:28, 42) 
and the Benedictus* is a hymn of blessing, 
i.e., thanksgiving (Lk 1 :64 ff) . The "cup of 
blessing" (1 Co 10:16, a term derived from 
the Jewish Passover* rite) is probably not 
merely the cup which is blessed, but rather 
the cup in which is a blessing, a gift of God. 
The OT formula "Blessed be God" is frequent 
in the Epistles, and the "blessing" most 
frequently means salvation through Christ. 

Blindness. Blindness was and is extremely 
common in the Near East. The Bible recog- 
nizes only two forms of blindness: (1) 
opthalmia, a highly infectious disease which 
is aggravated by the glare of the sun, dust 
and sand in the air, and lack of sanitation. 
In its milder form it makes the eyes red 
and weakens the vision, as was probably 
the case with Leah* (Gn 29:17). (2) 
senile blindness, mentioned of Isaac* (Gn 
27:1), Eli* (IS 3:2) and Ahijah* (1 K 
14:4). Blindness disqualified a man from 
the priesthood (Lv 21:18), and a blind 
animal was not to be offered in sacrifice 
(Dt 15:21). Blinding as a punishment was 
inflicted on Zedekiah by Nebuchadnezzar 
(2 K 25:7) and is mentioned twice in the 
code of Hammurabi; it does not appear in 
Hb law. The law prescribes kindness and 
assistance to the blind and forbids putting 
a "stumbling block" in their path (Lv 19:14; 
Dt 27:18) and among Job's works of kind- 
ness is mentioned that he was "eyes for the 
blind" (Jb 29:15). Jesus cured the blind 
three times: at Bethsaida (Mt 9:27 ff; Mk 
8:22), at Jericho (Mt 20:30ff; Mk 10: 
46 ff; Lk 18:35 ff), and the man born blind 
at Jerusalem (Jn 9:1 ff). The blind and 
dumb man of Mt 12:22 ff is probably a 
doublet of the dumb man in Lk 11 : 14. Jesus 
mentions cure of blindness as one of the 
signs of His messianic mission (Mk 11:5; 
Lk 7:22). 

Blindness is a metaphor for lack of spirit- 
ual insight (Is 42:19; 29:18; 56:10; Rm 
2:19; 2 Co 4:4; 2 Pt 1:9: 1 Jn 2:11; Ape 
3:17), and the messianic salvation is de- 
scribed as light to the blind (Is 35:5; 42:16, 
18; 43:8; Je 31:8, cf Ps 146:8). The Phari- 
sees are blind leading the blind (Mt 15:14; 
Lk 6:39). The temporary blindness men- 
tioned in Gn 19:11; 2 K 6: 18 ff is desig- 
nated by a different Hb word and is described 
as a psychic rather than a physical loss of 

vision; also cf AA 13:11. The blindness which 
afflicted Paul seems to have been physical 
and not merely psychic (AA 9:8, 18), but it 
cannot be identified with any known disease. 

Blood. In the OT blood is the life of the 
living being (Gn 9:4; Dt 12:23). Man and 
other animals are composed of "flesh and 
blood." For this reason the eating of blood 
is prohibited (Gn 9:4; Lv 17: 10 ff); life is 
conferred by God and is under His do- 
minion. This prohibition was retained in 
the apostolic Church (AA 15:20). To take 
life is to shed blood, and it is avenged by 
the shedding of blood (Gn 9:6; cf avenger). 
The blood of the murdered man cries out 
from the ground (Gn 4: 10) and must be 
atoned for, literally "covered" (Dt 21:9+). 
If blood were not shed in killing (Gn 37:22) 
or if it were not permitted to run upon the 
ground (Jgs 9:5) it could be thought that 
blood-guilt would not follow. The conception 
of a family having one blood does not 

In the sacrificial ritual the blood repre- 
sents the life and was symbolically offered 
to God, represented by the altar; it was 
dashed at the base of the altar (Lv 1:5 +) 
or sprinkled before the sanctuary (Lv 4:6 +) 
or poured at the base of the altar (Lv 
4:7 +)or smeared on the horns of the altar 
(Lv 4:25 +). If an animal were eaten away 
from the sanctuary, the blood must be poured 
on the ground (Dt 12:24). The blood of the 
Passover* lamb smeared on the doorposts 
protected the Israelites from the angel of 
death in Egypt* (Ex 12:7, 13). In the 
covenant* ritual the blood of the victims was 
dashed on the altar, representing God, and 
on the people, signifying that the covenant 
partners share a common life (Ex 24:6 ff). 

The blood of the Eucharist* in the NT 
is a departure from Hb ideas in that the 
blood of Jesus is proposed as drink (Mt 
26:27 ff; Mk 14:23 ff; Lk 22:20; Jn 6:53 ff; 
1 Co ll:25ff). The sacramental significance, 
however, follows Hb patterns, since the blood 
is again the life which is communicated from 
Jesus to His disciples through the Eucharist 
(Jn 6:53 ff; 1 Co 10:16). The blood of the 
Eucharist is the blood of the new covenant 
in all the formulae of institution, an allusion 
to Ex 24:8; in Mt and Mk it is also an 
atoning agent, like the blood of the sin 
and guilt offerings; cf sacrifice. The blood 
of Jesus as a sacrificial atoning agent is 
much more explicit and frequent in the Epis- 
les. He is a propitiatory offering in His 
blood (Rm 3:25), through which we are 
made righteous (Rm 5:9). We are redeemed 
through His blood (Eph 1:7) and through 
it we draw near to God (Eph 2:13), and 
by His blood He has made peace (between 




man and God; Col 1:20). The contrast and 
analogy between the blood of Jesus and the 
blood of sacrificial victims is drawn out at 
length in Heb. His blood excels that of 
animals (Heb 9:12 ff). Blood is the only 
effective agent of purification (Heb 9:20 ff) 
and of the remission of sins (9:22). But 
the blood of animals cannot remove sins 
(10:4); Christ has effected eternal redemp- 
tion* by His own blood (9:12), through 
which we have access to the sanctuary (10: 
19). The blood of the new and eternal cove- 
nant (13:20) calls more loudly for forgive- 
ness than the blood of Abel called for 
vengeance (12:24). His blood is sprinkled 
upon us (1 Pt 1:2), it is the blood of the 
innocent lamb (1 Pt 1:19), it purifies us 
(1 Jn 1:7) and delivers us from our sins 
(Ape 1:5). He purchases men with His 
blood (Ape 5:9), and by His blood the 
saints have conquered (Ape 12:11). 

Boanerges (Gk boanerges, probably Hb b e ne 
reges, "sons of thunder," as explained in Mk 
3:17), a nickname given by Jesus to James* 
and John*, the sons of Zebedee*, which sug- 
gests an impetuous temper. 

Boar. The wild boar is mentioned in the 
Bible only in Ps 80: 14. It is found in the 
thickets of the Jordan valley in modern 
times and was probably much more common 
in ancient days. In Mesopotamia the wild 
boar was hunted for sport by Assyrian 

Boaz (Hb bo'az, etymology uncertain). 1. 
Kinsman of Naomi*, a wealthy landowner 
of Bethlehem, who married Ruth* (Rt 
2:1 ff); an ancestor of David. 2. The name 
of one of the two columns which stood be- 
fore the temple* of Solomon* (1 K 7:21). 

Body. Hb has no word for body except to 
designate a corpse; in Israelite thought the 
body is not conceived as a unified totality 
but rather as a collection of parts and organs 
which are the seat of psychic activities (cf 
man; articles on separate bodily organs). 
In the NT the Gk word soma appears in con- 
texts which can scarcely be translated into 
Hb or Aramaic; this is a result of the influ- 
ence of Gk thought patterns and idiom. 

1. In the Gospels. In the Gospels the body 
is not a psychological or a theological con- 
ception of primary importance. It is illumi- 
nated by the eye*, which signifies the in- 
tention (Mt 6:22; Lk 11:34); if the eye has 
light*, it communicates light to the whole 
body. It is much more important than food 
(Mt 6:25; Lk 12:22 f); here the body is 
parallel with life* and is conceived almost 

as the self. It is distinguished from the soul* 
in Mt 10:28; Lk 12:4; the death of the 
body is less to be feared than the destruction 
of soul and body by the punishment of 
God. The life of the body is not the totality 
of human life, for man survives in the resur- 
rection of the body; but if by sin* he loses 
his soul, the hope and principle of resur- 
rection is lost. (On the body of Jesus iden- 
tified with bread cf eucharist.) 

2. In Paul. In the other NT writings the 
body becomes an important psychological 
and theological concept only in Paul. The 
first meaning of body is the concretely exist- 
ing human being; in some contexts it again 
appears to be nearlv synonymous with self 
(Rm 6: 12 f; 8:10?; 1 Co 6:18 f), but 
"body" and "soul," both used for "self," 
have different emphases. The body is the 
totality rather than the conscious self, and 
the corporal constituent of human life never 
disappears from sight. Sexual sins in par- 
ticular dishonor the body (Rm 1:24); by 
these one sins against his own body ( 1 Co 
6:18 f). The body is "the body of death," 
the mortal body (Rm 7:24), from which 
man is delivered through Jesus Christ. The 
death of the body is the result of sin (Rm 
8:10); but the spirit survives this death 
through righteousness. The body can be 
described as synonymous with flesh* in Rm 
8:13; sins are the deeds of the body, which 
must be slain by the spirit in order to insure 
life. But flesh is normally distinguished 
rather as a quality of the body in its con- 
crete existence; by union with Christ the 
flesh is put to death permanently, but the 
body will rise to a new life (cf below). Here 
also, however, Paul's pattern is not com- 
pletely consistent; for existence in the body 
means that one is absent from the Lord, 
and one must abandon the body in order 
to be present with the Lord (2 Co 5:6, 8). 
The body therefore as existentially identified 
with the flesh is to be beaten and subdued 
(1 Co 9:27). 

The body, unlike the flesh, is the object 
of transformation and not of death. "The 
body of sin," which is the flesh, is de- 
stroyed when the old man is crucified with 
Christ; here one notices the identification 
of the body with the body of Christ, a 
dominant theme in Paul's conception of the 
body. Although the body is mortal, God 
confers life upon it through His indwelling 
Spirit (Rm 8:11); and the adoption* of sons 
is the redemption of the body (Rm 8:23). 
The body therefore is to be presented to 
God as a living and acceptable sacrifice 
(Rm 12:1). It belongs to the Lord, as the 
Lord belongs to the body (1 Co 6:13); this 
remarkably strong statement of the union of 
the body with the Lord presupposes Paul's 




teaching on the identity of the Christian 
with Christ precisely as one body (cf below) . 
One who suffers for Christ bears the marks 
of Jesus in his body (Gal 6:17). The body 
will be transformed from its lowly condi- 
tion to the glorious condition of the risen 
body of Christ (Phi 3:21 ); for the life which 
it receives demands a fulfillment like the 
fullness of life conferred upon Jesus through 
His death and resurrection. The body of 
the Christian, which shares the experience 
of Christ's death and resurrection, must 
share the fullness of His glory. Hence Paul 
draws out this necessity in 1 Co 15:35-44 
in speaking of the resurrection. In answer to 
the question what kind of body will appear 
in the resurrection, he points out that bodies 
differ in species, and that even within the 
same species a remarkable transformation 
is effected through the process of growth. 
This furnishes an analogy for the conferring 
of the life of glory upon the mortal and 
the corruptible body, the body of death and 
sin. The body become imperishable, it re- 
ceives glory, it becomes a spiritual body, not 
after the image of the . first man but after 
the image of the heavenly man, Christ. It 
must be transformed, because flesh and blood 
cannot inherit the kingdom of heaven. 
Basic to this argument is PauFs conviction 
that unless man rises as a body, he does not 
live at all; for the body is the totality of 
concrete human existence, and it must ex- 
perience what appears impossible, a trans- 
formation which without destroying it gives 
it the qualities of the heavenly man. The 
example and the pledge of this is the trans- 
formation and the glorification of the body 
of the risen Jesus. 

Implicit in this argument is the identifica- 
tion of the body of the Christian with the 
body of Christ; and this identification is 
explicit elsewhere. The Christian has died to 
the law through the body of Christ (Rm 
7:4); he has experienced the bodily death 
of Jesus in his own body, otherwise Paul 
could not conceive the liberation of the 
Christian as genuine. In this union the Eucha- 
rist* is a basic principle; when the Christian 
eats the bread of the Eucharist he shares 
in the body of Christ; indeed, Christians 
become one body, which is the body of 
Christ, for there is one bread and one body 
(1 Co 10:16 f). He who eats and drinks 
the sacrament unworthily profanes the body 
of the Lord (1 Co 11:27), and he who eats 
without recognizing the body of Christ eats 
and drinks his own condemnation (1 Co 
11:29). It is in one body, His own, that 
Christ has reconciled Christians to the 
Father by His death (Eph 2:16 f; Col 
1:22). Thus He has made the Church one 
body, His own, in which one Spirit dwells 

(Eph 4:4). Christians are called in one 
body (Col 3:15). The physical realism of 
these passages is remarkable and should not 
be diluted to mere metaphor. The identity 
of Christians with the physical body of 
Christ is unique in Paul's presentation and 
is much more than the union of members 
of a society with the governing authority 
and with each other. 

This physical realism lies behind those 
passages in which Paul speaks of the Church 
as the body of Christ. Scholars disagree on 
the precise interpretation of these passages, 
and some propose a development from the 
idea of one body "in" Christ (Rm + 1 Co) 
and one body "of" Christ (Eph + Col); the 
realistic element is more pronounced in Eph- 
Col, and is one of the arguments adduced 
for regarding these epistles as "deutero-Paul- 
ine" (cf colossians; ephesians). The argu- 
ment by itself is not convincing, since the 
physical realism of the conception appears 
in all the passages cited above; but there 
seems to have been a development in the 
expression of the idea. In Rm 12:4 ff the 
application of the term body to the Church 
bears iess on the unity of Christians with 
Christ than their union with each other; 
diversity of offices and of charismata does 
not institute a division any more than dif- 
ferent functions of bodily members insti- 
tutes a division. The members of the church 
belong to each other. In 1 Co 12:12-27 the 
same analogy of body is invoked as a mo- 
tive of Christian unity with diversity of 
offices and functions; the church of Corinth 
furnished a genuine problem of unity. But 
Paul's language goes beyond the minimum 
requirements of his argument. The members 
are one because they are baptized by one 
spirit into one body (12:13). They are called 
not one body in Christ but one body of 
Christ (12:27). The same identity is pre- 
supposed in 1 Co 6:15 f , where Paul calls 
the bodies of Christians members of Christ, 
and adduces this identity as a motive for 
abstaining from fornication. The body is 
a member of Christ and a temple of the 
Holy Spirit; the Christian must glorify God 
in his body by preserving the holiness of 
Christ, for glory is manifest holiness ( 1 Co 
6:19 f). That the temple of 6:19 does not 
imply physical realism is evident, and one 
might ask why this realism is affirmed of 
the body; but there is no background in 
Pauline language for the physical realism of 
the metaphor of the temple as there is for 
his conception of the body, and the two 
terms are not really parallel. It is because 
the Christian really is a member of the body 
of Christ that he can be called by metaphor 
a temple of the Holy Spirit. 

In Eph-Col the Church as the body of 




Christ is introduced somewhat abruptly with 
no explanation (Eph 1:23; Col 1:24); the 
ideas of the earlier epistles are presupposed. 
Development of language seems apparent; 
the Church is the "fullness" of the body of 
Christ, since the identity of the Church and 
her members with the circumscribed corporal 
extension of the body of Christ would be a 
manifest absurdity. But it is Paul's point 
that the transformation and the glorification 
of the body of Christ permits an identification 
of body (and not merely of sentiment and 
intention) between Christ and the Church 
which would have been inconceivable be- 
fore the glorification of Jesus. Hence a new 
term is introduced; Christ is called the head 
of His body the Church (Eph 5:23; Col 
1:8; 2:19). This term does not loosen the 
identity of Christ and the Church, but pre- 
serves the distinction between Christ as the 
principle and the Church as the term. Ef- 
fectively "head and members" means nothing 
different from the earlier "body and mem- 
bers," and this is clear from Paul's ex- 
planation: it is Christ the head from whom 
the whole body is joined and nourished, and 
grows with a growth from God in love 
(Eph 4:16; Col 2:19). The idea of body 
is here enlarged to include the idea of growth, 
correlative with the idea of fullness. The 
Church and her members obviously have not 
reached the destiny to which their incorpora- 
tion in Christ leads, and hence the body of 
Christ must be conceived in such a way 
that, while it lacks nothing which belongs to 
it, it is capable of expansion and perfection 
through growth in numbers and in the es- 
sential Christian virtue of love. Hence one 
can speak of "the building" of the body of 
Christ (Eph 4:12, 16). Finally the union 
of Christians with the body of Christ is 
compared to the union of husband and wife; 
the body of the wife is not her own but her 
husband's and so Christ cherishes the Church 
because we are members of His body. In 
this application Paul departs somewhat from 
the close identity of union which is implicit 
in other passages. 

This exposition follows in general the ex- 
planation of J. A. T. Robinson in specifying 
the body of Christ as the risen glorified body 
with which the Church is one, and in em- 
phasizing that this union involves physical 
realism. This is not to deny that it has a 
basis in sacramental union (cf eucharist); 
but the important element is that it is dis- 
tinguished from all types of merely moral 
and social unions. It is unique and hence 
all comparisons break down; because it is 
unique the more recent term "mystical" has 
come into use and appears in ecclesiastical 
documents. The term is not biblical and 
should never be explained in such a way 

that the biblical elements are not included. 
The union of the members of Christ is the 
basis of their mutual union with each other; 
the physical realism of the union of the 
Church with Christ is not extended to the 
union of member with member, but their 
union with the one physical reality is a new 
and again unique basis for a unique type of 
union in society. 

The antecedents of the Pauline con- 
ception of body are not obvious and a num- 
ber of suggestions have been made: Stoicism, 
Gnosticism, the Eucharist, rabbinic specula- 
tion on the cosmic body of Adam, and the 
OT idea of corporate personality. It seems 
most probable that the idea, which in the 
form it has in the Pauline epistles is al- 
together original, has no single antecedent, 
but is somewhat indebted to several. The 
term body certainly is not derived from 
the OT; and the idea of a cosmic body ap- 
peared in Stoicism and in the Gnostic idea 
of Primeval Man. Paul could have known 
of these from casual conversation; he shows 
no profound acquaintance with either system, 
but the term seems to have been current 
enough for him to employ it. That the Eucha- 
rist is basic in the idea has been mentioned 
above. In principle the idea is a develop- 
ment of the OT conception of the corporate 
personality; cf servant of the lord for 
the treatment of this conception. 

Book (Hb seper, Gk biblion, Lt liber). The 
earliest form of book was the scroll of papy- 
rus*, which was produced and marketed in 
rolls usually about 9 in wide and 35 ft long. 
These rolls could be cut into pages of de- 
sired size, but this roll uncut was the aver- 
age size "book," (Hb m'gillah, Lt volumen) 
although larger books could be produced by 
gluing more than one roll together; one 
Egyptian papyrus scroll was 133 ft long 
and 16% in wide. This type of book re- 
mained in use through most of the Greek 
and Roman periods, although the material 
could be papyrus, leather (the Qumran* 
scrolls), or parchment*. The lines were 
written parallel to the length of the scroll 
in columns (or pages) from 2 in to 10 in 
in width. When not in use, the scroll was 
rolled up; a rod was sometimes used as an 
axis. In the Semitic alphabet* both writing 
and pages proceeded from right to left; the 
reader held the scroll in his left hand and 
unrolled it toward his right, and rolled up 
the portion already read. To use both sides 
of such a scroll was practically impossible, 
and a scroll written on both sides was a 
surprising element in a prophetic vision (Ezk 
2:9 f; Ape 5:1). Scrolls could be sealed 
(Is 29:11; Dn 12:4). The inconvenience 
of the roll, especially for ready reference 




was at least partly responsible for the in- 
vention of the codex, the modern book form. 
Codices have now been discovered which 
were produced in the 2nd century AD; and 
since these are almost entirely biblical or 
Christian MSS, it is supposed by many schol- 
ars that the codex was invented by Chris- 
tians. The papyrus roll was cut into pages, 
which were laid in a pile; the sheets could 
be laid singly or folded once, producing a 
signature of four pages. Both sides of the 
material could be used for writing, and the 
sheets were bound at the left-hand side. 
The form was not changed when parchment 
replaced papyrus, except that papyrus, which 
is fragile and brittle when dry, can be folded 
only once at most; parchment can be folded 
into signatures of as many as 16 pages. The 
codex did not exceed 14 in. in length and 
10 in. in width. 

Book of Life. Israelite genealogies* recorded 
membership and rank in Israel. When 
Nehemiah* came to lerusalem those who 
could not prove their Israelite ancestry (Ne 
7:61) or their priestly ancestry (Ne 7:64) 
by genealogy were not admitted to full stand- 
ing. This practice probably underlies the 
conception of a heavenly register in which 
God records those who belong to Him. In 
Ex 32:32 to be erased from the book of life 
means simply to die; the same meaning is 
probably intended in Ps 69:29, where the 
wicked are erased from the book of life 
in which the righteous are inscribed. In Ps 
87:6 God keeps a record of those who are 
born in lerusalem; in Is 4:3 there is a record 
of those who are destined for life in the 
messianic Jerusalem. In Dn 12:1 the book 
contains the names of those who will escape 
the final messianic tribulation. These pas- 
sages connect the book with predestination, 
which is also suggested in Ps 139:16; the 
days of the Psalmist are all written in God's 
book before he is born. In the NT one is 
inscribed in the book of life as meriting a 
reward for good works: the disciples (Lk 
10:20), Paul's fellow-workers (Phi 4:3). 
Here "life" comes to mean eternal salvation. 
Christians are enrolled as citizens of heaven 
(Heb 12:23; cf Is 4:3). He who overcomes 
will not be erased from the book of life (Ape 
3:5), and no one who is not written in the 
book of life will enter the heavenly Jerusalem 
(Ape 22:27). Elsewhere Ape explicitly sug- 
gests predestination; those who are not writ- 
ten in the book of life from the foundation 
of the world worship the beast (Ape 13:8; 
17:8), and those who are not written in the 
book will be cast into the pool of fire (Ape 
20:15). The book of life is related to the 
conception of a book in which the deeds of 
men are recorded (Mai 3:16; Dn 7:10; Ape 

20:12), although the two conceptions are 
not identical; the book of life is a register of 
citizenship in the heavenly Jerusalem, while 
the book of accounts corresponds to a judi- 
cial or annalistic record. 

Booth (Hb sukkah), a temporary shelter, 
usually constructed of tree branches, for the 
use of herdsmen, harvesters, and watchmen 
of fields and vineyards. The Israelites con- 
structed booths for the celebration of the 
feast of Tabernacles*. Jonah* built a booth 
in which to await the destruction of Nineveh* 
(Jon 4:5 ff). The booths were abandoned 
to collapse when they were no longer in use. 
Such an abandoned booth is used in a strik- 
ing figure to represent the devastation of 
Jerusalem (Is 1:8) and the collapse of the 
dynasty of David (Am 9:11). 

Booz. Cf BOAZ. 

Bottle. Skin bottles were made of an animal's 
entire hide, dried slowly, and are mentioned 
in Gn 21:14; Jos 9:4; Jgs 4:19 +; they were 
the most easily obtained and the most sturdy 
for nomads, but were in common use in 
cities and villages also. When dried out they 
lost their flexibility and would burst by the 
expansion of gas, giving occasion to the 
figure of Jb 32:19, adopted by Jesus to 
express the novelty of His Gospel (Mt 
9:17; Mk 2:22; Lk 5:37). Earthenware 
bottles of various sizes and shapes were in 
common use; one was employed by Jere- 
miah in a symbolic action to predict the 
destruction of Judah (Je 19:1ft). 

Bow. The use of the bow and arrow was 
known in Mesopotamia in the 3rd mil- 
lenium BC and appears to have come in with 
the Akkadians* from the north. The bow 
was either of wood reinforced with a surface 
of knitted sinews on the outside or fabri- 
cated of wood with a surface of sinew and an 
inlay of horn. The arrow, about 32 in. long, 
was made of wood (sometimes polished) 
with a point of flint, bronze, or iron, some- 
times barbed. The bowstring was of linen 
cord or of sinew. The "bow of bronze" (Jb 
20:24) probably refers by metonymy to the 
point of the arrow; the technical difficulties 
in producing a practical metal bow seem 
insurmountable, and such bows as the gold- 
plated bow presented to Amenhotep III of 
Egypt by Dusratta of Mitanni must have 
been purely ornamental. The bow was drawn 
with the arm, as it always appears in art; 
the common Hb idiom "tread the bow" prob- 
ably refers to the use of the foot to set the 
arrow. Wristlets to protect the left arm were 




-r -#-t~ f-^r; f"T3 "" T ■ 

known. Some ancient bows which have been 
discovered are sharply angled in the center; 
but when set for shooting they are represented 
in art as forming a semicircle. The bow was 
used in hunting* {Gn 27:3) and in war. 
Until Ashur-nasir-pal II (883-859 bc> the 
bow seems to have been the weapon of the 
king and the nobles rather than the com- 
mon troops; the Pharaoh is always repre- 
sented in battle scenes with a bow, while 
the troops are armed with sword and spear. 
In Assyria the bowman rode in chariots 
with one or two companions to drive and to 
protect him with a shield. After Ashur-nasir- 
pa! (here also appear mounted archers; to 
shoot either from a chariot or from a horse 
presupposes no small skill. Assyrian kings are 
represented hunting from chariots. After the 
8th century BC the Assyrians developed the 
technique of archery troops to a high degree. 
The archer was accompanied by a shield 
bearer; this permitted near approach to the 
enemy, even to fortified cities. We must sup- 
pose that the tactic of mass fire was em- 
ployed; the archers are always represented in 
scenes of assault on fortifications. In Israel ~ 
the kin g< (2 K 13: 15 ff; Pss 18:34; 45:6), 
the king's son (2 S 1:22), and the com- 
mander in chief (2 K 9:24) are armed with 
the bow. It was no doubt under Assyrian in- 
fluence that archery troops appeared among 
the Aramaeans (I K 22:34) and in Judah 5 
under Uzziah (2 Ch 26:14); we should 
probably suppose the same development in 
Israel. In poetry the bow is a figure of 
strength (Je 49:35; Ho 1:5 l), God Him- 
self is armed with a bow; His arrows are 
the lightning <Ps 18:15), 

a) Assyrian bows, ta) A soldier ormed with bow and 
short sword, c) Persian bowmen, d) Arrowhead. 
e) Assyrian archers behind shields. 

Bozrah (Hb bosrah, meaning unknown), an 
Edomite city (Gn 36:33; 1 Ch 1:44), 
mentioned in several prophetic threats against 
Edom (Is 34:6; 63:1; Je 49:13, 22; Am 
1:12). The city was certainly one of the 
principal cities and possibly the royal resi- 
dence. It is identified with modern Buseira, 
about 120 mi S of Amman and 25 mi E of 
the Dead Sea. The site lies on an isolated 
spur surrounded on all sides except the ap- 
proach by the steep cliffs of the wadi and is 
naturally a very strong point. The Bozrah 
named among the cities of Moab (Je 
48:24) can hardly be the same place; critics 
suggest that Bezer be read here instead. 

Bracelet. Bracelets were made of gold, sil- 
ver, bronze, and iron. Bracelets consist- 




ing of a closed circle were not made in 
Palestine; this style was Egyptian, The 
bracelet was a band of metal, flat or circular, 
bent to fit, with the ends brought next to 
each other or overlapped. In armbands worn 
on the upper arm the ends were left sepa- 
rated by a larger interval. There is no orna- 
mentation on the bracelets found in ancient 
sites. Art shows two or three bracelets worn 
at once, sometimes both bracelets and arm- 
bands. They were usually worn by women 

Egyptian bracelets ond necklaces. 

(Gn 24:22, 30, 47; Jdt 10:3; Ezk 16:11; 
23:42); bracelets worn by men (e.g., by 
Saul in 2 S 1:10) are thought to be a sign 
of rank or office. 

Brazen Serpent. The bronze serpent* (tfhuS- 
tan), a cult object removed from the temple* 
by Hezekiah (2 K 18:4 ff). According to 
the cult legend preserved in Nm 21:4ff this 
object was constructed by Moses when the 
Israelites were attacked by "fiery serpents" 
(cf seraph). In both Mesopotamia and 

Syria the serpent was associated with the 
nude goddess of fertility and the god of 
vegetation; it was a symbol of sex, the source 
of life, and its use as a symbol of healing 
fits this pattern. The same symbolism appears 
in the entwined serpent of the Greek god of 
healing, Asklepios, and is preserved in the 
caduceus of the modern physician. The wor- 
ship of the serpent may be compared with 
the scene of the worship of a serpent god 
portrayed on a Mesopotamian seal. The 
presence of this element of foreign symbolism 
in Yahwism is paralleled by other elements 
which were only rejected with the develop- 
ment of Israelite belief. The bronze serpent 
is proposed as a symbol of salvation (WS 
16:6) and as a type of the crucifixion of 
Jesus (In 3:14f). 

Bread. Bread was the staple article of diet 
in both OT and NT. Common bread was 
made of barley* flour; wheat* bread was a 
luxury. The meal was ground and the bread 
baked daily. The work was done by the wife 
or by slaves*, although there were profes- 
sional bakers (Je 37:21). It was baked either 
leavened or unleavened; the latter method 
was used if quick baking were necessary, as 
to provide for guests (Gn 18:6). There were 
three methods of baking: (1) The tannur 
(oven) was a conical cylinder in which the 
dough was either baked on hot stones or 
stuck on the inside of the oven. (2) Round 
metal plates were placed on three stones over 
a fire. (3) "Hearth-cakes" were made by 
placing the dough under hot ashes; Ephraim 
is once compared to such a cake which was 
not turned and is therefore half-baked (Ho 
7:8). In modern times a refinement of this 
method is used; a hole is dug in which a fire 
is burned all day, and the fire is then cleared 
out and the bread is placed in the hole, care- 
fully covered, and allowed to bake all night. 
The scarcity of wood sometimes made it 
necessary to use dung for fuel (Ezk 4:15). 
The loaf was either shaped like a stone (cf 
Mt 4:3; 7:9; Lk 4:3) or round and flat like 
our pancakes (Hb kikkar, "circle"). It was 
not cut with a knife, but broken with the 
hands. In the Bible bread often signifies 
food in general, as in the Our Father. The 
shewbread* was an offering of bread placed 
in the sanctuary. The price of a prostitute 
was a loaf of bread (Pr 6:26). Travelers 
carried their bread in a sack (Mk 6:8; Lk 
9:3). "To eat bread in the kingdom of God" 
was to partake of the messianic banquet (Lk 
14:15; cf meals). Jesus, alluding to the 
Eucharist*, called Himself the true bread, 
the living bread, the bread that comes down 




from heaven (Jn 6:32 ff). Partaking of the 
Eucharist symbolizes the unity of Christians 
in one bread and one body* (1 Co 10:17). 

Breastplate. Breastplate as a separate piece of 
armor* does not appear in the OT. It is 
mentioned metaphorically as a part of the 
Christian's armor: the breastplate of 
righteousness (Eph 6:14), of faith and 
love (1 Th 5:8). The breastplate which 
was a part of the vestments of the high 
priest* is described in Ex 28:15-30; 39:8- 
21. It was made of gold, violet, purple, and 
scarlet thread woven into linen which was 
folded double into a square a span (about 
eight in.) on a side. In it were set 12 precious 
stones in four rows of three, each en- 
graved with the name of one of the 12 
tribes. A pouch was attached to it by gold 
chains and rings which contained the oracle 
of the Urim and Thummlm*. The breast- 
plate symbolized the function of the high 
priest as the representative of all Israel. 

a) Egyptian bread- 
making: right, kneading 
dough; left, tending fire. 

b) Ovens at Pompeii. 

Brethren of the Lord. The brethren of Jesus 
are mentioned in Mt 12:46; 13:55 f; Mk 
3:31: 6:3; Lk 8:19; Jn 2:12; 7:3 ff; 20:17; 
AA 1:14; 1 Co 9:5; Gal 1:19. Four are 
mentioned by name: James*, Joses* (or Jo- 
seph*), Simon*, and Judas* (Mt 13:55; Mk 
6:3). The tradition of the perpetual virginity 
of Mary* has always rejected the idea that 
these were her children and the theory pro- 
posed by a few Fathers that they were chil- 
dren of Joseph by a previous marriage has 
no foundation. The Gk word adelphos, 
brother (adelphe, sister) is used much as 
brother and sister are used in Eng. Here, 
however, one must recall the Hb-Aramaic 
background of the Gospels, which often 
shows that Gk words are translations of their 
Semitic usage. Hb words for distinction of 
degrees of kinship are neither as many nor 
as exact as our own words; and we often see 
reflections of the ancient nomadic usage by 
which all members of a tribe* or clan were 
called brothers, just as the tribal or clan 




head, the sheik, was sometimes called 
father. Of the four mentioned by name it 
is clear that James and Joses (Joseph) are 
sons neither of Joseph nor of Mary the 
mother of Jesus. A different Mary is the 
mother of them both; she was among the 
group at the foot of the cross (Mt 27:56; 
Mk 15:40). James is called the son of 
Alphaeus* in the lists of the apostles (Mt 
10:3; Mk 3:18; Lk 6:15; AA 1:13). Fur- 
thermore, there is no mention of other chil- 
dren anywhere, and it is difficult to explain 
how Jesus commended Mary to the care of 
the disciple John* (Jn 19:26) if there were 
other sons. There is nothing in the Gospels 
or in linguistic usage which is opposed to 
the tradition of the perpetual virginity of 
Mary; and this tradition itself is difficult to 
explain if these allusions were ever under- 
stood as meaning uterine brothers and sisters. 
The exact degree of relationship between 
Jesus and His brethren cannot be re- 

Brick. Brick was the most common building 
material in Palestine, Egypt, and Mesopo- 
tamia. Clay is abundant in Egypt and 
Mesopotamia, while stone is more abun- 
dant in Palestine; the use of brick is to be 
explained by the lack of adequate metal tools 
and skilled labor for extensive working of 
stone. Bricks were made by mixing the clay 
with the feet, the addition of a binder such 
as straw, and sun-drying in wooden molds; 
kiln-fired bricks were known in Mesopo- 
tamia (Gn 11:3), but the remains show 
that they were used only in areas where 
more durable brick was necessary. The Is- 
raelites were put to making bricks in Egypt 
(Ex 1:14; 5:6 ff). Clay was used in mortar; 
bitumen* was known in Mesopotamia. In 
both Egypt and Palestine stone was used 
only for temples and palaces; its employ- 
ment was a sign of luxury (Is 9:9). The 
technique was not equal to th,at of the 
modern bricklayer, as can be observed in 
the few remains, and collapse is mentioned 
as a common danger (Is 30:13; Ezk 
13:10 ff) . Wooden beams were sometimes 

used as frames, but these added to the 
danger of fire. The bricks were easily dam- 
aged by moisture and cheaply made houses 
could dissolve in a heavy rain, although 
Nelson Glueck found at Ezion-geber* that 
the remains from Solomon's time resisted 
a torrential rain better than the brick houses 
of the modern inhabitants. In Hb folklore 
the invention of brickmaking was attributed 
to the builders of Babel* (Gn 11:3). Enam- 
eled bricks have been found in the remains 
of the buildings of Ashur-nasir-pal, Sargon, 
and Nebuchadnezzar (cf Assyria; Baby- 
lon), arranged in pictorial designs; but this 
skill does not appear in Israelite remains. 

Bride, Bridegroom. Cf marriage. 

Bronze. Ancient bronze was an alloy of cop- 
per* and tin*. The alloy increases the 
strength and hardness of copper while it 
lowers its melting point, and thus facilitates 
casting. Bronze is worked by being ham- 
mered or cast. The Bronze Age in the ancient 
Near East extended 3200-1200 bc (cf 
archaeology). Neither the date nor the 
place of the discovery of bronze is known 
for certain; but it was almost certainly in 
Asia, and very probably in Anatolia. Prob- 
ably its discovery was due to accident. It 
appears early in both Mesopotamia and 
Egypt, and was the primary metal for all 
purposes, not only tools and weapons, but 
also for ornamentation such as jewelry and 
statuary; cf separate articles. On the sources 
of the metals cf copper; tin. It is not clear 
where the centers of the manufacture of 
bronze were to be found. For the bronze 
work of the temple Solomon hired crafts- 
men from Tyre* (1 K 7 : 13 ff) , which sug- 
gests that little or no work of this kind was 
done by native Israelites. The casting was 
done in the Jordan valley between Succoth 
and Zarethan (1 K 7:46); the reasons for 
the selection of this site are not clear. 

Brook. A common Eng translation of Hb 
nahal, which, like Arabic wadi, signifies a 
seasonal stream which runs only during the 

Ancient Egyptian brickmaking. 




rainy months (cf arroyo in SW USA). The 
name is applied a few times to perennial 
streams, the Kishon* (Jgs 5:21; 1 K 18:40) 
and the Jabbok* (Gn 32:22). 

Brother. The primary sense in both OT and 
NT is son of the same parents, either father 
and mother (e.g., Gn 27:6) or of same 
father and different mother (e.g., Gn 28:2). 
In polygamous households uterine brothers 
and sisters were closer to each other than 
half brothers and sisters. In a wider use it 
signifies a person of common ancestry and 
relationship; in particular, a member of the 
same clan or tribe (e.g., Nm 16:10). It is 
extended to members of the same race or 
nation (e.g., Dt 15:12) or of a kindred na- 
tion (e.g., Dt 23:7). In the NT Christians 
are called brothers about 160 times, and 
Jesus Himself said that one who does the 
will of the Father is His own brother (Mt 
12:50; Mk 3:35; Lk 8:21). Brother is a 
term of polite address, especially of one 
monarch to another (1 K 20:32); this ad- 
dress is common in the Amarna* letters. In 
Gn 9:5; Mt 5:22; 18:35 + the word signi- 
fies a fellow human being; in these passages 
there is a warning against violence and 

Bui. The 8th month of the old Hb calendar*, 
corresponding to Marheswan, roughly our 

Bull. On the cultivation of the bull cf ox. In 
the ancient Near East the bull was a very 
common symbol of strength and of virile 
fecundity and hence appears as a divine sym- 
bol. The title "the bull" is given to the 
moon god Sin (with reference to the horns 
of the crescent) and to Marduk in Meso- 
potamia, and to El, the head of the 
pantheon of Ugarit. The title 'ablr, given 
to Yahweh, usually translated "strong one," 
originally meant "the bull" (of Jacob, Gn 49: 
24; Pss 132:2, 5; of Israel, Is 1:24; 49:26; 
60:16); but it is probable that the original 
meaning had been forgotten when this title 
is used in the literature. In the cult of N 
Israel Yahweh was represented by a bull 
which was the pedestal upon which He stood 
invisible (cf image; Ex 32; 1 K 12:26-33). 
This cult was reprobated with scorn by 
Amos (4:4; 5:5 f; 7:9) and Hosea (10:4- 
7; 8:4-6); although the explanation of the 
bull as pedestal by modern scholars is no 
doubt correct, it is not clear how many 
ignorant Israelites thought the bull was an 
image of Yahweh Himself in symbolic form. 
The value of the bull made it the most de- 
sirable sacrificial animal. 

Burial. Burial was the almost universal prac- 

tice in Palestine from prehistoric times; the 
archaeological remains of cremation occur 
only in pre-Israelite Gezer and Jerusalem. 
In the OT there is a possible allusion to cre- 
mation as an emergency measure during 
pestilence (Am 6:10). The burning of the 
bodies of Saul* and Jonathan* by the men 
of Jabesh-gilead probably refers to the 
burning of the flesh and entrails removed 
from the bones, which were then buried 
(Galling): but this practice does not appear 
elsewhere (1 S 31:11 ff).. 

1. Archaeological Remains. Most burials 
were simple inhumations which have left no 
traces; only the graves which were solidly 
constructed and presumably belonged to 
kings and the wealthy have survived. While 
burials in early times took place within the 
city walls and sometimes within the 
houses, graves are usually found outside the 
walls concentrated within a single area 
(necropolis). Prehistoric burials were done 
in caves or in dolmens, in which slabs of 
stone were set up in imitation of a house; 
the whole was often covered with a mound 
of earth (tumulus). In the Chalcolithic site 
of Teleilat el Ghassul were found chests and 
urns in which the bones of the deceased were 
kept in the house after the decay of the 
flesh. But the prevailing type of grave was 
the cave; and the need for more room as 
well as the need for using the site for more 
than one burial led first to the artificial en- 
largement of the natural cave, then to the 
excavation of entirely artificial caves. The 
simplest form of artificial cave was a cham- 
ber, natural or enlarged, entered by a shaft 
like a well. This appears in Middle Bronze. 
Technical improvements were a staircase 
entrance and the addition of another cham- 
ber; with variations in detail and further 
technical improvements this is substantially 
the type of grave which is found throughout 
the biblical period. Chambers with a vaulted 
masonry roof were found at Megiddo*. The 
entrance to the entire grave and the en- 
trances to the separate chambers could be 
closed by rolling large stones before the 
opening, but they were not always closed; 
the tomb of Elisha* seems to have been 
open (2 K 13:21). The usual position of 
the body was supine, as in our burials; in 
early burials the bodies were sometimes in- 
terred with the knees drawn up to the chin. 
This has been thought to imitate the position 
of the fetus in the womb; it is possible also 
that it was no more than an economy of 
space. Only infants have been found buried 
in jars which were immured in walls or in 
the foundations of houses, with a few excep- 
tions, and this type of burial is limited to the 
early periods. It is not clear that these were 
foundation sacrifices, but their position sug- 




a) Sarcophagus of Eshmunozar of Sidon. b) Mummified head of Rcmses 
d ■ Tombs on fhe Via Appio. 

c) Egyptian mummy. 

gests some religious or superstitious motive. 
Just before the Philistine" invasion (about 
1200 BC) the Canaanitcs had begun to bury 
their dead in clay coffins with human fea- 
tures molded upon the top; these were doubt- 
less imitations of Egyptian sarcophagi. 
With the beginning of the Israelite period 
there appears the bench grave; the floor of 
the chamber was excavated to a depth of 2 
ft or so, leaving a bench entirely around the 
wall of the chamber upon which the bodies 
were laid. A variation of this type is an 
elongated tunnel. Some have identified such 
a grave found on the southeastern hill of 
Jerusalem as the family sepulcher of the 
house of David, in which 13 kings of Judah 
were buried. Unfortunately quarrying in the 
area in Roman times has disturbed the 

original form of the tunnel. With the begin- 
ning of the 2nd century BC there appears 
the catacomb type of grave, possibly intro- 
duced from Alexandria. Longitudinal niches 
were excavated in the wall of the chamber(s) 
to a depth of about 6'^ ft, and 20-30 in, in 
width and height; the body was pushed into 
the niche, head or feet first, and the niche 
could be closed with a stone. When a new 
body was placed in an already used niche, 
the bones from the preceding burial were 
collected and placed in a limestone casket 
(ossuary), which in turn was placed either 
in the antechamber or in a niche in an 
adjoining chamber reserved for this purpose. 
Not until this type of grave appears was 
there any effort to keep the remains distinct: 
the ossuaries usually have a name upon them. 




An ossuary of NT times was found with the 
name "Jesus son of Joseph"; at first it caused 
some excitement, but the name was one of 
the most common combinations of the 
period. The catacomb tomb, which was often 
entered, was closed at the entrance by a 
large stone rounded like a mill stone, which 
was usually set into a groove. 

Throughout the Canaanite and Israelite 
periods graves appear with funerary deposits; 
their absence in some graves can be pre- 
sumed due to disturbance or grave robbery, 
an extremely common crime from earliest 
historic times. Kings and nobles were buried 
with costly jewelry and with the insignia of 
office. The grave was furnished with all sorts 
of tools and utensils employed during life: 
weapons, personal seals, amulets, etc. A 
large amount of pottery shows that food 
and drink were left in the tombs. Pins and 
brooches show that the bodies were buried 
clothed. In later times the realism of the 
deposits was less pronounced, and in the 
Hellenistic period the most common article 
was the lamp. 

2. Biblical References. The cave of Mach- 
pelah* at Hebron* purchased by Abraham* 
(Gn 23: Iff) was the type of Bronze Age 
family tomb described above. The common 
biblical expression "to be buried with one's 
fathers" or "to sleep with one's fathers" 
probably refers to burial in family tombs, 
although the idiom becomes meaningless in 
this respect when it is used of burial else- 
where (e.g., David, 1 K 2:10). The Egyptian 
practice of mummification is mentioned only 
for Jacob* (Gn 50:3) and Joseph* (Gn 
50:26). Jacob was buried at Machpelah, 
but both Rachel* (Gn 35:20) and Joseph 
(Jos 24:32) were buried elsewhere. The 
graves of men of renown were usually 
known, as is evident from the numerous 
references to grave sites, and it was worthy 
of note that the site of Moses's grave was 
not known (Dt 34:6). Barzillai* preferred 
to be buried in the sepulcher of his father 
and mother (2 S 19:38). Absalom* raised 
a pillar for himself (2 S 18:18); such monu- 
ments were rare, and until Hellenistic times 
nothing of the tomb appeared above ground. 
Isaiah uttered a threat against Shebna* for 
the vanity exhibited in hewing a new tomb in 
the rock (Is 22:16). The grave of the com- 
mon people is mentioned in 2 K 23:6; it 
could scarcely have been the cave sepulcher 
of the type already described, and probably 
means an area of simple inhumation. Family 
tombs are mentioned for Gideon* (Jgs 8:32), 
Samson* (Jgs 16:31), Asahel* (2 S 2:32), 
Ahithophel* (2 S 17:23), the family of 
Kish* (2 S 21:14). The tombs of Jesus and 
of Lazarus* were probably the catacomb 
type; the tomb of Jesus was newly con- 

structed by Joseph of Arimathea* and had 
not yet been used (Mt 27:60; Lk 23:53; Jn 
19:41). The stone which closed it as well 
as the stone of the tomb of Lazarus (Jn 
1 1:38 ff) was probably the rounded stone set 
in a groove. The body of Jesus was appar- 
ently not yet set in a niche, since its place 
could be seen from the entrance (Jn 20:5); 
it had been left on the bench for the com- 
pletion of the burial wrapping. 

Burial took place if possible on the day 
of death, and in OT times no preparation of 
the body was made, as far as we know. In 
NT times the body was washed (AA 9:37) 
and anointed with ointments and spices (Mk 
16:1; Lk 16:56 ff; Jn 19:39 ff). All four 
Gospels mention the wrapping in linen, but 
only Jn mentions othonia (19:40; 20:7) 
and a handkerchief over the face (20:7). 
The nature of the wrapping is not clear; 
the word used by Jn suggests that the 
body was wound in linen bands. A similar 
word (keiria) is used of Lazarus (Jn 11:44), 
and such binding is further suggested by 
Jesus s command to untie him. 

Burial was granted even to criminals after 
execution, and privation of burial was a great 
curse (Dt 28:26; 1 K 21 :23 f; 2 K 9:36 f; 
Is 34:3; 66:24; Je 7:33; 14:16; 16:4; 19:7; 
22:19; 25:33). Possibly the original purpose 
of burial was to prevent the deceased from 
haunting the survivors, but there is no evi- 
dence that the Israelites shared this belief. 
The funerary deposits likewise may have at- 
tested a belief in an afterlife in which these 
things would be necessary, as we know for 
the funerary deposits in Egypt. Without 
literary evidence, however, it is very difficult 
to deduce such beliefs. The OT exhibits no 
such idea (cf death; sheol). In all cultures 
funeral practices exhibit many archaic fea- 
tures which are retained long after their 
original significance has been forgotten, and 
this is probably the explanation of the 
Israelite adoption of the Canaanite practice 
of funerary deposits. On the ritual of burial 


Butter. Butter as we know it was not manu- 
factured in biblical times. The word occurs 
in some Eng translations as a rendition 
of Hb hem'ah, curds of cow's or goat's 
milk (Gn 18:8; Dt 32:14; Jgs 5:25; 2 S 
17:29; Jb 20:17; 29:6; Ps 55:22; Pr 30:33; 
Is 7:15, 22), esteemed as a delicacy in the 
Near East both in ancient and in modern 

Byfolos (Hb g e bal, Gk by bios), a Phoenician 
city at the modern Jebeil, 25 mi N of 
Beirut on the coast of the Mediterranean. 
A tradition reported by Philo calls Byblos 
the oldest city in the world, founded and 




Ruins of Byblos about 
2000 B.C. 

equipped with walls by the god EL It was 
the most important of the Phoenician cities 
from the beginning of recorded history down 
to about 1000 bc. Phoenicia was a meeting 
place of Mesopotamian, Egyptian, and — 
in the 2nd millennium BC — Mycenean in- 
fluences. These mixed influences are reflected 
in the hybrid character of Phoenician art, 
most examples of which have been found at 
By bios. Egyptian influence, however, was 
predominant. The principal commercial goods 
handled at Byblos were Lebanese cedars 
and copper from the Caucasus which was 
exported to Egypt. In return Byblos im- 
ported Egyptian papyrus* which it sold 
throughout the Mediterranean, giving its 
name not only to the product, but also to 
the Gk word biblos, book, from which Bible 
is derived. The Egyptian influence was strong 
on the religion of Byblos, but the influence 
was reciprocal; Baalat Gebal, "The Lady of 
Byblos," was identified with Hathor or Isis 
by the Egyptians. In the legend of Osiris the 
coffin of Osiris was cast into the sea by his 
enemies and floated ashore at Byblos, where 
it was recovered by Isis. The native religion 
of Byblos was the cult of Baal*, called by 
the Greeks Adonis, whom the Egyptians 
identified with Osiris. Byblos with the rest 
of the coast was conquered by the Hyksos* 
in the 1 8th century BC and regained for 
Egypt by Thutmose III (1502-1448). It was 
held by Egypt until its conquest by the 
Peoples of the Sea (cf Philistines) in the 

12th century. 64 of the Amarna* Letters 
come from Rib-Addi of Byblos, and these 
give much information on the disturbed con- 
dition of Phoenicia in the closing years of 
the !8th dynasty. The letters refer often to 
the former prosperity of Byblos, which the 
king refers to the protection of the Phar- 
aoh and to the unbroken loyalty of Byblos 
to Egypt during the preceding centuries, 
which seems to be no exaggeration of the 
facts. Byblos is mentioned as a point on the 
journey of Sinuhe about 1960 bc. The story 
of Wen- Anion of Egypt, who was sent to 
Byblos to purchase cedar (about 1100 bc), 
shows that the city had become completely 
independent of Egypt, and the Egyptian en- 
voy was treated with the utmost discourtesy. 
Byblos was tributary to the Assyrians. It 
is first mentioned by Tiglath-pileser I 
(1112-1074 bc) and the kings of the 9th, 
8th, and 7th centuries almost without excep- 
tion include Byblos among the Phoenician 
cities tributary to them, [t is also mentioned 
by Nebuchadnezzar'' of Babylon. The city 
has been extensively excavated by the French 
Archaeological School of Syria since 1921, 
and the excavations have disclosed a wealth 
of objects of Phoenician art. The excavators 
found the city walls; the earliest wall was 
rebuilt and remodeled and used throughout 
the subsequent history of the city. The 
temple of Baalat Gebal was identified; the 
oldest portion of the temple was built in the 
4th millennium BC, and the temple was re- 




built after a conflagration in 2150 BC. The 
construction reflected Egyptian influence and 
the temple contained a large number of 
Egyptian votive offerings. Vestigial remains 
of two other temples equally old were dis- 
covered; one of these was dedicated to 
Resheph*. The excavators also found the well 
which provided water for the ancient city 
and a number of Phoenician tombs. The re- 
mains of the Roman city included the debris 
of a colonnade and the remains of a theater. 
Of importance for the history of writing 
were the pseudo-hieroglyphic inscriptions of 

the 13th century BC. These were written in 
a prealphabetic type of writing which has 
not yet been deciphered. The three passages 
in which Byblos is mentioned in the OT do 
not reflect the importance of the ancient 
city. It is included in the territory claimed 
for Israel (Jos 13:5), a claim which was 
never implemented, and the temple of Solo- 
mon was built with the help of carpenters 
and masons from Byblos (1 K 5:32). The 
men of Byblos were famous as skilled 
mariners (Ezk 27:9). 


Cabul (Hb kabul, etymology uncertain), the 
name of a district of 20 cities in Galilee* 
given by Solomon* to Hiram* of Tyre* in 
payment for work on the temple* ( 1 K 
9:10ff). Hiram's unfavorable reception of 
the payment gave rise to the popular ety- 
mological pun k c bal, "good for nothing." 
Chronicles*, with its peculiar treatment of 
history, relates that Hiram gave the cities 
to Solomon (2 Ch 8:2). 

Caesar. The cognomen of Gaius Julius Cae- 
sar (100-44 bc) who effectively established 
dictatorial rule in Rome and broke the 
power of the Senate, thus founding the im- 
perial government. It was the adopted name 
of Octavius (cf Augustus) and after him 
became an official title of the emperor. Three 
of the Caesars are mentioned in the NT: 
Augustus*, Tiberius*, and Claudius*. 

Caesarea (Gk kaesareia), a city of the 
Palestinian coast, the modern Kaisariyeh S 
of Mt Carmel. The city was built by Herod* 
the Great on the site of a settlement known 
previously as the Tower of Straton and was 
practically an entirely new construction. 
Herod created an artificial harbor by the 
erection of sea walls 200 ft wide standing 
in 20 fathoms of water. The city itself was 
built in the Hellenistic style with agora, 
theater, amphitheater, stadium, a palace, 
a temple of Caesar, and colossal statues of 
Augustus and Rome. The amphitheater 
was an oval enclosing an area 300 ft long 
and 200 ft wide, slightly larger than the 
area enclosed by the Colosseum of Rome. 
The city was 12 years in construction (25- 
13 bc) and was inaugurated by games in 9 
bc. Excavations have been carried out at 
Caesarea. Underwater explorations off the 
shore have shown the massive character of 
the moles built by Herod. Caesarea became 
at once the principal port of Palestine, 
which has no natural harbor on its coast. 
The Roman procurator made his residence 
there and it became effectively the capital 
of the country; but it was predominantly 
Hellenistic. Caesarea is not mentioned in the 
Gospels. In AA it is the port of arrival and 
departure for several journeys (AA 9:30; 
18:22; 21:8). It was reached by Philip* but 
its evangelization apparently was first con- 
ducted by Peter* at the house of Cornelius* 
(AA 10:1 ff), and there were disciples 
there who accompanied Paul on his jour- 
ney to Jerusalem (AA 21:16). It was the 

residence of Herod Agrippa* during his 
short reign (AA 12:19), and as the residence 
of the procurator it was the place to which 
Paul was taken for custody from Jerusalem 
(AA 23:23 ff). He was detained there until 
his appeal to Caesar, and the hearings of his 
process were conducted at Caesarea (AA 

Caesarea Philippi. A town in the extreme N 
of Palestine, the modern Baniyas at one of 
the sources of the Jordan in the S foothills 
of Mt Hermon. The city lay near the site 
of the Israelite city of Dan*. During the 
Hellenistic* period the town received the 
name Panion because of the sanctuary of 
Pan located there. Herod* the Great built 
a temple to Augustus, and Philip* rebuilt 
it into a large Hellenistic city, naming it 
after the emperor and adding his own name 
to distinguish it from the other cities of the 
same name. The neighborhood (Mt 16:13) 
or the village (Mk 8:27) was the scene 
of Peter's confession; but the passage does 
not suggest that Jesus actually entered this 
largely Gentile community. 

Caiaphas (Gk kaiaphas, meaning unknown). 
Surname of Joseph, high priest* at the time 
of the beginning of the preaching of John 
the Baptist* (Lk 3:2) and during the trial 
of Jesus. He was the son-in-law of Annas*, 
whose family retained the office of high priest 
for many years. He was appointed high priest 
by Valerius Gratus in ad 18 and deposed by 
Vitellius in ad 36. He was perhaps the first to 
suggest that Jesus would have to be killed to 
prevent trouble (Jn ll:49ff). The plans 
for the arrest of Jesus were made in his 
house (Mt 26:3 ff), and the hearing before 
the Sanhedrin was held there (Mt 26:57 ff; 
Mk 14:53 ff; Lk 22:54ff). Caiaphas asked 
Jesus the question about His messianic 
claims which enabled the court to vote Him 
guilty of blasphemy (Mt 27:62 ff; Mk 
14:61 ff). Caiaphas also appears among the 
priests at the trial of Peter and John (AA 
4:6), but Annas is called high priest. If the 
years of his appointment as given by Jo- 
sephus are correct, this passage and others 
in which the title is given to Annas must be 
a recognition of the de facto control which 
Annas exercised over the office and its 

Cain (Hb kayin, "smith"), first son of Adam* 
and Eve* (Gn 4:1), eponymous ancestor 
of the Kenites*. There is a pun on his name, 





probably to be explained as kantti 'is, "I have 
gotten a man-child." Several legends, prob- 
ably independent of each other, are clustered 
about Cain. He appears as the peasant vil- 
lain in the story of the feud between peasant 
and herdsman, which here breaks out for 
the first time. The motive of his murder 
of his brother Abel* is his envy because 
Yahweh has preferred the sacrifice* of Abel; 
this shows the excellence of animal over 
vegetable sacrifice. He is condemned to the 
life of the nomad in the land of Nod*. Since 
the nomads are protected from attack only by 
the law of the avenger*, Yahweh makes 
upon Cain a sign, i.e., marks corresponding 
to the tattooing which identifies the clan of 
the nomad and shows that he is protected. 
A different legend makes Cain the builder 
of the first city, which he calls Enoch*, 
after the name of his son; the name means 
or plays upon the word "foundation." The 
name Cain also suggests that he once was 
identified as the inventor of metalworking, 
which in the traditions of Gn has passed to 
his descendant Tubal-cain* (Gn 4:22). These 
traditions of the invention of civilization with 
its arts and crafts have here been collected 
under the one line of the first murderer, and 
thus Hb tradition passed an unfavorable 
judgment upon the civilizations of Mesopo- 
tamia and Canaan, a judgment which is 
reflected elsewhere in the OT. Hb 11:4 finds 
Cain's radical vice to be a lack of faith. 
1 Jn 3:12 describes him as a child of the 
evil one. Heretics walk in the way of Cain 
(Jd 11). 

Calah (Hb kalah, Assyrian kalhu, meaning 
uncertain), in Hb tradition one of the cities 
built by Nimrod* (Gn 10:11). Calah was 
an Assyrian city situated on the left bank 
of the Tigris at the mouth of the upper 
Zab, about 20 mi S of Nineveh*. It is first 
mentioned under Shalmaneser I ( 1273— 
1244 bc), but fell into ruins in subsequent 
years. It was rebuilt by Ashur-nasir-pal II 
(883-859 bc) and remained the seat of the 
Assyrian king until Sennacherib (704- 
681 bc) removed his capital to Nineveh. 
Esarhaddon (680-669 bc) built a new pal- 
ace in Calah, but Ashur-bani-pal (668-626 
bc) again transferred the royal residence to 
Nineveh. His successor, Ashur-etil-ilani (625- 
621 bc) built a new palace at Calah which 
is notably smaller and poorer than the earlier 
palaces. Excavations of the mound of Nimrud 
by A. H. Layard (1845-1847) disclosed the 
palaces of Ashur-nasir-pal, Tiglath-pileser III 
and Esarhaddon. It is somewhat surprising 
that the city is mentioned only once in the 
OT. At Calah was discovered the Black 
Obelisk of Shalmaneser III, with a picture 
of the tribute brought by Jehu* of Israel. 

Excavations have been conducted by 
Mallowan since 1949. 

Caleb (Hb kaleb, "dog?"), the name klby 
occurs in Ugarit* and in Sidon*, written the 
same way as variant spelling of Chelubai, 
k e liibay, 1 Ch 2:9, an early Israelite hero 
whose name appears later as that of a clan. 
In Nm 13:6; 14:6, 30; 26:65; 32:12; Dt 
1:34 he is the son of Jephunneh of the 
tribe of Judah*, one of the 12 scouts sent 
to explore Canaan and the only one to bring 
a favorable report. For this reason he alone 
is spared the extinction threatened the others. 
He is one of the 12 appointed to apportion 
the land to the tribes (Nm 34:19). This is 
recalled in Jos 14:6 ff where Caleb receives 
Hebron as his portion; he evicted the three 
sons of Anak* (Jos 15:13 ff), and his 
nephew Othniel*, the son of Kenaz*, cap- 
tured Kirjath-sepher* (Jos 15: 16 ff; Jgs 
1:12 ff). In Jgs 1:10-11, however, the cap- 
ture is attributed to the tribe of Judah with 
no mention of Caleb; on the other hand, 
Jephunneh is called a Kenizzite* in Jos 
14:6, 14. The allotment of Hebron to Caleb 
in Jos 14:14; 15:13 explains how the 
Kenizzites come to have a portion in the 
tribe of Judah. In the genealogies of Ch 
Caleb is called the son of Hezron* of the 
tribe of Judah (1 Ch 2:9, 18) and there can 
scarcely be question of a different person; 
the territory described in 1 Ch 2:42-50, in 
which towns of southern Judah are reckoned 
as children of Caleb, is the territory of Caleb 
and the Kenizzites. But Caleb appears again 
as the son of Jephunneh in 1 Ch 4:15. There 
is no certain explanation of these confusing 
data; nor is it necessary to remove Caleb as 
an individual figure of tradition to explain 
them. The genealogy of Ch is obviously 
artificial, in which names of cities are ar- 
ranged under a clan name as "children" of 
the clan. The clan of Caleb in the genealogy 
is reckoned under the clan of Hezron, and 
it appears identical with the clan of the 
Kenizzites; on the origin of this clan cf 
kenizzites. The genealogical relationship is 
easily understood as representing the adop- 
tion of the clan of Caleb or the Kenizzites 
by the clan of Hezron, which made them 
members of the tribe of Judah. 

Calendar. The biblical calendar is based upon 
a solar year of 36514 days and a lunar 
month of 29 M; days. A satisfactory solution 
of the problem of the fractions was never 
reached in Israel or in Judaism. Twelve 
lunar months give a year of 354 days; the 
difference as well as the fraction of a day in 
a solar year were made up by intercalating 
a second month of Adar at the end of the 
year. There is no reference to the means by 




which this was computed. The month, 
yare n h, lit "moon," or hodes, lit "new moon" 
began with the new moon and ended with 
the following new moon. The phases of the 
moon were not calculated exactly, but the 
length of 29% days was known and the new 
moon could be expected. According to the 
Talmud the observation was made in Jeru- 
salem and transmitted through the country 
by signal fires; but the antiquity of this prac- 
tice is not attested. In early Israel the months 
were distinguished by number until the 
Canaanite names of the months were 
adopted, of which four appear in the OT. 
With the names the early Israelites probably 
adopted the Canaanite calendar in substance. 
After the exile in Babylon (587 bc) the 
Babylonian names of the months were 


■3 O 03 

1. Abib Nisan March- April 

2. Ziw Iyyar April-May 

3. Siwan May- June 

4. Tammuz June-July 

5. Ab July-August 

6. Elul August-September 

7. Ethanim Tishri September-October 

8. Bui Marheshwan October-November 

9. Kisleu November-December 

10. Tebet December-January 

11. Shebat January-February 

12. Adar February-March 

The OT exhibits two points for the beginning 
of the year. The Babylonian calendar and the 
Hb numeration of the months both begin in 
the spring with the 1st of Nisan. The feast 
of the new year*, however, was celebrated 
on the 1st of Tishri, the 7th month, in the 
autumn. Evidence is lacking to show the 
origin and the relationship of these two cal- 
culations. The Nisan new year is attributed 
to Moses (Ex 12:20), but it could easily 
have been traditional before the time of 
Moses, especially since the patriarchs were 
of Mesopotamian origin, and Canaan was 
under Mesopotamian cultural influence dur- 
ing much of the early 2nd millennium BC. 
Hence it appears likely that the autumn 
new year was of Israelite origin. 

Calneh, Calno. 1. Hb kalneh, one of the cities 
built by Nimrod* in the land of Shinar* 
(Gn 10:10). No such name is known in 
Mesopotamia, and W. F. Albright has 
shown that the name should be read kullaneh, 
"all of them." 2. A city mentioned with 
Hamath* and Gath* in Am 6:2, and prob- 
ably the same as Calno (Hb kalno) men- 
tioned with Carchemish*, Hamath*, and 

Arpad* among cities conquered by the As- 
syrians; hence a location in northern Syria 
is indicated. A city of Kullani in Syria is 
mentioned by Tiglath-pileser* III (745-727) 

Calvary. Cf golgotha. 

Camel. The camel is mentioned frequently 
in the OT as a beast of riding and of burden 
and as a form of wealth. W. F. Albright 
and others have presented very serious argu- 
ments to show that the camel was not 
domesticated before the Late Bronze Age 
and that the earliest historical mention of 
the camel in the OT is its appearance in the 
story of raids of the Midianites* on Israel 
(Jgs 6:5; 7:12; 8:21, 26). Consequently the 
camels included in the patriarchal stories 
must be regarded as anachronisms; they are 
found among the wealth of Abraham (Gn 
12:16) and Jacob (Gn 30:43; 32:8, 15) and 
of the Egyptians (Ex 9:3). They appear as 
riding animals and gifts (Gn 24; 31:17, 34) 
and in a caravan of traders (Gn 37:25). The 
camel was ritually unclean (Lv 11:4; Dt 
14:7). The absence of the camel in docu- 
ments and art from periods earlier than the 
Late Bronze Age is very telling against its 
use in the patriarchal period. After the Late 
Bronze Age the camel is possessed by no- 
madic tribes (1 S 15:3; 30:17) and by the 
men of Judah (1 S 27:9), and was part of 
the wealth of the queen of Sheba* (1 K 
10:2). A caravan of 40 camels appears in 
the stories of Elisha (2 K 8:9). The super- 
stitions of Jerusalem are compared to the 
lust of the she-camel ( Je 2:23 f ) . 

The camel mentioned in the OT is most 
probably the dromedary with one hump; 
this species was most easily acquired in 
Palestine and was the most common type 
elsewhere in the ancient Near East. The 
Bactrian camel with two humps was known; 
it appears in the tribute offered to Ashur- 
nasir-pal II of Assyria (ANEP 351, 353). 
Camels are employed in battle by Arabian 
tribesmen in sculptures of Tiglath-pileser III 
(ANEP 375) and Ashur-bani-pal (ANEP 
63) and are stabled in the Assyrian camp 
(ANEP 170). They are part of the booty 
of war (ANEP 187). A sculpture of the 
9th century from Tell Halaf represents a 
camel rider (ANEP 188). 

The camel represented a minor revolution 
in nomadic life- and commerce in the ancient 
Near East. It gave nomadic tribes much 
more mobility and permitted them to claim 
larger areas for their pastures. "The ship 
of the desert" made possible a much more 
rapid and wide exchange of goods between 
areas separated by the Syrian and Arabian 
deserts. Its skin served for the manufacture 




A desert scene. A modern cam#t caravan. 

of tent fabric and for human clothing 
(Elijah, John the Baptist). Its milk is es- 
teemed by nomads. It does not seem to 
have had a profound effect on the technique 
of ancient war. 

In the NT the camel is mentioned only 
in figures of speech: the camel which can- 
not pass through the eye of the needle (Ml 
19:24; Mk 10:25; Lk 18:25), and the camel 
which the Pharisees swallow while they 
strain out the gnat (Mt 23:24). The vio- 
lence of both figures led a number of critics 
to suspect that the original reading was Gk 
kamilos, cable (pronounced like kamelos, 
"camel," in later Gk). The MS evidence, how- 
ever, supports kamelos fully; and the violence 
of the metaphor is less in ancient Near East- 
ern speech than it would be in modern 
speech. Hyperbole is common in oriental 
languages. The figure of the camel passing 
through the eye of the needle expresses not 
difficulty but impossibility; and the figure 
of the camel which is swallowed is intended 
to affirm that no crime is too great for the 
Pharisees to tolerate if it can be in some way 

Camp. The encampment of modern nomadic 
tribes is set up at random in a cluster, and 
nothing indicates that the nomadic camps of 
OT times followed a more precise pattern. 
If there is danger of attack the Cents are 

grouped more closely in a circle. The Is- 
raelite camp described by the P source of 
the Pnt in Nm 2 is set up in a square around 
the tent of meeting with three tribes on 
each side; this schematic arrangement is an 
ideal created by the imagination of the 
priestly writer, but it is not without re- 
semblance to the formal arrangement of the 
fortified camp of the Roman legion, built 
in a square with two intersecting avenues. 
The Assyrian improvements in military 
technique probably included the arrangement 
and fortification of the camp, but it is not 
represented in their art. 

Cana (Gk kana, meaning uncertain), a town 
of Galilee; the scene of the wedding where 
Jesus changed water into wine (Jn 2:1-11), 
revisited by Jesus (Jn 4:46), the home of 
Nathanael* (Jn 21:2). The site is uncertain; 
tradition places Cana at Kefr Kenna, five 
mi NE of Nazareth, but many scholars be- 
lieve that Khirbet Qanah, nine mi N of 
Nazareth, is more probable. 

Canaan, Canaanite (Hb k'netan), the name 
of the land lying between Syria and Egypt 
in which the Israelites settled. The name 
occurs both in Egyptian and in cuneiform 
records during the 2nd millennium BC, The 
origin and meaning of the name are uncer- 
tain. Recently a connection with kinahhu 






h **W 




of the Nuzu* tablets has been suggested; 
there the word means purple wool, one of the 
most famous products of Canaan (cf Gk 
Phoenicia* photnix, "purple"), and mat 
kinahhi is taken to mean "land of purple 
wool." The etymology, however, could run in 
the opposite direction; purple wool would be 
a "product of Canaan," a phenomenon often 
observed in linguistic borrowings (Eng 
wiener, champagne, damask, calico). The 
boundaries of Canaan fluctuate in the dif- 
ferent sources. Cuneiform sources give no 
clear idea of what they meant by the term, 
preferring the designation Amurru (cf 
amorites) for the entire west, or mentioning 
particular regions or cities by name. In the 
Amarna* letters Amurru sometimes means 
Syria .N of Beirut; elsewhere in the let- 
ters, cities N of this line are called 
Canaan ite, and the term appears to signify 
the entire coast of Syria and Palestine and 
the hinterland as far as the Jordan. The 
name Amurru, consequently, is correspond- 
ingly restricted to the Lebanon* and Anti- 
Lebanon. The Egyptians used the name 
Canaanites exceptionally, preferring other 
names (Haru, Retenu). The population of 
Palestine and southern Phoenicia was 
Canaanite in the second half of the second 
millennium BC, and it is impossible at pres- 
ent to state when this people entered the 
country. The progressive depopulation of 
Palestine from 2300-2100 bc has no cer- 
tain explanation; it is clear that the 
Canaanites were forced S after 2000 bc 
by a barbarian invasion of non-Semitic 
hordes; cf hurrians, hyksos. After the 
Egyptian conquest of Palestine in the 15th 

century BC there was a further depopula- 
tion and lowering of the cultural level, which 
is attributed at least in part to the oppression 
and plundering of the Egyptian rulers. The 
Canaanites, thus weakened, were invaded 
not only by the Hebrews, but also by the 
Philistines* and Aramaeans*, and Canaanite 
civilization thereafter flourished in Phoeni- 
cia. The Canaanites in Israelite territory 
were either conquered or survived by treaty 
as distinct cities; in either case, the Canaanite 
population was absorbed by Israel in the 
course of time. 

In Hb folklore Canaan was the son of 
Ham* and the brother of Cush*, Egypt*, and 
Put* (Gn 9:18ff; 10; 6); this is an artificial 
arrangement, since the Canaanites were as 
much "Semites" as were the Hebrews. Both 
this notice and the curse of Noah on Ham 
(for whose name Canaan is substituted in 
Gn 9:25-27) reflect the Hebrew revulsion 
from Canaanite civilization and religion, just 
as the allusion to the slavery of Canaan 
reflects the position of the Canaanites as a 
subject people. Canaan begot Sidon* as his 
firstborn — a reference to the antiquity of 
Sidon, although it was not the oldest of the 
Phoenician cities (Gn 10:15); he was also 
the "father" of the other tribes mentioned as 
present in Canaan at the time of the Hebrew 
invasion. The Canaanites were scattered from 
Sidon to Gaza* and Sodom* (Gn 10:19); 
this does not correspond precisely to the 
boundaries of Canaan described above. The 
land of the Canaanites is called the seashore 
(Dt 1:7; Jos 5:1), as distinguished from the 
mountains of the Amorites, the valley of the 
Jordan, the hill-country, the Shephelah*, and 




the Lebanon. In Dt 11:30 (probably a 
gloss) the Canaanites live in the Jordan 
valley. In Nm 13:29 the Canaanites inhabit 
the seashore and the Jordan valley, while 
the Amorites, Hittites*, and Jebusites* in- 
habit the mountains; this division is not 
always followed. Canaanite enclaves in Is- 
raelite territory are mentioned expressly 
in Manasseh* (Jos 17:11 ff; Jgs 1:27), 
Ephraim*, Zebulun*, Asher*, Naphtali* 
(Jgs 1:28-33), and the assimilation of the 
two peoples is mentioned in Jgs 3:5. The 
Canaanite town of Gezer* did not pass into 
Israelite hands until the time of Solomon* 
(1 K 9:16). The use of "Canaanite" to 
mean "merchant" or "trader" (Jb 40:30; 
Pr 31:24; Is 23:8; probably also Ho 12:8; 
Zp 1:11) in later Hb literature indicates 
that merchandising was largely in the hands 
of the Canaanites during the Hb monarchy. 
The influence of the Canaanites upon the 
Hebrews in religion, culture, and other hu- 
man activities was incalculable and is noticed 
under separate articles. 

Candace (Gk kandake, from Ethiopic ken- 
teky), dynastic title of the queens of Ethi- 
opia*, probably Meroe in Nubia. A eunuch 
of the queen of Ethiopia was converted to 
Christianity by the deacon Philip* (AA 

Candle, Candlestick. A common Eng mis- 
translation of "lamp"*, "lampstand." Candles 
i.e., tapers of wax, tallow, etc., dipped or 
molded around a wick of thread, while 
known to the Etruscans and Romans, are 
not mentioned in the Bible. 

Canon (Gk kanon, Hb kaneh, "reed," used 
as an instrument of measure; hence measure 
or rule.) In its four appearances in the NT 
it means either a field of apostolic labor, an 
apportionment (2 Co 10:13-16) or a gen- 
eral statement of a point of doctrine (Gal 
6:16). In ecclesiastical usage the word came 
early to mean the rule of faith, i.e., the 
statement of Christian dogma, either entire 
or in some detail; thus the statements of 
councils were called canons. Disciplinary 
regulations of ecclesiastical authorities were 
also called canons, "rules" of life. The fixed 
part of the Mass, in contrast to the change- 
able parts which follow seasons and feasts, 
was called the canon. Canon also signifies 
a list or enumeration: and in this sense the 
canon of the Bible means the authoritative 
list of the books contained in the Bible. A 
book is canonical because it is inspired (cf 
inspiration); but the two words do not 
mean the same thing. An inspired book is 
a book written by God through the instru- 
mentality of a human author; a canonical 

book is a book recognized by the Church 
as inspired and proposed to the faithful as 
the word of God and a source of revealed 
doctrine. In Catholic belief the canonicity 
of the Bible is determined entirely by the 
tradition of the Church, which alone is em- 
powered, as the custodian of divine revela- 
tion, to determine the sacred books. Catholic 
belief differs here from Protestant belief, 
which determines canonicity by the capacity 
of the book to -communicate religious ex- 
perience, or by Jewish tradition and apostolic 
authorship. It is not possible to trace the 
earliest stages in the formation of the Catho- 
lic tradition of the canon; in general, it con- 
tains the OT as accepted by the apostles 
and the NT as a collection of apostolic 
writings, at least indirectly (Mark, Luke). 
The canonicity of the NT books, however, 
is independent of the question of their 
apostolic authorship. 

1. The Canon of the Old Testament. It is 
probably not correct to speak of a Jewish 
canon of the Bible before the Christian era, 
when controversy with the Christians made 
it necessary to determine a canon. That the 
Jews had a collection of sacred books be- 
fore the Christian era is evident. In the OT 
itself there are allusions to the writing and 
preservation of books or parts of books 
(Ex 17:14; 24:4; Nm 33:2; Dt 31:24ff: 
Jos 24:25 f; 1 S 10:25; Pr 25:1; Is 30:8; 
Je 36:2 ff). These passages, however, do not 
indicate the sacred character of the books. 
This is seen in Dn 9:2; 1 Mc 12:9; probably 
also in Ne 8:1 ff; 2 Mc 2:13-15. The extent 
of the collection is not entirely certain. Mod- 
ern Jews accept the canon as it is found in 
the Masoretic Hebrew text counting 24 books: 
(1) The Law: Gn, Ex, Lv, Nm, Dt. (2) 
The Prophets, divided into the former 
prophets: Jos, Jgs, 1-2 S, 1-2 K; and the 
latter prophets: Is, Je, Ezk, the 12 prophets 
counted as one book (Ho, Jl, Am, Ob, Mi, 
Jon, Na, Hab, Zp, Hg, Zc, Mai). (3) The 
Writings: 1-2 Ch, Ezr-Ne, Est, Rt, Pss, Pr, 
Jb, Lam, Ec, SS, Dn. The Alexandrian Gk 
translation made by Jews in the 3rd-2nd 
centuries BC (LXX; cf septuagint) contains 
in addition 1-2 Mc, Tb, Jdt, BS, WS, Bar, 
and some additional parts in Dn and Est 
(cf daniel; Esther). These books are called 
deuterocanonical. Both these collections are 
of Jewish origin and their relations are diffi- 
cult to trace. BS 44-50, "the praise of the 
fathers," written about 180 BC in Palestine, 
alludes to all the books of the Hb canon 
except Dn, Ezr, and Est; hence it may be 
suspected that these books were not in- 
cluded in the collection at this date. The 
Jewish historian Flavius Josephus, writing in 
ad 93, testifies to 22 sacred and divinely in- 
spired books, which are easily identified with 




the Hb canon; the books were sometimes 
numbered as 22 instead of 24 by counting 
Jgs-Rt and Je-Lam as single books, thus 
reaching a number identical with the number 
of letters in the Hb alphabet. Josephus also 
alludes to a rabbinical tradition that Ezra 
closed the canon of the Bible; this tradition, 
which is unfounded in fact, is probably an 
implicit attack on the Alexandrian collec- 
tion. Another rabbinical tradition attributes 
the definition of the canon to a synod at 
Jamnia in Palestine about 100 ad; but here 
also there is little reliable information on 
the activities of this synod. 

Both the Palestinian collection represented 
by the Hb text and the Alexandrian collec- 
tion represented by the Gk version almost 
certainly came from a gradual and unplanned 
development. The three divisions of Law, 
Prophets, and Writings may be taken to 
represent three stages in which the collection 
grew in that order; in the time of BS, for 
instance, the collection of the Writings was 
not yet complete. Neither the arrangement 
nor the order of the books in the Alexandrian 
collection follows the Hb collection; this sug- 
gests that the collection was still fluid both 
in arrangement and in content. Had there 
been a Palestinian "canon," it is difficult to 
see how the Alexandrian Jews, who followed 
the spiritual leadership of the Jerusalem 
rabbis, could have formed a different canon. 
The Samaritans, who seceded from the Jews 
some time after 400 bc, never accepted any 
book as sacred except the Law. In the NT 
we find Jesus and the apostles accepting, 
in common with the Jews, a collection of 
sacred books, and the titles used fit the three- 
fold division of the Hb books; but the con- 
tent of the collection cannot be determined 
from the NT. All the books of the Hb canon 
are quoted expressly except Ezr, Ne, Est, 
Rt, Ec, SS, Ob, Na. Of 350 quotations of 
the OT in the NT it is estimated that about 
300 are the same as the LXX, and that the 
LXX was the principal source of these quo- 
tations. No deuterocanonical book is quoted, 
although echoes and allusions are found to 
Mc, BS, WS. From the time of Paul on- 
wards there can be little doubt that the LXX, 
with the deuterocanonical books, was the 
OT of the apostolic church; it was probably 
adopted because Gk was the common lan- 
guage of the Mediterranean lands. This ac- 
ceptance of the sacred books as found in the 
LXX perseveres in all the ecclesiastical writers 
of the first three centuries AD except Melito 
of Sardis (+ about 193), who cites the Hb 
canon; the fact of a difference is mentioned 
by Origen (+ 254), who affirms the right 
of Christians to employ the deuterocanonical 
books, even though they are not accepted by 
the Jews. The same canon is found in all the 

official canons: the Cheltenham Canon, about 
350; the canons of Hippo (393), Carthage 
(397), and Innocent I (405), except the 
canon of Laodicea (360). 

Hence it is difficult to explain how some 
fathers in the 4th century returned to the 
Hb canon, explicitly rejecting the deutero- 
canonical books: Athanasius (+ 373), Cyril 
of Jerusalem (+ 386), Hilary of Poitiers 
(+366), Jerome (+420), Rufinus ( + 
410), Gregory of Nazianzen (+ 390). The 
root of this opinion is to be found in Jerome 
in his studies with Jews, and probably the 
same influence is to be sought in the others; 
it is also to be noted that the opinion ap- 
pears in the east and in Lt fathers who lived 
for long periods in the east. The authority 
of these fathers was so great that their 
opinion survived in learned circles until the 
16th century, although the council of Flor- 
ence (1441) set forth the Alexandrian canon. 
In the sessions of the Council of Trent some 
of the fathers wished the opinion of Jerome 
to be defined, or at least to qualify accept- 
ance of the deuterocanonical books in some 
way. The Reformers, in their campaign to 
return to the primitive faith, rejected the 
Alexandrian canon as a later addition and 
accepted only those books which are con- 
tained in the Hb text. Hence the Council of 
Trent made its first business the definition 
of the sources of revealed doctrine, and after 
some remarkably vigorous disputes proposed 
in its session of April 8, 1546, the books of 
the following canon of the OT, which it ac- 
cepted "with equal devotion and reverence": 

Five books of Moses, namely, Gn, Ex, Lv, 
Nm, Dt, followed by Jos, Jgs, 1-2 S, 1-2 K, 
1-2 Ch, Ezr-Ne, Tb, Jdt, Est, 1-2 Mc, Rt, 
Pss, Pr, Jb, Lam, Ec, SS, BS, WS, Is, Je, Ezk, 
Bar, Dn, Ho, Jl, Am, Ob, Mi, Jon, Na, Hab, 
Zp, Hg, Zc, Mai. 

The rejection of these books was con- 
demned as heretical, and thus the question 
was closed among Catholics. The reformed 
churches have adhered to the Jewish canon, 
although many modern Protestants admit the 
spiritual value of some of the deuterocanoni- 
cal books. 

2. The Canon of the New Testament. The 
collection of the books of the NT as sacred 
probably began with the preservation of the 
writings from apostolic circles; the apostles, 
as eyewitnesses of the life and teaching of 
Jesus and as those upon whom the Holy 
Spirit had descended in tongues of flame, 
were the legitimate successors of the prophets. 
It is remarkable that the beginnings of such 
a collection appear even in the 1st century. 
Quotations from NT books (usually implicit) 
are found in the writings of Clement of 
Rome (+ 100), Ignatius of Antioch ( + 
107), Polycarp of Smyrna (+ 156), the 




Shepherd of Hermits, written at Rome about 
140-155, and the anonymous Didache Apos- 
tolorum (Teaching of the Apostles), written 
80-100 in Syria or Palestine. After 150 the 
NT is quoted as Scripture, a sacred book of 
equal standing with the OT. But the earliest 
canon of the NT proceeds from a heretic, 
not from orthodox Christians. Marcion (about 
150) rejected the entire OT and of the NT 
accepted only an abbreviated Lk, Rm, 1-2 
Co, Gal, Eph, Col, 1-2 Th, Phi, Phm, This 
no doubt hastened the definition of an ortho- 
dox canon, which first appeared in the Mura- 
torian Fragment, written about 200. This 
fragment omits Heb, Js, 1—2 Pt. 

While there was never such a doubt about 
the NT canon as was expressed about the 
OT, local and personal doubts persisted about 
certain books, especially in the east, down 
to the 5th or 6th century; the books in ques- 
tion were Hcb, Js, 2 Pt, 2-3 Jn, Jd, Ape. 
Reasons for the doubts can be assigned in 
each case: Heb and 2 Pt because of differ- 
ences in style between these works and the 
works of Paul and 1 Pt (cf Hebrews, epis- 
tle to the; peter, epistles of); Js and Jd 

because some doctrinal difficulties were sus- 
pected; 2-3 Jn because the matter was 
thought to be trivia!; Ape because of its 
style and obscurity. The traditional canon 
was accepted with no other difficulty up to 
the 16th century. Erasmus and Cajetan, mis- 
led by spurious erudition, revived some of 
the ancient doubts. Luther and some other 
German reformers rejected Jd, Heb, Js, and 
Ape; Luther's objection to Js for teaching 
that faith without works is dead is well 
known. The other reformed churches, how- 
ever, did not dispute the canon, and the 
Lutherans returned to the traditional canon 
in the 17th century. The Council of Trent 
in the session of April 8, 1546, defined the 
following canon of the NT: 

Four Gospels: Mt, Mk, Lk, Jn; AA written 
by Lk; 14 epistles of St. Paul, i.e., Rm, 1-2 
Co, Gal, Eph, Phi, Col. 1-2 Th, 1-2 Tm, 
Tt, Phm, Heb; 1-2 Pt, 1-2-3 Jn, Js, Jd, 
Ape of John the Apostle. 

Capernaum (Gk kapharnaum, Aramaic k c par 
nahftm, meaning uncertain), a town of Gali- 
lee, identified with the modern Tell Hum 

^^^■■ffflB ' 

f&^K^SZ Rt >' ■ T 1 Sr*r\ ! *tT*T s^) - i 

ffc ^ttfcii--' 

■ '^vnW'flf 1 '** 

i* — 

' ■ ^^Ht 

T*^.-^ ^ 

a) tfuins Of synagogue at 

b) Roman columns at 




on the N shore of the Sea of Galilee W 
of the Jordan. The site lies 23 mi from 
Nazareth. In the Synoptic Gospels Caper- 
naum is the center of the activity of Jesus 
in Galilee; Mt 4:13 states that He estab- 
lished His own residence there, and in Mt 
9:1 Capernaum is called "his own city." 
Jesus began His public ministry by teaching 
in the synagogue of Capernaum on the 
Sabbath (Mk 1:21; Lk 4:31). Capernaum 
was the scene of the healing of the centurion's 
servant (Mt 8:5-13; Lk 7:1-10), the heal- 
ing of the man with the palsy (Mk 2:1-12), 
of the payment of the temple tax (Mt 17: 
24-27) and the discussion of the disciples 
and the accompanying saying of Jesus about 
who is the greatest (Mk 9:33-37). Most 
of the incidents and discourses of the first 
part of the Synoptic Gospels occurred in or 
near Capernaum, although the name of the 
city often is not mentioned. The wonders 
Jesus worked at Capernaum were referred 
to by the men of Nazareth (Lk 4:23). 
Capernaum was among the Galilean towns 
which Jesus cursed for their unbelief (Mt 
11:23; Lk 10:15). 

As the Galilean ministry is less prominent 
in Jn, Capernaum is mentioned less fre- 
quently. In Jn's account Jesus went to Caper- 
naum from Cana* (Jn 2:12) for a sojourn 
of a few days. On His return from Jeru- 
salem He healed the ruler's son of Caper- 
naum without entering the city (Jn 4:46- 
54). Jn alludes to the teaching of Jesus in 
the synagogue of Capernaum (Jn 6:59) and 
locates the miracle of the multiplication across 
the lake from Capernaum (Jn 6:17, 24). 

The site has not been thoroughly exca- 
vated and it is not known how far back 
the occupation goes. The remains of a syna- 
gogue at Tell Hum were excavated by the 
Franciscans after the first World War; but 
the synagogue was built no earlier than 200 
ad. It is possible that it was constructed on 
the foundations of the synagogue which 
existed there in the 1st century. 

Caph. The 11th letter of the Hb alphabet, 
with the value of k. 

Caphtor (Hb kaptor, meaning uncertain), the 
original home of the Philistines* (Am 9:7); 
the Philistines are the "remnant of Caphtor" 
in later times (Je 47:4). The Caphtorim 
were a "son" of Egypt (Gn 10:14; 1 Ch 
1:12), and from them came the Philistines. 
The Caphtorim occupied the territory of the 
Awwim (Dt 2:23); they must be identical 
with the Philistines. The LXX rendered 
Caphtor as Cappadocia*; in modern times 
Crete* and the coast of Cilicia* have been 
suggested, but there are serious difficulties 
against both. It may be regarded as certain 

that Caphtor is to be found in the Aegean 

Cappadocia (Gk kappadokia), in LXX er- 
roneously renders Caphtor*; a region of Asia 
Minor N of the Taurus and east of the 
Halys. It was a part of the kingdom of 
Pontus until it was established as a Roman 
province in ad 17. Jews from Cappadocia 
were present in Jerusalem at Pentecost 
(AA 2:9), and Christians of Cappadocia 
are addressed in 1 Pt 1:1. 

Captain. In Eng versions used to translate 
several Hb or Gk words representing army* 
officers in all degrees from commander in 
chief to leader of a small company. Cf cen- 
turion; legion. 

Captivity. Cf exile. 

Carchemish (Hb kark e mis, Akkadian Gar- 
gamish), modern Jerablus; a city on the 
right bank of the Euphrates about 65 mi 
NE of Aleppo. It was an extremely im- 
portant military and commercial center; the 
trade routes from Assyria passed through 
Carchemish to Asia Minor in the north and 
to Phoenicia on the south. It was one of 
the strong points of the Hittite* empire; ex- 
cavations conducted by the British Museum 
1912-1914 disclosed that its culture remained 
distinctly Hittite from the 11th to the 9th 
centuries, after which it yielded to Ara- 
maean* influence. The Hittite hieroglyphs 
of the site are being deciphered. It is men- 
tioned often in both Egyptian and Meso- 
potamian historical records. It was con- 
quered by Sargon* of Assyria in 717 bc 
and reduced from a vassal state to an As- 
syrian province (alluded to in Is 10:9). It 
was the scene of a decisive battle in 605 bc 
between the Babylonians under Nebuchad- 
nezzar* and the Egyptians under Necho* 
(alluded to in 2 Ch 35:20) for the control 
of the Assyrian empire. Necho, who had 
marched to aid the Assyrians in their last 
stand, was defeated and the way was opened 
for Nebuchadnezzar to conquer all of Syria 
and Palestine, including the kingdom of 

Cannel (Hb karmel, "orchard"). 1. A town 
of Judah (Jos 15:55), identified with the 
modern el Kirmil about 8 mi S of Hebron. 
It appears as the home of Nabal* and Abi- 
gail* (1 S 25:2 ff; 27:3; 30:5; 2 S 2:2; 
3:3; 1 Ch 3:1) and of David's hero Hezro 
(2 S 23:35; 1 Ch 11:37), and was one of 
the points passed by Saul in his campaign 
against the Amalekites* (1 S 15:12). 

2. A mountain on the border of Asher 
(Jos 19:26); the town of Jokneam lay at 




its foot on the SW (Jos 12:22). Mt Carmel 
is a promontory which terminates the cen- 
tral range of Palestine, from which it is 
interrupted by the pass of Megiddo*. From 
the pass Carmel extends NNW to within 
200 yards of the Mediterranean, making it 
possible for the road along the sea to be 
closed by a very small force; for this reason 
the principal route in ancient times traversed 
the pass of Megiddo? To the N of Carmel 
lies the Bay of Acre; the modern city 
of Haifa is built at the foot of Carmel on 

a) Mount Cormel. 

b) Summit of Mount 

the bay. Carmel rises to a height of less 
than 2000 ft, but it ascends steeply from 
the sea and the surrounding country and 
thus is prominent in appearance and difficult 
of access. In ancient times it was not in- 
tensively occupied; the several levels of pre- 
historic occupation found there would indi- 
cate a larger population in the Stone Age 
than in historic times. At present Carmel 
is covered with heavy thickets; the OT al- 
ludes several times to its covering of forests 
(Is 33:9; 35:2; Am 1:2; Na 1:4) as weli 




as to its height and prominence (Je 46:18; 
Am 9:3); the head of the beloved is com- 
pared to Carmel (SS 7:6). It is called a 
rich land in Je 50:19. Carmel was the scene 
of the ordeal of Elijah and the priests of 
the Baal (1 K 18:19 f, 42); the election 
of this spot suggests the presence of a sanctu- 
ary of the Baal on the mountain. Carmel 
seems to have been at least an occasional 
residence of Elisha* (2 K 2:25; 4:25), and 
was possibly a center of the associations of 
the prophets*. 

Carnaim (Hh karnayim, "horns"), a town 
in Bashan*, the scene of the defeat of 
Timotheus* by Judas* (1 Mc 5:26, 43 f; 
2 Mc 12:21; Carnion in 2 Mc). The site 
is probably Sheikh Saad, E of the Sea of 
Galilee and a few miles from Ashtaroth*. 
The name is combined with Ashtaroth in 
Ashtaroth-Carnaim (Gn 14:5). 

Carpenter. Simple wood* work was done 
before the invention of metal tools. In Egypt 
metal tools appeared in the late predynastic 
period and are easily recognized in tomb 
painting: adze, axe, chisel, saw, drills, mal- 
lets. In Mesopotamia the crafts were usually 
hereditary and were formed into guilds; the 
trade was learned in groups which served 
their apprenticeship under a master. In both 
Egypt and Mesopotamia wood carving and 
joining reached a high degree of skill. Among 


mentions measuring-line, plane, and compass. 
Metal saws were rare even as late as the 
Iron Age; flint saws were found belonging 
to this period. ' Egypt, Mesopotamia, and 
Palestine are all poor in wood apt for con- 
struction; on its use cf wood. Joseph, the 
husband of Mary, was a carpenter (Mt 
13:55) and Jesus pursued the trade before 
He began to preach (Mk 6:3). 

Carpus (Gk karpos), a Christian of Troas*, 
with whom Paul left his cloak (2 Tm 

Cart. Two-wheeled and four-wheeled carts 
were in use in Mesopotamia as early as 
the Sumerian* period. The early carts ap- 
pear with solid disk wooden wheels; the 
Assyrian carts had wheels with spokes. They 
were drawn by oxen, asses, or mules. The 
chariot* was a more common wheeled 
vehicle; carts were used for the transporta- 
tion of people or of goods too bulky for 
beasts of burden. On ancient roads beasts 
of burden or porters could transport goods 
more conveniently and quickly. Carts are 
sometimes represented with covered bodies. 
Galling believes the Israelites learned their 
use from the Philistines, who employed a 
cart to transport the ark (1 S 6:7 ff) as 
David did to bring it to Jerusalem (2 S 
6:3ft"; 1 Ch 13:7). Otherwise the cart is 
mentioned rarely in the OT (Gn 45:19ff; 
46:5; Nm 7:3 ff; Is 28:27 f; 5:18; 66:20; 
Am 2:13). 

Castor and Pollux. Two heroes of Gk mythol- 
ogy, the dioskouroi or "twins" on the figure- 
head of the ship which took Paul from 
Malta* to Puteoli* (AA 28:11). They were 
both sons of Leda: Castor by her husband 
Tyndareus, king of Sparta, and Pollux by 
Zeus. When Castor was killed, Pollux was 
offered immortality by Zeus, but he would 
not accept it unless he could share it on 
alternate days with his brother. 

Catholic Epistles. Cf james; john, epistles; 
jude; peter, epistles. 

the Israelites before the monarchy the craft 
was not so highly developed; David* ob- 
tained carpenters for his building projects 
from Hiram* of Tyre* (2 S 5:11). They 
appear in the time of Jehoash* of Judah 
(837-800) and of Jehoiakin* (-598), prob- 
ably organized in guilds. The carpenter's 
tools have been found in excavations: axe, 
saw, chisel, hammer, drills, nails; Is 44:13 

Cave. The limestone hills of Palestine are 
full of caves, sometimes quite large, and 
the Bible has numerous reference to their 
use as temporary or even permanent shelters 
(Gn 19:30; Jos 10:16; Jgs 6:2; 1 S 13:6; 
22:1; 24:3; 2 Mc 6:11+). They were a 
refuge for fugitives from war or from the 
law. They were also used as shelters for 
cattle, and tradition has long placed the 
birth of Jesus in such a cave near Beth- 
lehem*. The Qumran* Scrolls were discovered 
in a cave; later exploration revealed the 
Qumran sectaries used an entire series of 




caves in the Tegion. Caves either natural 
or artificially enlarged were used for burial*. 
Explorations of caves have disclosed their 
use by prehistoric man possibly as much 
as 100,000 years ago. 

Cedar. The 400 or so cedars which are 
carefully preserved on the slopes of Lebanon 1 ' 
are a pitiful remnant of the forests which 
covered those slopes in pre-Christian times 
and furnished essential material for the tem- 
ples and palaces of the ancient world. The 
cedrus libani, the cedar of Lebanon, is now 
found at an altitude of 6,000 ft. It grows 
to a height of 60-70 ft, and specimens in 
the Taurus range attain a height of 100 ft; 
in ancient times this height, mentioned in 
an Egyptian record, was perhaps exceeded. 
Its trunk reaches 40 ft in circumference, and 
the horizontal width of its branches ap- 
proaches the height of the tree. Its cones 
are 3—5 in. in length. Its aromatic wood 
is adapted to all kinds of working, and it 
was the only tree in the ancient world which 
could furnish beams and joists for large 
buildings. Its use for masts (Ezk 27:5) is 
questioned by some scholars. Cedar im- 
ported from Lebanon was used in Egypt 
in the predynastic period. It was felled and 
seasoned in the mountains; the logs were 
lashed into rafts and floated down the coast 
from the Phoenician cities to the Nile. Al- 
lusions to the acquisition of cedar are fre- 
quent in the records of the conquering 
Pharaohs of the 18th dynasty. The "cedar 
mountain," as Lebanon was called by Baby- 

lonians and Assyrians, was reached by Sar- 
gon (about 2350 bc) and cedar was im- 
ported at least as early as Ur-nammu (about 
2050 bc). The transportation, which was 
at least partly overland, must have been 
extremely difficult. It is mentioned often 
in Assyrian records as gained by tribute 
or conquest. The Israelite poet makes the 
cedars rejoice at the fall of the Mesopotamian 
conqueror (Is 14:8; 37:24). David was 
the first Israelite ruler to import it from 
Hiram* of Tyre* (2 S 5:11), although it 
was known before that time. Solomon im- 
ported it for his palace and temple; it was 
floated down the coast in rafts (1 K 5:6 flf). 
There was no one in Israel who knew how 
to cut timber like the Sidonians (1 K 5:6 ff). 
The temple was built with cedar beams 
and cedar paneling ( 1 K 5:24; 6:9 f, 
15 f). It was an exaggeration of popu- 
lar tradition that cedar in Solomon's times 
was as common as the native sycamore ( 1 K 
10:27). It was a sign of luxury in Jehoiakim* 
which Jeremiah reproved that he wished 
to outdo others in building with cedar (Je 
22:14 f), and of the vanity of the men of 
Samaria* that they thought they could re- 
place sycamore with cedar after the catas- 
trophe of the Assyrian conquest of 734 (Is 
9:9). The cedar is a biblical symbol of pride 
(Is 2:13; Ezk 31:3; Zc 11:2), of strength 
(2 K 14:9; Ps 29:5; Am 2:9), of security 
and prosperity (Nm 24:6; Je 22:23). 
Ezekiei in a protracted figure describes the 
royal house of Judah as a mighty cedar 
(Ezk 17:3 fF), of which Jehoiachin is a 



A cedar grove on Ml. Lebanon. 


twig transplanted. The righteous will flourish 
like the cedar of Lebanon (Ps 92:13). 

Cenchreae (Gk kegchreai), the port city of 
Corinth* on the Saronic Gulf, about 7 mi 
from Corinth. Paul took a ship from there 
to Ephesus* and had his hair cut because 
of a Nazirite* vow (AA 18:18). It was 
the home of the deaconess Phoebe* (Rm 

Cendebaeus (Gk kendebaios), appointed 
commander of the Phoenician and Palestinian 
coast by Antiochus* VII Sidetes (138-129 
bc). He raided Jewish towns and villages 
until he was routed by an army under Judas 
and John Hyrcanus (1 Mc 15:38 ff). Cf 


Censer (Hb mahtah), a fire pan or fire 
holder in which hot coals were contained 
on which incense* was sprinkled (Lv 10:1; 
16:12). Their form and appearance cannot 
be reconstructed; it must have been a pan 
or bowl with a handle. They were made 
of bronze* (Ex 27:3); the censers of Solo- 
mon's temple were made of gold* (1 K 
7:50) and are mentioned among the plunder 
taken by the Babylonians in 587 bc (2 K 

Census. The enumeration of citizens and 
surveys of land are an ancient function of 
government. Land surveys were made in 
Egypt in the Old Kingdom. The records 
of Mari*, Ugarit*. and Alalakh all contain 
census lists, and it is easily assumed that 
the practice was general in the organized 
societies of the ancient Near East. The pur- 
pose of the census in ancient as in modern 
times was to establish a basis for the levying 
of taxes and for military service; it was a 
counting of the national resources. 

The only census mentioned in Israel 
is the census undertaken by David (2 S 24; 
1 Ch 21). This is generally thought to have 
been the first; whether it was the first or not, 
the narrative of the census certainly shows 
the popular idea of the census as a challenge 
of the deity, an expression of pride which 
is punished. The purpose of the census was 
no doubt the same as for other censuses; 
in addition, one of the purposes in Israel 
was very probably to determine the basis 
for assignment of forced labor for the king. 
W. F. Albright proposed that the census 
lists in Nm 1 and 26 represent the census 
lists of David. G. E. Mendenhall more re- 
cently has suggested that they belong to the 
early period of the .tribal confederation of 
Israel*. Cf thousand. 

The census of Lk 2:1 is described as a 
census of the whole world (i.e., of the Roman 


dominions) made at the command of Augus- 
tus. This universal census is otherwise un- 
known to history and there are serious 
reasons for doubting that Lk here reports 
a historical fact. The Monumentum Ancy- 
ranum, an inscription of Augustus, mentions 
three censuses of Roman citizens: 28 bc, 
8 bc, and- ad 14. The second of these would 
suit the date, but it cannot have been taken 
in Palestine; for it was a census of Roman 
citizens, and Palestine at that time was 
the kingdom of Herod the Great and not 
under Roman administration. Any census 
taken at this date would have been a census 
of Herod. The census is associated by Lk 
2:1 with Quirinius, legate of Syria; in 
addition to the fact that Palestine was not 
in the province of Syria at this time, the 
census taken under Quirinius is dated by 
Josephus in ad 6-7. Outside of the difficulty 
of supposing a Roman census in a technically 
non-Roman territory, it is not unlikely that 
a provincial census like that of ad 6—7 may 
have occurred which is not mentioned else- 
where. Egyptian papyri suggest that a cen- 
sus was taken in Egypt every 14 years 
from 6-5 bc; but Egypt was a Roman prov- 
ince after 30 bc. Tertullian in the 2nd cen- 
tury mentions a census taken in Syria under 
the administration of Sentius Saturninus, 
8-6 bc; this was the general census men- 
tioned on the Monumentum Ancyranum. 
Tertullian, however, may from apologetic 
motives be extending this census to an area 
which was not included in it. It is further- 
more striking that the Roman method of 
enumeration is not described in Lk; the 
Roman census enumerated the head of the 
family at his place of residence and did not 
enumerate his wife. The enumeration of a 
man and his wife in his birthplace is at- 
tested for Egypt under Augustus, and it is 
not impossible that it was used in Palestine 

It is therefore difficult to accept many 
of the postulates demanded by the census 
as Lk describes it; it is not impossible, but 
a solution which is based on the type of 
literature found in the Infancy* Gospels 
should not be neglected. These passages 
contain more midrash* than the other por- 
tions of the Gospels. Here Lk or his sources 
can be understood as a construction based 
on the compilation of some elements known 
but not accurately recorded and other ele- 
ments which are midrashic reflections on 
these known but not verified facts. The 
sources knew of the universal census of 
Augustus and the Syrian census of Quirinius, 
but from incomplete recollection the two 
were conflated into one. This one becomes 
the order of the king of all the world which 
brings it about that the messianic king of 




all the world, the son of David, is born in 
Bethlehem, the city of David. 

Centurion (Lt centurio, Gk kenturion or 
hekatontarches) , literally officer over 100 
{centum) men; cf legion. Small local posts 
were usually commanded by a centurion. It 
is interesting to note that each of these Roman 
professional soldiers who is mentioned in 
the NT appears as an honest and kindly man. 
The centurion who commanded the squad 
which executed Jesus confessed that He 
was the Son of God (Mt 27:54) and in- 
nocent of the charges (Lk 23:47). The 
unusual humanity of the centurion of Caper- 
naum (Mt 8:5 ff; Lk 7:2 ft") is evident from 
his care for his sick slave, whom he asked 
Jesus to cure, as well as by his friendly rela- 
tions with the Jews, for whom he had 
built a synagogue. Of him Jesus said that 
He had not found such faith in Israel, be- 
cause he knew that Jesus could effect the 
cure by a word alone without a personal 
visit; and the Church employs his profession 
of humility daily when the Eucharist is 
received. Cornelius*, the centurion stationed 
at Joppa*, was converted by Peter (AA 
10:1 ff). One centurion helped to save Paul 
from a scourging (AA 22:25 ff), and another 
to save him from a Jewish plot to murder 
him (AA 23:17 ff), and Paul was taken to 
Rome in the custody of the centurion Julius* 
(AA 27:1 ff). 

Cephas (Aramaic kepa, "the rock"), the 
nickname given to Simon* by Jesus, but 
found in the Gospels only in Jn 1:2: else- 
where it appears in its Gk equivalent petros, 
Peter*. It is somewhat remarkable that Paul 
uses the Aramaic name eight out of ten times 
(all in 1 Co and Gal) and the Gk twice. 
This doubtless represents the most primitive 
usage; by the time the Gospels were written 
the Gk had displaced the Aramaic name. 

Chaff. Husks and straw; in Palestinian thresh- 
ing* the chaff was thrown into the air to 
be blown away by the wind. Chaff or straw 
thus blown away or consumed by flame is 
a common biblical metaphor for the sudden 
destruction of the wicked (Ex 15:7; Pss 1:4; 
35:5; Jb 13:25; 21:18; Is 5:24; 17:13; 29:5; 
33:11; 40:24; 41:2; Ho 13:3; Zp 2:2). 

Chain. Chains as neck ornament were worn 
by both men and women, especially as a 
badge of rank or office (Gn 41 :42; Dn 5:7). 
They were strung with precious stones, espe- 
cially pearls (SS 1:10), metal spheres (Ex 
35:22), and sometimes carried amulets* (Pr 
1:9). Ornate neck chains were very popular 
in Egypt. 

Chaldeans (Hb kasd'un, Akkadian kaldu, 
meaning uncertain), a Semitic tribe con- 
nected with the Aramaeans. Their invasion 
of southern Babylonia from the 10th-8th 
centuries BC was contemporary with the 
Aramaean invasion of Syria. In Babylonia 
they established a number of states which 
resisted extinction and assimilation during the 
Assyrian conquests of the 8th— 7th centuries, 
and under the dynasty of Nabopolassar and 
Nebuchadnezzar* destroyed the Assyrian em- 
pire (625-609 bc) and succeeded to its rule 
over Mesopotamia and Syria. The Chaldean 
empire in turn fell to Cyrus* of Persia* in 
539 bc. Cf Assyria; babylonia. The advances 
of Babylonia in astronomical observation and 
astrology led to the use of the word Chaldean 
to designate astrologer in classical Gk and 
Lt writers; this usage is reflected in Dn 2:2 ff; 
5:11. On Ur of the Chaldees cf ur. 

Chariot. The chariot drawn by the horse* 
was introduced into Mesopotamia, Egypt. 
and Syria by the Hyksos* 1700-1500 bc. 
It immediately became popular as an instru- 
ment of war*. The possession of a chariot 
was limited to the king and the wealthy, 
and the chariot corps of the armies was 
formed by the aristocracy. The chariot was 
also used as a vehicle: Ashur-bani-pal of 
Assyria is represented in a chariot shaded 
by a parasol. Assyrian kings hunted from 
chariots (cf hunting). The railing of the 
carriage was rounded in both Egypt and 
Assyria, and the rear corners were rounded 
off in Egypt. The width of the axle was 
about 44-45 in. The rear edge of the car- 
riage rested upon the axle. The wheels were, 
after an earlier four-spoke model in Egypt, 
built with six spokes in both Egypt and 
Assyria; after 800 rc the Assyrians used 
eight-spoke wheels. Both wheels and carriages 
in Egyptian chariots are represented as of 
lighter construction and were presumably 
more rapid. They were made of wood, 
and very little has survived. The chariot 
was usually drawn by two horses; one, three 
or four were exceptional, although it is not 
always possible to determine how many 
horses the artist intended to represent. In 
Egypt the chariot carried two men, the 
charioteer and the combat soldier, who is 
usually represented in both Egypt and As- 
syria as an archer. The crew rode standing. 
One man is sometimes represented with the 
reins tied around his waist. The Pharaoh 
always appears alone in the chariot, prob- 
ably from artistic convention which would 
not show him receiving assistance; but the 
title "king's charioteer" designated a high 
ranking office in Egypt. The Hittites and 
after them the Assyrians had a complement 
of three men, adding a shield bearer. "King's 





^f ... If I 


ji^£ o) Asiyrlon wor chorions 
with four men: a driver. 


ran archer, and fw 
shield beorers, b) 

chorioJ of Ashur-bant- 
I with canopy. 

charioteer" and "king's satis,'' (lit "third 
man") designated high offices in Assyria. 
The chariots moved in ranks and units ac- 
cording to tactics; the single combat of 
Homer's heroes does not appear. The chariots 
of the Homeric period did not differ from 
those used in Egypt and Assyria. The Greeks 
shunned chariot warfare in the 6th-4th cen- 
turies, either because infantry tactics and 
the rise of cavalry had made them obsolete, 
or because, in the opinion of some scholars, 
the decline of the aristocracy removed the 
class which supported the chariot corps. 
They took up chariots in the 4th century, 
probably under Persian influence. The Per- 
sians also equipped the chariot wheels with 
scythes; these clumsy vehicles were more 
alarming in appearance than effective in 
battle. Chariots were used by the Seleucid* 
armies in the Maccabean* wars. The Ro- 
mans used chariots for transportation and 
racing, but not in war. 

The Hebrews adopted the chariot under 
Solomon; the word sails shows that they 
used a complement of three men (2 K 7:2, 
17, 19; 10:25; 15:25). Its adoption aroused 
no small opposition from circles which re- 
garded it as a form of luxury and vanity. 
Possibly it was resented because of its con- 
nection with a wealthy aristocracy. The "iron 
chariots" of the Canaanites inspired fear 
in the early Hehrews (Jos 17:16-18; Jgs 
4:3 ff); but the Hebrews learned the tactics 
to defeat them, and Sisera* lost the battle 
of Tabor" because his chariots were mired 

down by a heavy rain (Jgs 5:20 f). Their 
success against the Canaanites may have 
contributed to the Hebrew reluctance to em- 
ploy this weapon; at least once it is re- 
ported that they hamstrung the horses they 
captured (Jos 11:9). The Philistines*, how- 
ever, used them against the Hebrews success- 
fully {1 S 13:5). Nevertheless, David* ham- 
strung the horses which he captured from 
the Philistines, except 100 (2 S 8:4). The 
first item mentioned in Samuel's indictment 
of kingship is that the king will have chariots 
(1 S 8:11). It was a sign of vanity and 
royal ambition in both Absalom* (2 S 15:1) 
and Adonijah* (1 K 1:5) when they began 
to ride in a chariot. Nevertheless, Solomon 
had 1400 chariots stationed in chariot cities 
(1 K 10:26); one of these cities was 
Megiddo*, where stables for 450 horses have 
been discovered. Large chariot forces were 
maintained by the kings of Israel; Ahab's 
contingent of 2000 chariots was the largest 
among those listed in the records of Shal- 
maneSer III at the battle of Karkar in 
853 bc. Deuteronomy warns the king not 
to acquire many horses (17:16). In Judab 
in the time of Isaiah there were chariots 
without end (2:7). He rebukes confidence 
in chariots rather than in Yahweh (30:16; 
31:1), a rebuke almost identical with 
the mockery of the Assyrian ambassador 
(36:8-9). It was not unworthy of Yahweh, 
however, to ride in a chariot (cf theqphany). 
It was not common in Palestine in NT times 
and is not mentioned except in AA 8:28 ff, 




where its owner is not a Jew but an 

Charisma. Cf grace; spirit. 

Charity. Cf love. 

Chebar. The "river" by which Ezekiel* had 
his visions (1:3; 3:15; 10:15; 43:3) was a 
canal, called "river" in Akkadian. A canal 
naru kabari which paralleled the Euphrates* 
from Babylon* to Erech* is mentioned in 
contract tablets from 443-424 bc. 

Chedorlaomer (Hb k e dorlfromer) , king of 
Elam*, one of the four kings who invaded 
Canaan in the time of Abraham* (Gn 
14:1 ff). While the component -lagamar is 
the name of an Elamite deity, no Kudur- 
lagamar is mentioned among the 40 kings 
of Elam 2100-1100 bc whose names are 
known. W. F. Albright proposes that the 
Hb form be explained as arising from Elam- 
ite Kutur-Nahhunte (about 1625-1610 bc). 
This king sacked the temples and land of 
Akkad and carried off the statue of the 
goddess Nana to Elam. The expedition of 
Gn 14 represents Chedorlaomer as the chief 
of the allied kings and thus reflects the 
situation of the 2nd half of the 17th cen- 
tury BC when Amorite* power in Babylon 
was declining, and the name of the Elamite 
king may be preserved in incorrect tran- 
scription. The obscurities of the situation, in 
particular of the names of the other kings 
(cf separate articles), do not permit a precise 

Chemosh (Hb k e mos, meaning unknown), 
god of the Moabites. Moab* is called the 
people of Chemosh (Nm 21:29; Je 48:46; 
cf also Je 48:7, 13). He was one of the 
gods worshiped by Solomon* (1 K 11:7, 
33) ; his high place* was destroyed by Josiah* 
(2 K 23:13). In the speech of Jephthah* 
Chemosh has given Moab its land, as Yah- 
weh has given its land to Israel (Jgs 11:24). 
In the Moabite stone of Mesha* Moab was 
defeated by Israel because Chemosh was 
angry with his land. Mesha attacked Israel 
at the behest of Chemosh, who expelled the 
king of Israel. In his honor Mesha slew the 
entire population of a city (cf ban). He 
built the high place of Qarhoh in honor of 
Chemosh. Nothing is known of his character; 
Akkadian kamiish, a title of Nergal, sug- 
gests a possible relationship. Ashtar-Chemosh, 
mentioned in the Moabite stone, is probably 
a female consort; but it may also be a title 
of Chemosh. 

Cherethites and Pelethites (Hb k e reti, pHett), 
mentioned together seven times, Cherethites 

alone three times. The identity of these two 
groups with the Philistines* or groups of 
the Philistines is clear — pHett is easily as- 
sumed to be a variant form of the name 
more commonly called p e listi in Hb; k'reti 
is less easily identified with Crete*, Caphtor* 
in Hb. Caria has been suggested. The hero 
Keret of the Ugaritic* myth complicates the 
question. The Cherethites inhabited a part 
of the Negeb* adjacent to the Negeb of 
Judah* (1 S 30:14). In Ezk 25:16 and Zp 
2:5 the context shows that they are regarded 
as identical with the Philistines. Elsewhere 
the two names occur together (2 S 8:18; 
15:18; 20:7; 1 K 1:38, 44; 1 Ch 18:17); 
in all these passages they appear as the 
royal guard of David under the command 
of Benaiah*. They accompany David on his 
flight from Absalom, take part in the action 
against the revolt of Sheba*, and at the com- 
mand of David are present at the installa- 
tion of Solomon as king. It is evident that 
they are foreign soldiers, presumably pro- 
fessional, immediately attached to the person 
of the king, and their duty is as much to 
protect him against his own subjects as to 
fight his battles against external foes. 

Cherith (Hb k e rit, meaning uncertain), a 
seasonal stream (Arabic wadi) E of the 
Jordan, where Elijah lived during the three 
years' drought and was fed by ravens (1 K 
17:3, 5). Abel suggests the Wadi Yabis. 

Cherub (Hb k e rub, pi k c rubtm, etymology 
uncertain). Cherubs, armed with a "flaming 
whirling sword," were stationed at the en- 
trance to the garden of Eden* to keep man 
from returning there (Gn 3:24). Two cherubs 
of gold were built upon the ark* of the 
covenant, facing each other with their wings 
spread out over the mercy-seat; "between 
the cherubs" was the place where Yahweh 
spoke to Israel (Ex 25:10-22; 37:7-9; 
cf Nm 7:89). The cherubs of the temple 
of Solomon were 10 cubits (about 15 ft) 
in height with a wingspread of 10 cubits, 
so that the wings of the two cherubs spread 
from wall to wall of the Holy of Holies 
(1 K 6:23 ff); they were made of olive 
wood overlaid with gold. Cherubs were also 
carved in the paneling of the walls (IK 6:29, 
32, 35; 7:36). Yahweh is enthroned upon 
the cherubs (1 S 4:4; 2 S 6:2; 2 K 19:15; 
1 Ch 13:6; Pss 80:2; 99:1; Is 37:16). This 
refers primarily to the cherubs of the ark, 
which was conceived as the throne upon which 
Yahweh stood invisibly; the latent symbolism 
is more explicit in Ps 18 and Ezk. In Ps 18 
(2 S 22) there is described the theophany* 
of Yahweh in a storm; He rides upon the 
cherub and flies, and speeds on the wings 
of the wind. Here the cherub must be the 




storm cloud; the same imagery is suggested 
by the appellation "Rider of the clouds," 
applied to Aleyan Baal* in Ugaritic* mythol- 
ogy and to Yahweh in Ps 68:5. The "living 
creatures" of the chariot of Ezk 1:4 ff are 
elsewhere in the book called cherubs (9:3; 
10:1 ff). Here also Yahweh appears in a 
storm theophany and the cherubim as in 
Ps 18 are His living chariot. This may be 
compared to the common Canaanite repre- 
sentation of a deity standing upon the back 
of an animal. The cherubs of Ezk 1 are 
human in form with four faces — human, 
lion, ox, eagle — and four wings with 
human hands. This hybrid form suggests the 
winged sphinx of the ancient Near East 
with which the imagery of the cherub must 
be connected. 

In Egypt and Canaan and in Hittite 
remains there are many representations of 
a demon* as a winged lion with a human 
countenance; in Mesopotamia there are 
winged bulls with a human countenance. 
The functions of these beings are parallel to 
those described above. The cherubs as a 
throne appear in Byblos and Megiddo, 
where the throne of the king is decorated 
with cherubs. In Assyria colossal winged 
bulls or lions with human features are found 
at the gates of temples and palaces; they 
are obviously guardian genii. A similar func- 
tion is found in the cherubs which decorate 
sarcophagi. The sphinx of the pyramids 
of Gizeh in Egypt protects the tombs of 
the deceased Pharaohs. It is evident that 
the Renaissance artists who decorated their 
paintings with cherubs in the form of winged 
boys could scarcely have departed farther 
from the original form. The cherubs were 
the only images mentioned in orthodox Yah- 
wism (cf image) and create some problems. 
While it is true that no cult was paid to 
them, the prohibition of images was taken 
very strictly in early Israel. In the tradition 
the image of the cherub was given the sanc- 
tion of Moses himself; but ultimately we 
do not know why Israel selected this soli- 
tary plastic representation among the many 
external features of its cult which it had 
in common with ancient Near Eastern 

Child. The first blessing uttered upon man 
in the first creation account was to be 
fruitful, to multiply, and to fill the earth 
(Gn 1:28). A numerous progeny was prom- 
ised to the patriarchs* (Gn 12:2; 17:26; 
26:24 +), and a large family was a blessing 
from God (Pss 127:3-5; 128:2-4+). Child- 
lessness was a curse and a great sorrow 
(Gn 30:1; 1 S 1:6, 11 ff; Is 4:1; Lk 1:25), 
although the wise man does not desire a 
multitude of unprofitable children (BS 16: 

1-3). Sons were more desirable than daugh- 
ters (cf family; woman). The firstborn* 
son succeeded to the authority of the father*. 
The birth of a child, or at least of a son, 
was a joyous occasion, although we have no 
mention of any festivity as we have for 
circumcision (Lk 1:59 ff) or for weaning 
(Gn 21:8). The news was announced to 
the father, who presumably was not present 
(Jb 3:3; Je 20:15). The newborn infant 
was bathed, rubbed with salt, and wrapped 
in bands (Ezk 16:4; Lk 2:7). Circumcision 
was done on the 8th day after birth (Lv 
12:3: Lk 1:59; 2:21), in ancient times by 
the father himself (Gn 17:23; 21:4). The 
newborn child was received upon the knees 
of the father, who thus acknowledged the 
child (Jb 3:12), perhaps by a formula such 
as that of Ps 2:7. When a slave substituted 
for the wife, the child was delivered upon 
the knees of the wife (Gn 30:3). The name 
was conferred either by the father (Gn 4:26; 
5:3. 29; Ex 2:22 +) or by the mother (Gn 
4:1, 25; 29:23 +), but neighbors (Rt 4:17) 
and relatives (Lk 1:59) could influence the 
choice of name. In the older accounts the 
name was given at birth; in the NT it is 
given at the time of circumcision (Lk 1:59 ff; 
2:21). The mother nursed the child as a 
rule for a period of 2-3 years (Gn 21:7; 
1 S 1:21-23); nurses were the exception 
(Gn 24:59; 35:8; 2 K 11:2). References 
to the play of children are rare (Mt 11:16; 
Lk 7:32) as compared to the scenes of 
play in Egyptian art. They helped their elders 
in domestic and field work (1 S 16:11; Je 
7:18) and even girls herded and watered 
sheep (Gn 29:6; Ex 2:16). For girls the 
period of childhood was short, since they 
were marriageable at the age of puberty. Until 
marriage they were rather closely restrained, 
(2 Mc 3:19) and a real fear of sexual mis- 
adventure is expressed (BS 42:9-14); but 
these passages are both late, and maidens 
in early Israel had more liberty. The boy in 
Talmudic practice became a bar mitzvah, 
subject to the obligations of the law at 
the age of 13, and this is suggested also in 
Lk 2:42. The age of military service is 
reckoned at 20 in Nm 1:3. The education 
and rearing of the children was entirely in 
the hands of the parents; it was the duty of 
both father and mother to teach the children 
wisdom*. There was no formal instruction 
before the days of the synagogue*. In the 
earliest period the authority of the father was 
absolute; Abraham could sacrifice his son 
(Gn 22:1 ff), Jephthah* his daughter (Jgs 
ll:34ff), and Judah could execute his 
daughter-in-law Tamar* for infidelity (Gn 
38:24); but such absolute power does not 
appear under the monarchy. The obligation 
of children to honor their parents, which in- 




eludes respect and obedience, is stated in 
the law (Ex 20:12; Lv 19:3; Dt 5:16) 
and is rewarded by a long life. Striking or 
cursing one's parents was a capital offense 
(Lv 20:9). Of Jesus it was written that 
He obeyed His parents (Lk 2:51) and Paul 
recommends obedience and honor to chil- 
dren (Eph 6:1-3). Jesus settled the dispute 
among His disciples about priority by plac- 
ing a child before them and insisting that 
they must become like children (Mt 18:1 ff; 
9:33 ft; Lk 9:46ff), i.e., they must become, 
like the child, the least important of all. 
Yahweh will spare the city of Nineveh 
because of 120,000 infants in the city — 
perhaps meaning the adult inhabitants who 
are excused because of their ignorance (Jon 
4:11). Yahweh has carried Israel as a man 
carries his son (Dt 1:31) and has taught 
Israel to walk (Ho 11:3). 

Chileab (Hb kil'ab, etymology uncertain), 
David's second son, born of Abigail* at 
Hebron (2 S 3:3), apparently identical with 
Daniel of 1 Ch 3:1. 

Chilion (Hb kilyon, "frailty"?), son of 
Elimelech* and Naomi* and husband of 
Orpah* of Moab (Rt 1:2, 5; 4:9). 

Chimham (Hb kimham, meaning uncertain), 
son of Barzillai* of Gilead. Barzillai re- 
fused David's offer of residence at court 
in reward for his support of David during 
the rebellion of Absalom, but permitted 
his son to go instead (2 S 19:37 ff). There 
is a possible connection with the caravansary 
of Chimham near Bethlehem (Je 41:17), 
but the two names have a slightly different 
spelling in Hb. 

Chinnereth, Chinneroth (Hb kinneret, kin e - 
rot, etymology uncertain). Chinnereth was a 
fortified city at the NW corner of the Sea 
of Galilee* (Jos 19:35) which gives its 
name to the lake. The city is mentioned in 
Egyptian lists of the 18th dynasty. Chin- 
neroth, if the difference in spelling is correct, 
seems to signify a region around the Sea of 
Galilee (1 K 15:20). The Sea of Galilee is 
called the Sea of Chinnereth in Nm 34:11; 
Jos 13:27, and the Sea of Chinneroth in 
Jos 12:3. The name is the origin of Gk 
Gennesar and Gennesareth*, used in 1 Mc 
and NT. 

Chios (Gk chios), a large island of the 
Aegean archipelago off the coast of Asia 
Minor W of Smyrna, one of the seven 
cities which claimed the birthplace of Homer. 
It was passed by Paul on his last voyage 
to Jerusalem (AA 20:15). 

Chisleu (Hb kislew), the 9th month of the 
Hb calendar*, November-December. 

Chittim. Cf kittim. 

Chloe (Gk chloe) . The members of Chloe's 
household, probably her slaves, informed 
Paul of the factions at Corinth* ( 1 Co 
1:11). It is not clear from this whether 
Chloe lived at Corinth, or whether she was 
a Christian. 

Chorazin (Gk chorazin), one of the towns 
of Galilee cursed by Jesus for their un- 
belief (Mt 11:21; Lk 10:13). The site is 
identified with Khirbet Kerazeh, about 2 mi 
NW of Capernaum* (Tell Hum). It con- 
tains the ruins of a black basalt synagogue 
built in the 3rd or 4th century AD. 


Christian (Gk christianos, an adjective formed 
in the usual way to indicate those who follow 
a leader). The term was coined at Antioch* 
(AA 11:26) and is used in 1 Pt 4:16. It 
gained wide usage early; it was used by Herod 
Agrippa* in his dialogue with Paul (AA 
26:28) and appears in the writings of Pliny, 
Tacitus, Suetonius, and the letters of Ignatius 
of Antioch. In its origin it was probably a 
contemptuous nickname. 

Chronicles, Books of. The Hb name is lit 
"books of the words (i.e., events) of the days." 
The title of Ch comes from Jerome who 
called them "Chronicon totius divinae his- 
toriae," "chronicle of the entire divine his- 
tory." In the LXX the books were called 
paraleipomenon, Gk "things omitted" (i.e., 
in S and K); the title passed into Vg and 
RDC OT as Paralipomenon, but it is mis- 
leading. The division of Ch into two books 
appears first in the LXX. It is the last book of 
the Hb canon, most probably because it 
was the last to be accepted as sacred; in 
Vg and Eng Bibles it follows immediately 
after 1-2 K. 

Ch + Ezr-Ne is the last of the three great 
collections of Hb historical traditions with 
the Pentateuch* and the Deuteronomistic 
history. It ends with the words with which 
Ezr begins; the inversion in Hb is due to 
its later acceptance. Like K, it ends not 
with the fall of Jerusalem but with a note 
of future hope: in 2 K the elevation of 
Jehoiachin, in Ch the decree of Cyrus 
permitting the rebuilding of Jerusalem. Its 
contents are: (1) Adam to David, 1 Ch 
1-9, in the form of genealogies (2) David, 
1 Ch 10-29. (3) Solomon, 2 Ch 1-9. 
(4) Judah from the division of the kingdom 
to the fall of Jerusalem, 2 Ch 11-36. 




Ch and Ezr-Ne are the work of the same 
author, who is dated by most modern scholars 
not earlier than 300 bc. Recent research, 
however, places him nearer 400, and the 
identification of the Chronicler with Ezra 
himself, which was the Jewish tradition, 
has gained probability. The book was known 
to Ben Sira* (about 180 bc). 

The Chronicler used sources. It is certain 
that he had either our books of S and K or, 
as some scholars believe, the text from which 
both he and the editor of our present S and 
K worked; but this source is never acknowl- 
edged explicitly, although extensive passages 
are transcribed from it word for word. He 
also had the books Gn-Jgs, at least in 
an earlier form. The following titles of 
sources appear: "book of the kings of Israel 
and Judah" (1 Ch 9:1; 2 Ch 27:7; 35:27; 
36:8); "book of the kings of Judah and 
Israel" (2 Ch 16:11; 25:26; 32:32); "book 
of the kings of Israel" (2 Ch 20:34); "words 
of the kings of Israel" (2 Ch 33:18); "mid- 
rash* of the book of the kings" (2 Ch 24:27) ; 
"words" or "prophecy" or "vision" or "mid- 
rash" of the prophets Samuel*, Nathan*, 
and Gad* for the history of David; (1 Ch 
29:29) of Nathan, Ahijah* and Jeddi for the 
history of Solomon (2 Ch 9:29); Shemaiah* 
and Iddo* for Rehoboam (2 Ch 12:15); 
Iddo for Abijah (2 Ch 13:22); Jehu* for 
Jehoshaphat (2 Ch 20:34); Isaiah* for 
Uzziah (2 Ch 26:22) and for Hezekiah 
(2 Ch 32:32); Hozai for Manasseh (2 
Ch 33:19). Modern scholars reduce all these 
either to two works, one a history of the 
kings and the other a collection of writings 
by or concerning the prophets, or to one; 
the existence of both documents is also sug- 
gested by the compilation of K (cf kings, 
books of). The royal document cannot be 
our book of K, since it is cited for events 
not mentioned in K. 

The question of the historical value of 
the material peculiar to Ch has been con- 
siderably discussed (cf his conception of his- 
tory below) and modern criticism is less 
inclined to reject it out of hand, preferring 
to evaluate each item in itself. The genealo- 
gies, compiled in the early sections from Gn 
— Jgs, show little evidence of artificial con- 
struction, although some of this may be 
present. The genealogy was an important 
document in ancient Israel. The genealogies 
of David and of Levi and Aaron contain 
many names not attested elsewhere; in some 
instances we can trace a corruption. The 
genealogies are arranged according to tribes 
and clans; this aspect of Hb social organiza- 
tion is less often mentioned in the historical 
books, but was the principal framework 
within which the Hebrews lived even after 
the establishment of the monarchy. It is 

rarely possible to date the genealogies of Ch 
precisely. Eissfeldt notes the following in- 
stances in which Ch has preserved certain 
historical information not found in S and 
K: David's heroes (1 Ch 11:10-47), the 
buildings and fortifications of Rehoboam (2 
Ch 11:5-12) and his family (2 Ch 11: 
18-23), Uzziah's defeat of the Philistines 
(2 Ch 26:6) and his buildings (2 Ch 26: 
9-10). Other instances could be added in 
which a genuine tradition has been retold 
in the Chronicler's characteristic manner. 

It is important to grasp that the Chronicler 
did not intend to write "history." The books 
of S and K existed, and he did not intend 
to suppress or replace them. Yet there are 
obvious differences both in general con- 
ception and in numerous details between 
the Chronicler's presentation and the course 
of events as his readers could find them in 
S and K. It may be summed up by saying 
that the Chronicler intended to write not 
what happened, but what ought to have 
happened; it is the story of the ideal Israel 
living under its law in the historical circum- 
stances which led to its fall. Hence he 
omits the feud of David and Saul, the adul- 
tery of David and Bathsheba, the rebellion 
of Absalom, and the entire history of the 
northern kingdom after the division. This 
ideal is specified by three theological prin- 
ciples which he represents as governing 
events: a somewhat rigid scheme of retribu- 
tion, direct divine intrusion into history, and 
the primacy of the temple and the cult. The 
first principle is illustrated in such episodes 
as the misfortunes or good fortunes of Reho- 
boam (2 Ch 12:1 ff). Asa (2 Ch 16:7-12), 
Jehoshaphat (2 Ch 20:35-37), Uzziah (2 
Ch 26:16-23), which are explained as retri- 
bution for good or bad deeds not mentioned 
in K and sometimes certainly unhistorical. 
In particular the long life of Manasseh is 
explained as due to a conversion which is 
entirely unattested (2 Ch 33: 10 ff) after his 
imprisonment in Assyria; but his journey 
to Assyria, perhaps to give account of a rumor 
of rebellion, is most probable. The second 
principle appears in the victories of Abijah 
(2 Ch 13:13 ff), of Asa (2 Ch 14:8 ff), 
and of Jehoshaphat (2 Ch 20:1 ff), which 
are accomplished entirely by prayer with 
no combat. The fantastic numbers of the 
armies in Ch are characteristic and cannot 
be explained as incorrect transmissions; they 
attest the power of God over the mightiest 
human forces. The third principle appears 
in the space and importance which the 
Chronicler gives to the temple and its cult 
and personnel, which will preserve the union 
of Yahweh and Israel. Here David appears 
as the founder of temple music; his dis- 
positions in this regard are second only to 




those of Moses. While the Chronicler has 
probably read the institutions of his own 
time into the time of David, and idealized 
their description besides, there is a well at- 
tested tradition that David was himself a 
musician and the author of musical com- 
positions (cf psalms). His role in the es- 
tablishment of this part of the cult should 
not be questioned. The interest and the knowl- 
edge of the Chronicler concerning the Levites, 
particularly the choirs, suggest that he him- 
self was a member of this class. David, in 
many respects idealized into a messianic 
figure, appears as a second Moses. 

This presentation of the past is unsympa- 
thetic to modern readers. It is necessary to 
see the Chronicler's purpose: to present an 
ideal of a holy people living in community 
under a messianic ruler, governed by divine 
law and faithful in the observances of public 
worship. His affirmation of the primacy of 
the religious in human life, of the divine 
government of human affairs, and of the law 
of retribution, while put for his contempo- 
raries in a form which we find somewhat 
strained, is in full harmony with the beliefs 
of the OT. 

Chronology. The reckoning of fixed dates 
in an era determined by a fixed point of 
departure does not appear until late in OT 
times. Earlier dates must be determined by 
calculations from a mass of complicated and 
not always consistent data which is surveyed 

1. Egyptian. Up to the 12th Dynasty years 
were identified by some event; thereafter by 
the king's regnal year. There are several 
ancient lists of kings and their regnal years 
(the Palermo Stone, the lists of Abydos and 
Saqqarah, the Turin papyrus, and fragments 
of the lists of Manetho). Manetho (3rd cen- 
tury BC) arranged the kings in 31 dynasties 
which are grouped under Old Kingdom, 
Middle Kingdom, and New Kingdom; these 
designations are still commonly employed. 

2. Babylonian. From earliest times to the 
Kassite dynasty (17th century BC) the 
years were designated by some event. Lists 
of the kings and of the years of their reign so 
designated are preserved from the first dy- 
nasty of Akkad* down to the Kassite period. 
Neither the earlier lists nor the later regnal 
lists have been preserved entirely; since new 
material is constantly turning up, modern 
scholarship is engaged in putting the frag- 
mentary lists together into a consecutive 
scheme. This is based primarily upon syn- 
chronisms with Assyrian history and upon 
backward calculations thence. Of particular 
importance are the "Babylonian Chronicle" 
for the last years of Assyria and of the 
kingdom of Judah and the "Synchronistic 

History" (of Assyrian origin) for the rela- 
tions of the Babylonian and Assyrian king 

3. Assyrian. The Assyrians as early as the 
18th century BC named each year after a 
royal official (limmu). Up to Tiglath-pileser* 
III (745-727 bc) the first year of each 
king's reign was named after the king him- 
self. These limmu-hsts are preserved entirely 
for the period 911-648 bc. An eclipse in 
the year 763 bc enables us to formulate dates 
for the entire lists. For earlier periods there 
are two important king lists with their regnal 
years, one in Constantinople and the other at 
the Oriental Institute in Chicago. For the 
period of the limmu lists correlation with 
Assyrian chronology furnishes the only cer- 
tain dating for the period. 

4. Biblical. Since 1701 to recent times 
biblical chronology was governed by the 
chronology of Ussher, Anglican Archbishop 
of Armagh, published 1650-1654 and intro- 
duced into the margin of AV in 1701. This 
was based entirely upon Ussher's calcula- 
tion of the biblical data, which is not entirely 
uniform. The creation of the world was 
placed in 4004 bc. 

I. Creation to Deluge: Hb 1656 years, 
LXX 2242 years, Samaritan Pentateuch 
1307 years. The LXX and Sam variations 
are both due to deliberate editorial revision. 
The number is reached by adding the totals 
of Gn 5 (cf patriarch). 

II. Deluge to Abraham: the totals of Gn 
11:10-26 give 290 years from the Deluge 
to the birth of Terah, Abraham's father; 
his age at the birth of Abraham is not given. 
Terah's birth thus falls in 2058 bc, and 
Abraham's birth was put by Ussher in 1996 
bc; this is too early (cf Abraham). 

III. Abraham to Exodus: from Abraham's 
birth to Jacob's descent into Egypt is 290 
years (from Gn 21:5; 25:26; 47:9). The 
sojourn in Egypt is placed at 430 years in 
Ex 12:40, an artificial calculation reached 
by doubling the 215 years from Abraham's 
entrance into Canaan to Jacob's departure. 
This would place the exodus in 1276 bc (cf 
exodus). During this period there is no cer- 
tain fixed point of correlation with either 
Egyptian or Mesopotamian chronology. 

IV. Exodus to the foundation of the temple 
of Solomon: In 1 K 6: 1 the foundation date 
of the temple is said to be 480 years after 
the exodus. This, no doubt, reckons 12 
generations of 40 years each and may repose 
upon genealogical lists not preserved in the 
OT. The total reached by adding the 40 years 
in the desert, the periods assigned to each 
of the judges, 40 years of David and 3 
years of Solomon, and without reckoning 
the years of Joshua, Samuel, and Saul, 
which are not given (Saul is given. 40 years 




in AA 13:21) is 533 years. If 40 years each 
are added for Joshua, Samuel, and Saul, the 
total would reach 653 years. But since the 
temple was founded about 959 bc, this would 
place the exodus in 1612 bc or 1439 bc, 
both of which are too early. Many of the 
judges were contemporaneous, but they are 
not so represented in the book of Jgs. Actu- 
ally the date of the end of the reign of 
Solomon* can be reached very nearly exactly 
(cf shishak). 

V. The monarchies of Israel and Judah to 
the fall of Jerusalem: for this period the OT 
gives for each king of Israel and Judah 
after Rehoboam* the year of his accession 
in terms of the reigning king of the other 
kingdom and the length of his reign. This 
apparently simple scheme is complicated by 
several factors. The first is the accession year. 
In Egypt the accession year of a new king 
was antedated, i.e., the last year of his pre- 
decessor was the first year of the new king 
and was counted in the total regnal years of 
the new king. In Mesopotamia the accession 
was postdated i.e., the year of the death of 
the predecessor was the "accession year" of 
the new king, and his first year began with 
the following calendar new year, from which 
point his regnal years were counted. It is 
certain that both systems were used in both 
Hb kingdoms, and postdating is very prob- 
able in Judah after Hezekiah. In 1-2 K the 
total regnal years for Judah from the divi- 
sion of the kingdom to the fall of Samaria 
are 258, for Israel 241; this suggests different 
computations of the accession year. Another 
complicating factor is the. problem of the 
beginning of the calendar new year (cf 
calendar) in Nisan or Tishri. Still an- 
other factor is the existence of co-regencies 
which may have been counted in the regnal 
totals of two kings; another is the possibility 
of interregna. Finally there are some textual 
errors, in particular a strange error consis- 
tently uncorrected for the kings of the 8th 
century in Judah. Against these factors are 
the fairly abundant data and several fixed 
points which can be set by correlation with 
Assyrian and Babylonian chronology: 

853: Ahab* at the battle of Karkar (Shalma- 

neser III of Assyria) 
842: Jehu* paid tribute to Shalmaneser III 
738: Menahem* paid tribute to Tiglath-pileser 

721: Sargon* took Samaria in his accession 

609: 17th year of Nabopolassar of Babylon, 

Egypt marched to the Euphrates to aid 

Ashur-uballit of Assyria, the death of 

Josiah* (2 K 23*28 ff) 
597: 7th year of Nebuchadnezzar*, surrender 

of Jerusalem and deportation of Jehoia- 

chin* (2 K 24:10ff) 

587: 18th year of Nebuchadnezzar, destruction 
of Jerusalem (2 K 25:1 ff). 

VI. The fall of Jerusalem to the birth of 
Christ: Ezr-Ne date events according to the 
regnal years of the Persian kings. Since 
several different Persian kings bore identi- 
cal names, this sometimes leaves doubt e.g., 
concerning the dating of Ezra* himself under 
Artaxerxes* I or II. The dates of Ezk begin 
from an uncertain point of departure. The 
events in 1-2 Mc are dated by the Seleucid 
era, which began with the victory of 
Seleucus* over Demetrius at Gaza in Octo- 
ber, 312 bc, from which the founding of the 
Seleucid kingdom was reckoned in Antioch. 
In Mesopotamia it was reckoned from Nisan 
311 bc. This era was widely used in the 
Near East until the Mohammedan conquests 
of the 7th century AD. The Gk reckoning 
of Olympiads (four-year periods beginning 
with 776 bc) and the Roman era reckoned 
from the foundation of the city (754 bc) 
do not appear in the Bible. 

VII. New Testament: chronological data in 
the NT are sparse. The birth of Jesus 
occurred at an uncertain date; 753 of the 
Roman era is in error by four to seven years 
(cf jesus christ). The 15th year of 
Tiberius* Caesar (Lk 3:1) may be reckoned 
either from his succession to Augustus (ad 
14) or from his association with Augustus 
in the imperium (ad 12). 

It is from this point that NT chronology 
must be calculated. 

The chronological table (cf endsheets) con- 
tains synchronistic dates for Israel, Assyria 
and Babylonia, Egypt, Persia, the Seleu- 
cid and Ptolemaic dynasties, and Rome. It 
is based upon the chronologies of Scharff, 
Moortgat, Albright, Valjavec, and Freedman- 
Campbell. There is a large measure of ap- 
proximation for the early dates, which de- 
creases as one comes down. Assyrian and 
Babylonian dates from the 10th century are 
exact for practical purposes, as are Gk and 
Roman dates. The dates of the Hb kings 
are exact within 5 to 10 years. 

Church. The Anglo-Saxon group of words 
(Eng church, Scots kirk, German Kirche, 
Dutch kerk) are derived from the late Gk 
word kyriahon, "the Lord's (house)." The 
Gk word ekklesia signified in classical Gk 
the assembly of the citizens of a city for 
legislative or deliberative purposes. This as- 
sembly included only the citizens who en- 
joyed full rights, and thus the word implies 
both the dignity of the members and the 
legality of the assembly. The Gk word 
ekklesia had no religious usage. It was 
adopted by the LXX to render the Hb word 
kdhdl, which with the Hb word 'edah signi- 




fies in later Hb the religious assembly of the 
Israelites. These two words were adopted 
for the local religious assembly of the 
Jews who lived outside Jerusalem, and 
'edah is more commonly rendered in Gk by 
synagoge, the word from which Eng syna- 
gogue is derived. The earliest uses of the 
word in the NT reflect the idea both of 
k c hal yahweh, the religious assembly of God, 
and the local assembly. The word is first 
applied to the ekklesia of Jerusalem, which 
was itself a local community. It was at the 
same time the assembly of all those who 
believed in Jesus Christ, and thus was the 
legitimate successor of the Israelite assembly 
of Yahweh. In its initial phases the Church 
of Jerusalem was not clearly aware of its 
distinction from Judaism. Its members 
were accustomed to meet and to pray in 
the temple and regarded themselves as in 
every way faithful to the Law and obliga- 
tions of Judaism. The question of the rela- 
tions between the Church and Judaism did 
not become acute until Gentiles were 
admitted in considerable numbers and finally 
formed separate local churches in other 
cities, of which the earliest and the largest 
was the church of Antioch*. It then became 
necessary for the Church to identify itself 
as a community distinct from Judaism, into 
which Gentiles could be admitted to full 
standing without becoming Jews and under- 
taking the full obligations of the Jewish law. 
This question is discussed in AA 15, Gal, and 
Rm; cf also Eph 2:11-22. On the council 
of Jerusalem (AA 15) cf acts of apostles. 
1 . The Synoptic Gospels. The word ekkle- 
sia appears only twice in the Synoptic Gos- 
pels (Mt 16:18; 18:18). The teaching of 
Jesus Himself was stated in the framework 
of the kingdom* of God; but the founda- 
tions of the idea of ekklesia are clear in the 
Synoptic Gospels. Jesus formed a group of 
disciples and followers. Of these disciples 
He demanded personal attachment to Him- 
self, even at the cost of separation from 
friends and family; indeed, this following 
might cause a separation between them and 
the world at large which could issue in their 
death (Mt 4: 18 ft:; 10:34 ff; Mk 1:16 ff; 
8:34 ff; Lk 5:1 ff; 12:51 ff). This group 
of followers received from Him the mission 
to gain other followers who would grant 
Him the same personal allegiance (Mt 
28:19; Mk 16:15 ff ) . Against this back- 
ground the use of the word ekklesia in Mt 
16:18 is clearly identified with this group 
which Jesus Himself formed and which He 
commanded to be continued by His disciples 
after His departure. In Mt 16:18 the Church 
is compared to a building which is erected 
upon the apostle Simon Peter as a rock of 
foundation. This passage not only indicates 

the peculiar position of Peter in the assembly 
of Jesus' disciples, but also the unity and the 
permanence of the group which Jesus Him- 
self established. In this passage Jesus assures 
His disciples that this single group, which 
is founded upon Simon Peter, will endure 
the attacks even of Satan. It is possible 
that this passage, like others in Mt, is stated 
in the form which had been imposed upon it 
in the development of Christian oral tradi- 
tion. The unique instance of the word ekkle- 
sia in this sense in the Synoptic Gospels 
suggests this view. But this does not alter the 
fact that the idea of such a group is found 
clearly in these three Gospels. The peculiar 
position of Peter is not unique in this pas- 
sage. The other instance of ekklesia (Mt 
18:17) does not so clearly signify the 
group of Jesus's disciples. In this con- 
text, where the disciples are urged to re- 
port the recalcitrant member to the as- 
sembly, the Jewish synagogue may be sig- 
nified. The difference between the group of 
Jesus' disciples and Judaism is not as clear 
at this stage of the tradition as it later 
became. Members are to seek redress for 
personal injuries from the synagogue rather 
than by their own acts of revenge. 

2. Acts. The word ekklesia occurs in AA 
23 times. In no passage does it certainly mean 
anything except the local church, usually 
the church of Jerusalem, but also the local 
church of Antioch and other cities. The 
church of Jerusalem was the parent and the 
prototype of other churches, and possibly 
the first foundations were considered as ex- 
pansions of the Jerusalem community. This 
idea did not long persist, if it was ever 
present at all; for each local church was 
called ekklesia in the same sense in which 
the title was given to the community of 
Jerusalem, which in AA does possess the 
primacy of the parent church (cf AA 
15:1 ff). The church of Jerusalem sends 
men to investigate conditions in other 
churches (AA 15:3) and itself in assembly 
decides questions which are referred to it 
by other churches (AA 15:22). The other 
churches, however, are organized with their 
own bishops*, presbyters*, and deacons*, and 
they are founded by apostles*. This early 
hierarchy appears in AA in the Jerusalem 
church itself. In AA it is clear that mem- 
bership in the Church involves acceptance 
of the claims of Jesus and belief in the saving 
power of His redeeming death. Membership 
is gained not by Jewish birth, but by the 
rite of baptism*. This becomes clear when 
the proposal is first made to admit Gentiles 
who had not become proselytes* of Judaism 
(AA 10:1 ff). The further question of 
whether Gentiles admitted on these terms 
should then be obliged to the full observance 




of the Jewish law was resolved by a lenient 
interpretation of Jewish obligations (AA 
15:28 ff). 

3. Paul. The word ekklesia occurs 65 times 
in the writings of Paul, more frequently 
than in the rest of the NT altogether. This 
more likely represents a common usage which 
had developed when Paul wrote than any 
peculiar Pauline diction. In most of these 
instances the word signifies a local church. 
Paul is the first NT writer to employ the 
word in the plural, which signifies the 
equality of the separate local churches. In 
Eph and Col the word is used of the entire 
worldwide assembly of the followers of 
Jesus, which is here conceived as one 
great assembly. In these epistles the 
theology of the Church is worked out for 
the first time. Christ is the head of the 
Church which is His body and His full- 
ness, a fullness which is dispensed from 
Him through the Church to all its members 
(Eph 1:22-23). As the one through whom 
all creation comes into being He is the 
head of His body the Church, a principle 
through which the fullness of the Church 
comes into being (Col 1:18 ff ) . It is through 
the Church that the mystery of God's saving 
will and the manifold divine wisdom are 
revealed (Eph 3:10). Christ is head of the 
Church as the husband is head of the wife, 
and Christ likewise is the savior of the Church. 
The Church is submitted to Christ as wives 
are submitted to their husbands, and Christ 
loves the Church as the husband loves his 
wife; He has given His own life on behalf 
of the Church. Through this He has hallowed 
the Church, cleansing it in the washing of 
His blood and the word of baptism, and thus 
He has established the Church for Himself 
in its glory, without spot or wrinkle. This 
love, Paul goes on to say, is a model of 
the love which husbands ought to exhibit 
toward their wives, and of the care which 
they ought to take of them; and this rela- 
tionship of Christ and the Church is called 
a great mystery (Eph 5:22-32). This beauti- 
ful image is already suggested in the Gos- 
pels, where lesus calls Himself the 
bridegroom (Mt 9:15; Mk 2:19; Lk 5:34), 
and in turn it is a resumption of the older 
image of Yahweh as the spouse of Israel 
(Ho 2:2 ff, 14-23; Je 2:2; cf covenant; 
marriage). The figure of the Church as the 
body of Christ is the basis of Paul's appeal 
for Christian unity and cooperation ( 1 Co 
12: 12 ff; Rm 12:4 ff). The unity of one body 
is symbolized by the one bread of the 
Eucharist* (1 Co 10:17). In the Church 
God has established .certain offices in a set 
order — apostles, prophets, teachers, thauma- 
turges — and to assist the Church He confers 
charismata of healing, helpfulness, govern- 

ment, of tongues. Each Christian should ful- 
fill the function assigned him without 
attempting to enter into the office of others 
(1 Co 12:28 ff). The Church is also com- 
pared by Paul to a city (Eph 2:19) and 
to a building erected upon the foundation 
of apostles and prophets with Christ Jesus 
Himself the cornerstone upon which the 
entire building reposes. This building is the 
holy temple of the Lord, and the mem- 
bers of the Church are incorporated into its 
structure (Eph 2:20 ff). This suggests the 
figure of Mt 16:18. The Church of the 
living God is the house of God, the column 
and foundation of the edifice of truth ( 1 
Tm 3:15). To the members of the Church 
Paul gives the titles of saints, those who 
love God, those who are called (Rm 8:27- 
28), the Church of God, those who are 
hallowed in Christ Jesus, those who are 
called to be holy (1 Co 1:2), the chosen 
holy ones of God (Col 3:12; cf 2 Tm 2:10; 
Tt 1:1). These titles, which are drawn from 
the OT, indicate that the Church is the true 
Israel and the legitimate heir of the covenant 
promises. It has now become clear that 
Israel itself has decided to refuse its Mes- 
siah* and with Him it has rejected the 
covenant which gave it its right to the titles 
now claimed by the Christians (Rm 9—11). 

4. John. The word ekklesia appears in the 
Joannine writings in 3 Jn 6, 9, 10, and 20 
times in Ape, referring to particular churches. 
The group of the followers of Jesus is de- 
scribed in Jn as a flock which is gathered 
into a sheepfold (Jn 10:1 ff). Jesus Himself 
is the door of the sheepfold and the good 
shepherd who gives His life for His sheep. 
There are sheep which do not belong to His 
fold and He must lead them in so that they 
too will obey His voice and all men will be- 
come one flock under one shepherd. Jesus 
is the true vine which His Father cultivates. 
His disciples are the branches and by their 
union with Him they become fruitful. Unless 
they remain united to Him they shall be 
rejected (Jn 15:1 ff). Jesus commits His 
flock to Peter* as its shepherd (Jn 21:15 ff) . 
He prays that His followers may be one as 
He and His father are one, and that His 
followers may be united with Him and His 
Father (Jn 17:20 f). 

In the other NT writings the word occurs 
once in Js (5:14), where it most probably 
signifies a particular church. In these writ- 
ings also there appears a clearly defined 
body of followers of Jesus, called once (Js 
2:2) a synagogue. 

From these passages it is evident that the 
local churches are united in a single organiza- 
tion, which is called the Church in the 
epistles of Paul. The reality is present in the 
other writings, even though the word is not 




used. This Church enjoys a union with its 
founder which in modern theology is called 
mystical (cf body); it derives its life and its 
virtue from His enduring presence within it. 
It is the means by which the life of Christ 
is communicated. It has the mission to bring 
into itself all men. It admits new members 
by baptism, and the fullness of the divine 
life which it possesses is communicated by 
the other sacraments*. It is an organized 
body with officials of distinct rank (cf 
apostle; bishop; deacon; elder; presby- 
ter). This assembly is the heir of the cove- 
nant and promises of Israel, which reach 
their fulfillment in Jesus and His Church. 

Chuza (Gk chouzas, from Aramaic kuza', 
etymology uncertain), the name appears in 
Nabatean and Syriac inscriptions; the steward 
of Herod* (Lk 8:3), whose wife Joanna* 
was one of the women who ministered to 
the needs of Jesus. Some writers identify 
him with the royal official whose son was 
cured of illness by Jesus at Capharnaum* 
(Jn 4:43 ff). 

Cilicia (Gk kilikia), the coastal strip of the 
SE corner of Asia Minor, bounded by the 
Taurus Mountains to the N and Mt Amanus 
to the E. In OT times the region belonged 
to the kingdom of the Hittites. It was a 
part of the Seleucid* kingdom of Syria (1 
Mc 11:14; 2 Mc 4:36) and under Roman 
rule was a part of the province of Syria 
until it became a distinct province in ad 
57. The land route from Syria to the interior 
of Asia Minor traversed the rugged pass of 
the Taurus Mountains called the Cilician 
Gates. The principal city of Cilicia was 
Tarsus*, the birthplace of Paul. The area 
had Jewish inhabitants in NT times (AA 
6:9) and Christian communities as early as 
the council of Jerusalem (AA 15:23). 

Cinnamon (Hb kinnamon, Gk kinnamomon) , 
the well known spice. It is the product of the 
tree Cinnamomum Zeylanicum, native to 
Ceylon and other East Indian islands. The 
product is obtained from the inner bark of 
the tree and the oil of cinnamon is secured 
by boiling the ripe fruit. It is mentioned in 
the OT as one of the components of the oil 
of anointing* (Ex 30:23) and is enumerated 
with other perfumes in SS 4:14, and is used 
to perfume a bed in Pr 7:17. It is men- 
tioned among the merchandise of Babylon 
(i.e., Rome, Ape 18:13). 

Circumcision. 1. OT. The practice of cutting 
off the foreskin of the male organ is ancient 
and fairly widespread among primitive 
peoples even to the present time; it is esti- 
mated that 200,000,000 employ it. In the 

ancient Near East the practice is certainly 
attested for the Egyptians, but few details 
are known. Herodotus asserted in the 5th 
century BC that the practice was general, 
but this is not supported by evidence from 
Egypt itself. There is little or no doubt that 
it was practiced upon all priests, but it is 
not certain that others besides the priestly 
class were circumcised. A tomb painting from 
the 6th dynasty represents the circumcision 
of two boys (ANEP 629). The meaning of 
the practice is not altogether clear either 
among the Egyptians or among primitive 
peoples. Hygienic motives, asserted by Hero- 
dotus for the Egyptians, are not supported 
by the evidence. It is much more probable 
that it was an initiatory rite with religious 
or magical significance. It seems almost uni- 
versally to have been conferred at the age 
of puberty and to be a "rite of passage" from 
boyhood to manhood or a preparation for 
marriage; possibly it was thought that cir- 
cumcision facilitated sexual intercourse. This, 
however, does not explain its restriction to 
the priestly class in Egypt. The Hebrews 
alone practiced circumcision on the 8th day 
after birth. The operation in earliest times was 
performed by the father. The use of a flint 
knife indicates the antiquity of the rite. The 
law of circumcision appears in Gn 1 7 ; 10 ff. 
Here it is a part of the covenant of God 
with Abraham. All born in the household 
of Abraham, whether free or slave, are to 
be circumcised 8 days after birth. The 
adult males were to be circumcised immedi- 
ately. The circumcision of Isaac is mentioned 
in Gn 21:4. The obligation is serious, and 
failure to fulfill it means separation from 
the covenant (Gn 17:14). This anecdote 
contains Israelite law in the form of a story, 
and some scholars think that a practice of 
later origin has been read back into patriar- 
chal times. The law of circumcision is stated 
in Ex 12:3. Circumcision is ^a necessary 
qualification for partaking in the Passover* 
sacrifice (Ex 12:44-48). An obscure frag- 
ment of popular tradition tells how Moses 
was in some way 'threatened with death, from 
which he was rescued when his wife Zip- 
porah* circumcised their son (Ex 4:24-26). 
The story explains the origin of the phrase 
"bridegroom of blood," which is not found 
elsewhere. Some scholars believe that Moses' 
son has been substituted in the story for 
Moses himself, and that the original story 
related that Moses' seizure was due to the 
fact that he himself was not circumcised, 
and that Zipporah saved his life by perform- 
ing the operation upon him at the time of 
the consummation of their wedding. In the 
story of Dinah* and Shechem* (Gn 34:1 ff) 
the sons of Israel impose circumcision of all 
males as a condition of their accepting the 




covenant of common life and intermarriage 
with the people of Shechem. The sons of 
Israel thus trapped the men of Shechem and 
murdered them during the illness which fol- 
lowed the operation. A popular tradition 
related that the men of Israel were not cir- 
cumcised in the desert before their entrance 
into Canaan, and that the operation was 
performed upon all Israelite males at 
Gibeath-araloth after the crossing of the 
Jordan (Jos 5:2 ff). Thus the "reproach of 
Egypt" was removed from Israel. The phrase 
"reproach of Egypt" seems to show that the 
account was ignorant of the practice of cir- 
cumcision in Egypt. The roots of the story 
are difficult to trace. It is, of course, prac- 
tically impossible to suppose that the entire 
fighting force of Israel could have submitted 
to this operation at the time of their en- 
trance into hostile territory; but the tradition 
must preserve some account of the failure of 
Israel to practice circumcision for an ex- 
tended time. It is unlikely that the story is 
actually an account of the first adoption of 
the practice in Israel. Neither the origin of 
circumcision in Israel nor its meaning is 
entirely clear. Jeremiah mentions as cir- 
cumcised peoples of Egypt, Edom, Am- 
nion, and Moab, and certain nomad tribes 
of the desert (Je 9:25 f). The name "un- 
circumcised" is a title of contempt applied 
to other peoples, especially to the Philistines* 
(Jgs 14:3; 15:18; 1 S 14:6; 31:4; 2 S 1:20). 
In Ezekiel's dirge over Egypt (32: 19 ff) 
the curse of lying in the grave with the un- 
circumcised is repeated 10 times. This, how- 
ever, does not signify that the Philistines 
alone of the neighbors of the Hebrews were 
uncircumcised. There is little if any evidence 
that it was practiced by the Canaanites. An 
ivory carving from Megiddo* (ANEP 332) 
represents two circumcised male prisoners, 
of uncertain origin but certainly Semitic 
in features, being led before an unidentified 
king. The practice is not mentioned in Meso- 
potamian literature, nor is there any trace of 
it in archaeological remains. Hence the hy- 
pothesis that the Hebrews adopted the rite 
from some desert tribes is not altogether 
without probability. The rite when performed 
8 days after birth no longer has the 
meaning of initiation into adult manhood or 
matrimony. It is a sign of the covenant of 
Israel and Yahweh. The precise form of the 
symbolism, however, cannot be traced, and 
it is possible that the Hebrews first adopted 
the rite as an initiation. The metaphorical 
use of the words "circumcision" and "fore- 
skin" as stated below indicates that the fore- 
skin was regarded as a point where 
uncleanness was focused, and that this un- 
cleanness was removed by circumcision (cf 
clean). This, however, is doubtfully the 

original significance of the rite. As a con- 
secration of the power of generation to the 
deity the rite would have significance; but 
the symbolism is of itself less well adapted 
to this meaning. One may detect from such 
passages as Abraham's oath (Gn 24:2) that 
the male organ was regarded as sacred and 
perhaps in some sense as a symbol of the 
deity, the ultimate source of life. In any 
case circumcision appears throughout the 
entire OT and NT as a token of member- 
ship in Israel and of association with the 

To be circumcised of heart is to be sub- 
missive to Yahweh (Lv 26:41; Dt 10:16; 
Je 4:4). To be uncircumcised of ears is to 
be disobedient to Yahweh (Je 6:10). For- 
eigners uncircumcised of heart and flesh 
should not have been admitted to the Is- 
raelite sanctuary (Ez 44:7). Israel, though 
circumcised of flesh, is uncircumcised of 
heart (Je 9:25 f). Moses is uncircumcised 
of lips (Ex 6:12, 30) by which is signified 
his inability to speak. In the opinion of some 
scholars this indicated a real speech impedi- 
ment, but in any case it was a denial of 
eloquence. New fruit trees are uncircum- 
cised (Lv 19:23) for three years, i.e., they 
have not yet been consecrated to Yahweh 
by the offering of the firstfruits*. The rite 
of circumcision was prohibited by Antiochus 
Epiphanes under the penalty of death (1 Mc 

2. NT. Jesus Himself was circumcised on 
the 8th day after His birth (Lk 2:21). Paul 
mentions his own circumcision to show that 
he is fully an Israelite (Phi 3:5), and Paul 
had Timothy* circumcised after he had 
reached adult years because he was the son 
of a Jewish mother (AA 16:3), although 
Titus*, whose parents were Gentiles, did not 
have to undergo circumcision (Gal 2:3). 
The Jewish members of the primitive Chris- 
tian community are several times in the NT 
called simply "the circumcision" or "those 
of the circumcision" (AA 10:45; 11:2). The 
necessity of circumcision was proposed by 
Jewish Christians ( AA 15:1 ff ) and as a con- 
sequence a serious dispute arose. The coun- 
cil of Jerusalem finally decided against the 
necessity of circumcision for Gentile con- 
verts " (AA 15:28 f). The Jewish party 
evidently was not entirely satisfied with this 
decision, for it is further discussed by Paul 
in both Gal and Rm, and it becomes an 
occasion for Paul to proclaim the efficacy of 
Christ's redeeming death and the freedom of 
the Christian from the observances of the 
Jewish Law. Paul insists that circumcision 
destroys the efficacy of the redemption; to 
be circumcised makes one liable to the ob- 
servance of the entire Law. In Christ Jesus 
neither circumcision nor its absence has any 




meaning (Gal 5:6). He takes up again a 
figure of Jeremiah to show that mere physi- 
cal circumcision is without value; the true 
Israelite is inwardly circumcised of heart 
(Rm 2:25 ff). Both circumcised and uncir- 
cumcised are accepted by God because of 
their faith (Rm 3:30). Abraham himself 
was justified by his faith, not by his circum- 
cision (Rm 4:1-12), and the descendants of 
Abraham are those who share his faith, not 
those who share only the physical sign of 
his circumcision (Rm 4:13 ff). Since cir- 
cumcision is of no importance in the Chris- 
tian dispensation, Paul prefers that those who 
are called, whether Jew or Gentile, remain 
in the state in which they are called (1 Co 
7:18 ff) . Christ has become a "minister of 
circumcision" (Rm 15:8) i.e., He has car- 
ried out the promises made to the fathers 
by bringing righteousness and salvation, 
which are promised by the covenant of cir- 
cumcision. Circumcision is the work of 
human hands (Eph 2:11), but the initia- 
tion of Christians into Christ is effected 
by Christ Himself through baptism (Col 
2:11 f). 

Cistern. Artificial reservoirs to collect and 
retain rain water were extremely common in 
the cities of ancient Palestine. The springs 
which supplied fresh water were as a rule no 
more than adequate for the needs of the 
population, and in almost every city had 
to be supplemented by cisterns, some of 
which were public, others were attached to 
private residences. By preference a cistern 
was excavated in the natural rock; they were 
also made by digging holes in the ground 
and walling them with masonry. Large cis- 
terns were sometimes reached by a flight of 
steps. Jeremiah compares foreign gods to 
broken cisterns, as contrasted with Yahweh, 
the spring of fresh water (Je 2:13). 

City. The whole complex which we under- 
stand by civilization is the product of the 
city. The earliest city known is Jericho* 
(6800 bc). Urban centers appear in Mesopo- 
tamia in 3500 bc. Up to this time the men 
of Mesopotamia lived in primitive agricul- 
tural villages. Some impulse led the 
Sumerians* to group themselves in more 
closely built fortified communities. The 
change from agricultural and pastoral life 
to city life brought about specialization of 
labor, which permitted some men to support 
themselves by the crafts and released them 
from the necessity of procuring their own 
food. The city was a market, in which goods 
could be exchanged, not only among the 
citizens themselves, but also between one 
city and another. Manufacturing was pos- 
sible, and man's use of natural resources was 

much increased by specialization and ex- 
change. The city also brought a closer politi- 
cal unity; the human resources of the 
community could be mobilized for a com- 
mon purpose. Both in Mesopotamia and 
in Egypt, where cities appear not much 
later than in Mesopotamia, community 
effort was no doubt demanded for the com- 
mon work of irrigation. In both these alluvial 
valleys cultivation of the soil to the best 
results is not possible unless each of the 
cultivators does his share to maintain the 
dikes and canals which channel the water 
to the fields and help control destructive 
floods. The military potential of the city also 
was more easily mobilized, and the govern- 
ment of the city, which was concentrated 
in the person of the king*, could muster men 
for tasks which no individual or family 
could or would undertake, such as the con- 
struction of temples, walls and fortifications, 
palaces, roads, docks, and other such works. 
It is clear that from earliest times the Meso- 
potamia n city was centered about the temple, 
and that each city worshiped its own god. 
The temples were of great importance in 
the development of literature and the arts, 
both of which were employed for religious 
purposes from the earliest times. Mesopo- 
tamia differed from Egypt in its political 
structure. In Mesopotamia each city was a 
state, and the inhabitants of Mesopotamia 
never succeeded in erecting a stable political 
structure which would extend over a wider 
area than the city and the lands in the 
immediate neighborhood which it cultivated. 
Larger units took the form of empire of 
one city-state over others. In Egypt, on the 
other hand, the kingdom appears as unified 
from earliest historical times. This may in 
part be explained by the dependence of 
Egypt upon the Nile*, which must be treated 
as a single unit in order that its possibilities 
may be realized to the full. Canaan before 
the Israelites was, like Mesopotamia, a coun- 
try of city-states. A list of the cities of 
Canaan conquered by Thutmose III contains 
118 local names, most of which no doubt 
represent independent cities. The Papyrus 
Anastasi I from the times of Ramses II men- 
tions 56 fortified cities in Syria. Many of 
these can be identified with biblical names. 
The politics of the city-states of Canaan be- 
fore the Israelite conquest are described in 
the Amarna* Letters. In this period the city- 
states were ruled by kings who were vassals 
of the Pharaoh; the Egyptian sovereignty 
during the Amarna period was not very 
effective. But each city-state is a sovereign 
independent unit. When the Israelites con- 
quered the country the city-states of Canaan 
were the last places to fall to them. In some 
instances it is clear that the cities remained 




- . 

a) and bj Pompeii, 
Remains of streets, 
houses, and shops, 
c) Pompeii. Remains 
of amphitheater. 




Canaanite while the surrounding countryside 
was Israelite. When the Hebrews did take 
the cities, they did not take with them the 
political system of the sovereign city-state. 
Tribal unity and Israelite unity as a whole 
remained even after the occupation of the 
cities. The political instability of the Hebrew 
tribal system was not healed until the estab- 
lishment of the monarchy. In the OT as in 
Mesopotamia a city is by definition a walled 
and fortified enclosure. Exceptions to this use 
of the Hb word 'ir are rare in the OT. The 
Canaanite and Hebrew cities were extremely 
small by modern standards, running from 
6 to 7 acres to 15, and in a few instances as 
many as 20 acres. Within these cities the 
population was densely packed. For some 
ancient cities a density of 50 to the acre is 
estimated by modern scholars (cf the density 
of about 132 to the acre for Manhattan). 
Within the walled enclosure there were no 
streets as we think of them but only narrow 
passages between the houses or groups of 
houses. The only open spaces within the 
city were found near the gate or gates, called 
"squares" in Eng versions. This space had to 
be left clear for defense, since the gates 
were the weakest points of the walls. In 
long periods of peace these squares were 
sometimes built up and the houses had to be 
demolished if war broke out (Is 22:10). 
We read also of houses built upon the wall 
itself (Jos 2:15). Many of the city's popu- 
lation, if not most, lived in villages outside 
the walls and cultivated the city's lands; these 
villages are often called the "daughters" of 
the city. In time of war the villagers were 
packed within the walled enclosure. The 
choice of a site was determined by the pres- 
ence of water and the defensibility of the 
site. In the course of time the city built its 
own mound, called a tell (cf archaeology). 
The spring was included within the walls, if 
possible; but frequently this was not pos- 
sible. In some ancient cities we find compli- 
cated systems for securing water in times of 
siege (cf gibeon; gihon). There is no indi- 
cation of any paving of the streets in early 
Israelite cities, and references to the dirt of 
the streets are not infrequent (Is 10:6; Mi 
7:10). Rubbish and garbage were thrown 
from the houses directly into the streets. 
We meet references to scavenging dogs 
which roamed the streets and lived off the 
garbage (Ex 22:30; Is 5:25). The squares 
near the gate served as marketplaces (2 K 
7:1) and courts. The elders took their seat 
at the gates and there adjudicated disputes 
(Dt 21:19; 2 S 15:2; cf gate). Men who 
practiced the same trade or craft often if not 
usually lived in the same street; and we read 
that in Damascus and Samaria streets were 

set aside for bazaars for merchants from 
other cities (1 K 20:34). 

In the NT the distinction between city and 
village is preserved. Bethany*, Bethphage*, 
Bethlehem*, and Emmaus* are called vil- 
lages, while Nazareth*, Nain*, and Caper- 
naum* are called cities. The Hellenistic 
cities in the neighborhood of Palestine, 
particularly the cities of the Decapolis*, were 
built on the model of the Greek polls, around 
the agora or marketplace, and included 
baths, a theater, and a stadium. They were 
built with one or two broad colonnaded 
avenues which extended across the city. The 
government of the Gk polis was conducted 
by a senate (boule) and an assembly (ekkle- 
sia) of the people {demos). But this Gk 
polis was never accepted by the Jews. 

The city acquires a theological significance 
in the imagery of the NT. This arises from 
the OT conception of Jerusalem* as the 
city of God, the place in which Yahweh 
dwells in His temple. The messianism* of 
the OT in most of the prophetic books in- 
cludes the restoration of Jerusalem from its 
ruins. But the earthly Jerusalem in the NT 
becomes a type of the heavenly Jerusalem, 
which is free and our mother (Gal 4:26). 
The Christians are citizens of the heavenly 
city (Phi 3:20). The Epistle to the Hebrews 
places a contrast between the theophany 
of Sinai* and the approach of the Christians 
to Mt Zion, the city of the living God, the 
heavenly Jerusalem (Heb 12:22). They are 
not citizens of an earthly city, but move to- 
ward a city which is to come (Heb 13:14). 
The city of God is the new Jerusalem which 
is to come down out of heaven from God 
(Ape 3:12); the last vision of the seer of 
Patmos is of Jerusalem, the holy city, com- 
ing down out of heaven from God in all the 
glory of God (Ape 21-22). It shines with 
the radiance of precious stones, and has 1 2 
gates, each made of precious stones. It has 
no temple, for the Lord God and the Lamb 
are its temple. It needs neither sun nor 
moon, for the glory of God illuminates 
it, and the Lamb is its lamp. All the kings 
of the earth will bring their splendor to it, 
and its gates shall never be shut by night or 
by day. No one unclean shall enter this city. 
The imagery of the heavenly city is a testi- 
monial of the conviction that it is in the life 
of the city that man reaches the highest ful- 
fillment of his desires and powers, and that 
the life of the city offers opportunities which 
can never be found in the primitive pastoral 
or agricultural society. 

Clan. Cf tribe. 

Claudius. Tiberius Claudius Nero Germani- 
cus, emperor of Rome 41-54, son of Drusus 




and nephew of Tiberius*. He was proclaimed 
emperor by the praetorian guard after the 
assassination of Caligula; but he was a weak 
and ineffective ruler who left most of the 
government to his freedmen. It was during 
the reign of Claudius that the famine pre- 
dicted by Agabus* occurred (AA 11:22). 
He was a patron of Herod Agrippa* and 
established him as king of Judaea. At some 
undetermined date in his reign he expelled 
the Jews from Rome (AA 18:2). This ex- 
pulsion brought Aquila* and Priscilla* to 
Corinth, where they met Paul. 

Claudius Lysias. The chiliarch or tribune 
in command of the garrison of Jerusalem 
at the time of Paul's last visit to the city 
(AA 21:15-23:35). He rescued Paul from 
the riot caused by Paul's association with 
the Gentile Trophimus* the Ephesian and 
has him confined in the barracks. He per- 
mitted Paul to address the Jews from the 
steps of the barracks, but Paul's speech 
excited a new riot, and the tribune directed 
that Paul be examined under the lash. Paul 
escaped scourging by claiming Roman citi- 
zenship. The tribune, wishing to find a rea- 
son for the riot, brought Paul to a hearing 
before the high priest* and the council.* 
When the dispute became violent, the 
tribune broke off the hearing and returned 
Paul to the barracks. A centurion dis- 
covered that 40 Jews had sworn to fast until 
they had murdered Paul, and the centurion, 
to avoid further trouble, sent Paul with an 
escort of 200 men to the governor Felix* at 

Clean, Unclean. The concepts of clean and 
unclean appear in four categories. 

1. Food. The clean animals are defined as 
those with a cloven hoof which chew the 
cud (Lv ll:2ff; Dt 14:4 ff). Animals which 
have only one of these characteristics (or 
which appear to have only one) are expressly 
mentioned: the camel, the rock-badger, the 
hare, and the pig (Lv 11:4 ff; Dt 14:7). 
Fish may be eaten if they have fins and 
scales (Lv 11:9; Dt 14:10). Birds of prey 
and carrion birds are unclean (Lv 1 1 : 14 ff; 
Dt 14:11 ff). Insects are unclean unless they 
have jointed legs, such as the locust and 
the grasshopper (Lv 11:21 IT) . Reptiles are 
unclean (Lv 1 1 :29 ff ) . Animals which have 
died a natural death or have been killed by 
other animals are unclean (Lv 17:15). The 
code of Deuteronomy relaxes these prohi- 
bitions somewhat by permitting animals 
which are not killed for sacrifice to be eaten, 
whether they are clean or unclean (Dt 12:15, 
22; 15:22). 

2. Leprosy. Lv 13:1-14:57 contains de- 
tailed descriptions of leprosy*, which here 

includes a number of skin diseases, as well 
as descriptions of "leprosy" of houses and 
garments. The leper is unclean; he must 
wear torn garments and hair unkempt and 
cover his beard. He must live outside the 
community and cry "Unclean" to all who 
approach him (Lv 13:45 f). His cure must 
be attested by the priest. 

3. Death. Contact with a dead body ren- 
ders a person unclean for 7 days (Nm 19:12, 
14, 16). This uncleanness does not prohibit 
an Israelite from taking part in the Passover* 
rites (Nm 9:10). 

4. Sexual functions. Uncleanness is in- 
curred by almost any sexual function, law- 
ful or unlawful, normal or abnormal. A man 
or a woman who has a discharge from the 
sexual organs is unclean (Lv 15:2ff, 16 ff ) . 
A woman is unclean during her menstrua- 
tion (Lv 15:19 ff ) as well as during any 
abnormal issue of blood (Lv 15:25 ff). A 
woman is unclean after childbirth for seven 
days if the child is a boy (Lv 12:2), 14 
days if the child is a girl (Lv 12:5), and she 
is to abstain from sexual intercourse for an- 
other 33 days after the birth of a boy and 
another 66 days after the birth of a girl. 
At the end of the 40 or 80 days there is a 
rite of purification. A man incurs unclean- 
ness by adultery (Lv 18:20) or by bestiality 
(Lv 18:23). Normal sexual intercourse ren- 
dered one unclean for the remainder of the 
day (Lv 15:18; 1 S 21:4); most of the 
instances, however, in which the word un- 
clean is applied to a woman refer to un- 
lawful intercourse (Gn 34:5, 13; Nm 5:13, 
27; Ezk 18:6, 11, 15; 22:11; 33:17). A 
woman who has married a second time after 
a divorce is unclean for her first husband 
(Dt 24:4), although she would be free to 
marry anyone else after the death of her 
second husband or divorce from him. 

Priests, because of their contact with 
sacred articles, had particular obligations of 
cleanliness. They are not permitted to incur 
uncleanness by contact with the dead except 
the next of kin (Lv 21:1 ff), and the high 
priest may not incur this uncleanness even 
for father and mother (Lv 21:11). Should 
a priest incur uncleanness, he is unclean 
for the remainder of the day and may not 
partake of sacrificial foods (Lv 22:4 ff). Un- 
cleanness is incurred by mere contact with 
the unclean person or object: unclean ani- 
mals (Lv 5:2), the dead body (Nm 6:7; 
19:11, 13, 14, 16). One becomes unclean 
not only by contact with the man or woman 
who has an issue from the sexual organs, 
but also by contact with any furniture or 
other objects which the person has touched 
(Lv 15:4-11), and any earthen vessel 
which he had touched should be broken (Lv 
15:12, 20-23, 25-27). Uncleanness is also 




communicated to all those who touch the 
scapegoat (Lv 16:24-28) and by contact 
with the red heifer*, which is burned (Nm 
1 9 : 1 ff) in order to obtain ashes for the 
water of purification. 

Uncleanness endures until purification, 
which in some instances may not be done 
until a set time has elapsed. The water of 
purification mingled with the ashes of the 
red heifer are sprinkled upon the house, 
the furniture, and the persons in a house 
where a death has occurred (Nm 19:17 ff) . 
The purification of a woman after child- 
birth is accomplished by the sacrifice of a 
lamb and a pigeon or dove (Lv 12:6), 
commuted to two pigeons or doves for the 
poor (Lv 12:8). The man or woman who 
has an issue from the sexual organs must 
take seven days for purification (Lv 15:13 ff, 
28 ff ) and they offer a sacrifice of two doves 
or pigeons. Anyone who touches them is 
unclean for the remainder of the day, and 
this uncleanness is removed by bathing (Lv 
15:6 ff, 21 ff, 26 ff). The clothing also must 
be washed after this contact. The same 
bathing and washing of clothing is re- 
quired after contact with the scapegoat (Lv 
16:24 ff). Bathing is required to remove the 
uncleanness of normal sexual intercourse 
(Lv 15:18). After contact with a dead body 
uncleanness remains for seven days; the water 
of purification and the ashes of the red 
heifer are to be employed on the "third and 
seventh days (Nm 19:12, 19). The waters of 
purification themselves render the person who 
sprinkles unclean; he must bathe and wash 
his clothing (Nm 19:21). For the cleansing 
of the leper cf leprosy. 

Cleanness is also used in a transferred 
sense. Both the land (Lv 18:24+) and the 
sanctuary (Je 7:30; 32:24) may be rendered 
unclean (cf Nm 35:34; Dt 21:23). The land 
or the sanctuary is rendered unclean by magi- 
cians* (Lv 19:31) or by idols (Ps 106:39; 
Ezk 22:3; Ho 5:3; 6:10+) and by the 
offering of the firstborn child as a sacrifice 
(Lv 20:3). Foreign lands are unclean (Am 
7:17). Isaiah speaks of himself and his 
people as having unclean lips (Is 6:5). 

The origin of the concepts of clean and 
unclean and their meaning do not admit 
exact definition. The concepts of holy* and 
unclean resemble each other only in the fact 
that neither is to be touched and that holi- 
ness and uncleanness are both incurred by 
contact. But the two sets of concepts are 
formally unrelated. That is holy which in 
some way belongs to the sphere of deity. 
The roots of the concepts of clean and un- 
clean are more obscure. Neither can clean 
and unclean be simply compared with the 
tabu of the primitives of Polynesia, except 
in the prohibition of touching. Similar prac- 

tices are found in many primitive tribes 
throughout the world; in most of these in- 
stances the basis is obscure, as it is among 
the Hebrews. Uncleanness may be rooted in 
physical repulsion in leprosy and other skin 
diseases, but it does not appear in other 
diseases which are also repulsive. The same 
inconsistency is found in foods, which can- 
not be divided easily on the basis of attrac- 
tion and repulsion. Sexual functions are 
unclean whether they are natural or un- 
natural. It is clear that cleanness means 
fitness for participation in the cult, and that 
uncleanness disqualifies one from cultic 
functions. It is not possible to determine a 
common basis in those things which render 
one unfit for the cult. Morality is not a fac- 
tor. Unlawful sexual relations render one no 
more unclean than do lawful sexual rela- 
tions or the eating of unclean food. Sin 
is termed unclean only when the word is 
used in a transferred sense (cf passages 
cited above). Furthermore, most unclean- 
ness is removed simply by bathing. Unclean- 
ness is therefore conceived as a physical 
entity, not a moral state. It seems that in 
the concept of unclean we have a number 
of primitive practices which may have been 
originally related; their basis was possibly 
no longer understood by the Hebrews them- 
selves. In examining the areas of uncleanness 
no common element appears except that, 
excluding leprosy, all the unclean factors are 
related in some way to the beginning and 
end of life. The functions of sex are the 
human acts from which life originates; these 
and the body of the dead both render one 
unclean. Food is the means by which life is 
sustained, although there is no distinction in 
drink, nor does this tell us why some foods 
are unclean. It is possible, if the hypothesis 
is not too fanciful, to conceive that leprosy 
was imagined as a kind of living death, and 
was therefore an unclean disease. This would 
permit us to approach a common element in 
uncleanness. In ancient Hebrew and other 
Semitic religions life and death were the 
area of the divine, where the power of the 
deity was most obviously manifested. Man's 
share in the initiation of life by the functions 
of sex was itself considered a participation 
in the functions of the deity, and one whose 
life was just ended had been touched, as it 
were, by the hand of the deity. Understood 
in this way the concept of unclean is not 
entirely dissimilar to the concept of holy; 
possibly the ideas of unclean and clean arose 
in a culture which did not possess the idea 
of the holy, and they were not adopted 
without some violence and overlapping of 
the two sets of concepts. There remains, 
however, the fundamental difference that one 
removes uncleanness in order to participate 




in cultic functions, and one removes holiness 
in order to return to the profane world. Un- 
cleanness, even if it is analyzed as intimate 
contact with the mysteries of life and death, 
does not tell us why this contact should 
render one unfit for public worship. 

In NT times the laws of clean and un- 
clean were interpreted by the Pharisees* 
with fanatic rigidity, which elicited some of 
the most severe words uttered by Jesus. He 
declared that all foods are equally clean {Mt 
15:11 ff; Mk 7:14ff) and accused the Phari- 
sees of cleaning only the outside of the dish 
(Mt 23:36). He permitted His disciples to 
ignore the laws of legal cleanliness (Mt 
15:1 ff; Mk 7:5 ff). Uncleanness was in- 
curred even by contact with Gentiles (AA 
10:28), and this Jewish inhibition was not 
entirely removed until late in the 1st century. 

Clement (Gk klimis, Lt ctemens, "mild"), 
one of Paul's fellow workers (Phi 4:3). 
The identification of this Clement with the 
early Christian writer and bishop of Rome 
is uncertain. 

Cleopatra (Gk kleopaira, "illustrious father"), 
a name borne by a number of princesses of 
the Ptolemaic* dynasty of Egypt*. Cleopatra, 
daughter of Ptolemy VI Philometor, was the 
wife first of Alexander* BaSas ( 1 Mc 
10:57 f). Her father divorced her from 
Alexander and married her to Demetrius II 
Nicator* (1 Mc 1 1:12). During the cap- 
tivity of Demetrius in Parthia she became 
the wife of his brother, Antiochus* VII 
Sidetes. She bore two sons to Demetrius: 
she murdered the elder and intrigued for 
the succession of the younger, Antiochus 
VIII Grypus, to the throne. She finally at- 
tempted to poison him, but was discovered 
and forced to drink the poison herself 
(120 bc). 

Cleophas (Gk kieopas, abbreviated form of 
Gk kleopatras "illustrious father") . 1. One 
of the disciples who met Jesus on the road 
to Emmaus after His resurrection* (Lk 
24:18). 2. Gk klopas, the father or the hus- 
band of one of the women named Mary* 
who stood at the foot of the cross (Jn 19:25). 
If klopas here is the husband of Mary, he 
is possibly to be identified with Alphaeus* 


Clothing. In the biblical conception clothing 
originates from the feeling of shame and 
sexual desire which was aroused by the first 
sin (Gn 3:7, 21 ) and is therefore worn 
primarily for modesty. The Hebrews regarded 
nudity as extremely shameful and it is often 
mentioned as a disgrace suffered by captives 
in war (Is 20:4; Am 2:16 +). Assyrian 

and Egyptian reliefs show that captives 
were sometimes stripped of their clothing, 
which became the booty of their conquerors 

Egyptian nan wearing kilt and woman wearing a 
linen robe. 

(ANEP 8, 10, 358). The word naked is 
sometimes used to designate a person who 
is clad only in the undergarment. The Bible 
itself tells us little of the shape and texture 
of clothing, and the names of the various 
garments cannot always bc identified. This 
information must be supplemented by repre- 
sentations of clothing in ancient art. In Hb 
popular tradition the earliest clothing was 
made of the skins of animals (Gn 3:21). 

1. Men. It is not certain that the short 
kiltlike skirt is mentioned in the OT, unless 
the word 'ezor signifies this garment. The 
'ezor of linen is mentioned in a parable of 
Je 13:1 ff. It is also mentioned as worn by 
Assyrian warriors (Is 5:27) and by the 
Chaldeans (Ezk 23:15) and by Elijah (2 
K 1:8). The messianic king wears fidelity 
as an 'ezor (Is 11:5). The 'ezor may, how- 
ever, be the girdle. The short skirt reaching 
just above the knees was worn by Egyptian 
men of all classes in the Old Kingdom, and 
was the ceremonial garment of the Pharaoh 
during all of Egyptian history, when the 
short skirt had been replaced by the longer 
tunic for all except slaves, soldiers, and 
men engaged in manual labor. The short 
skirt is worn by Canaanites in Egyptian art 
up to the Late Bronze period, when it is 
replaced by the tunic (Hb kuttonet, Gk 




chiton). This garment, made of wool* or 
linen*, reached almost to the ankles, and 
was made with or without sleeves. It was 
worn over the naked body. During work or 
travel this garment could be tucked up under 
the girdle (Ex 12:11; 2 K 4:29; 9:1), The 
tunic worn by Joseph (Gn 37:3) which 
aroused the jealousy of his brothers was 
probably not a "garment of many colors," as 
in Eng versions, but a tunic with sleeves. 
Egyptian art, however, does represent the 
clothing of Syrian and Canaanites as multi- 
colored in contrast to the clothing of the 
Egyptians, which was almost always white 
linen, In some Egyptian pictures Syrians are 
dressed in garments which appear to be made 
of strips wrapped around the body spirally; 
it is not clear that this garment was worn 
over the tunic. Such a garment doubtless 
represents festive attire. This garment may 
be meant by the sadin (Jgs 14:12 ff ) which 
Samson wagered with his Philistine grooms- 
men. Over the tunic was worn the cloak 
or mantle, which is designated by a num- 
ber of Hb words. These different words 
probably represent different styles of the gar- 
ment which we cannot distinguish. The most 
common word is simlah. The modern mantle 
worn in the Near East is usually square, 
about 4CMU in on a side. This may be worn 
over both shoulders or over only one, to 
leave the arm free for movement. A few 
biblical indications (Zp 1:8) suggest that 
foreign styles of the cloak were easily 

adopted by the wealthy and the nobles. The 
ambassadors of Jehu represented on the 
black obelisk of Shalmaneser III are clothed 
in a mantle which appears to be circular with 
a hole for the head and a fringed edge, some- 
thing like a Gothic chasuble (ANEP 352- 
355). The cloak was used as covering at 
night, and the Hb legal codes prohibited the 
moneylender from accepting the cloak of 
the poor as security (Ex 22:25 ff; Dt 24: 13). 
The cloak was not worn at work (Mt 24: 18). 
It could be used for carrying various objects 
(Ex 12:34; 2 K 4:39; Hg 2:12). The girdle, 
a strap of leather or of fabric as much as 
five in wide, served not only to bind the 
garments and to tuck them up for work or 
movement, but was also slitted so as to pro- 
vide small pockets for coins, knives, etc. 
The m r 'il was a type of outer garment worn 
by kings (1 S 18:4; 24:5, 11), by the high 
priest (Ex 28:31 ff; Lv 8:7), by Samuel 
(1 S 2:19; 15:27; 28:14) and by Ezra (Ezr 
9:3, 5). These passages indicate that this 
garment was worn as a sign of royal or 
sacred office. The 'adderet is mentioned as a 
costly garment found in the booty of Jericho 
{Jos 7:21-24). It was the garment of Elijah 
{] K 19:19; 2 K 2:13 ft) which was passed 
on to Elisha with its wonder-working proper- 
ties. This garment, made of camel's hair, 
seems to have indicated the professional 
prophet* (cf Zc 13:4), The same two gar- 
ments (tunic: chiton and cloak: himation) 
are indicated in the NT, Jesus bids one who 

-■■^Wm- !■■■■ 




a) Assyrian genius wearing a fringed kill and robe, b) Assyrian 
91 scene showing prisoners of war, men dressed in long tunics. 




is asked for his cloak to yield also his tunic 
(Mt 5:40; Lk 6:29). It is a sign of wealth 
to have a change of tunic, and Jesus forbids 
this to His disciples (Mt 10:10; Mk 6:9; 
Lk 9:3). The tunic and cloak of Jesus were 
taken by the soldiers at the crucifixion. The 
tunic was of unusual texture, being woven 
without seam (Jn 19:23), which indicates a 
garment of extremely simple construction. 
The garment (Gk ependytes) which Peter 
wrapped around himself in order to meet 
Jesus (Jn 21:7) is mentioned only here in 
the NT; it probably signifies the tunic. Fisher- 
men are often represented in Egyptian art as 
working in the nude, and the fishermen of 
the Sea of Galilee probably did the same 
thing. Festive garments for great occasions 
are mentioned frequently in OT and NT (Gn 
27:15; Jgs 14:12; Mt 22:11 if; Lk 15:22+). 
These were made of more costly material and 
were probably more brilliantly colored. 

2. Women. The clothing of women also 
consisted of the tunic and the cloak; the 
prohibition of exchanging the garments of 
the two sexes (Dt 22:5) indicates some dif- 
ference in cut and style. The clothing of 
women in Egypt was longer and made of 
finer material than the clothing of men. In 
later Egyptian art women are represented as 
clothed in almost totally diaphanous linen 
robes. Women also wore a veil*. In an As- 
syrian relief Israelite women are represented 
as wearing a veil wrapped around the head 
which trails behind them as far as the ankles. 

Cloud. In the OT clouds are an almost uni- 
versal element of the theophany*. The rain- 
bow in the clouds is a sign of God's cove- 
nant not to destroy mankind again by a 
deluge* (Gn 9:13 ff). Yahweh appears in 
the midst of the clouds (Jgs 5:4: Ezk 1:4) 
and the clouds are His chariot (Ps 18:10) 
or His tent (Ps 18:12; cf also Ps 104:3). 
Yahweh is the rider of the clouds (Ps 68:5). 
In popular belief the clouds could conceal 
men's actions upon the earth from Yahweh's 
vision (Jb 22: 13). In the NT the cloud motif 
is less prominent. It appears in the narra- 
tive of the transfiguration* (Mt 17:5; Mk 
9:9; Lk 9:34), in which the voice of the 
Father issues from the cloud which sur- 
rounds the disciples. A cloud removes 
Jesus from the sight of the disciples in the 
ascension* (AA 1:9). Jesus predicts that 
He Himself will come upon the clouds of 
heaven (Mt 26:64; Mk 14:62). This motif 
is drawn from the Son of Man* of Dn 7:13. 
The living at the time of the parousia* will 
be taken up upon the clouds to meet the 
Lord (1 Th 4:17). 

The pillar of cloud by day and the pillar 
of fire by night which guided and protected 
the Israelites during the exodus* are sym- 

bolic representations of the presence of Yah- 
weh to guide and protect them (Ex 13:21 f; 
14:19 f; 16:10 +). The cloud of Sinai (Ex 
19:16 ff) is no doubt one of the original 
elements of the association of the cloud with 
the theophany in the OT. 

Cnidus (Gk knidos), a city on the SW coast 
of Asia Minor opposite the island of Cos. 
In antiquity it was renowned as a center of 
the study of medicine and the possessor of 
an Aphrodite of Praxiteles. It was one of 
the cities to which the Romans addressed 
the document warning against attacking the 
Jews (1 Mc 15:23), and it was touched by 
the ship which carried Paul to Rome (AA 

Code. Cf law. 

Codex. Cf book. 

Coelesyria (Gk he koile syria, "hollow 
Syria"), in 1 Mc 10:69; 2 Mc 3:5, 8; 4:4; 
8:8; 10:11, a part of the Seleucid kingdom 
ruled by the governor of Coelesyria and 
Phoenicia. Properly the name designates 
the Beqaa, the valley between the Lebanon* 
and the Anti-Lebanon; but the territory of 
the governor included Judaea, and the name 
therefore covered all the territory inland 
from the coastal plain from N Syria to the 
boundary of Egypt. 

Colossae (Gk kolossai), a city of Phrygia* 
in Asia Minor. Colossae lay in the upper 
Lycus valley about 80 mi E of Ephesus. 
The Lycus flows into the Meander (modern 
Menderes) about 100 mi above its mouth. 
The valley of the Lycus is about 24 mi long 
and six mi wide at its greatest width; its 
altitude above sea level is 500-820 ft. At 
Colossae the valley is only about two mi wide 
and is hemmed in by steep cliffs on both 
sides. In this region lay Colossae, Laodicea*, 
and Hierapolis. Colossae was situated on 
a double hill on the S bank of the river. 
Little is known of the history of Colossae; 
Herodotus says it was a great city in the 
time of Xerxes, but in NT times it appears 
to have declined in importance in favor of 
Laodicea and Hierapolis. Like these cities 
it was a center of the wool and dyeing in- 
dustries. The origins of the church of Colos- 
sae are also obscure; it was not founded by 
Paul, and its foundation is with great prob- 
ability attributed to Epaphras* (Col 1:7), 
himself a native of Colossae (Col 4:12). 

Colossians, Epistle to the. 1. Contents. 1:1- 
2, greeting. 
I. Introduction, 1:3-2:5: 
1:3-8, thanksgiving. 




1:9-12, prayer for further progress. 

1:13-23, the primacy of Christ as re- 
deemer and reconciler. 

1:23-2:5, Paul's mission to the Gentiles 
and the share of the Gentiles in the 
salvation of Christ. 
II. Doctrinal, 2:6-23: 

2:6-8, perseverance in faith against mis- 
leading teachers. 

2:9-15, life and freedom through Christ. 

2:16-23, polemic against vain ritual 
practices and enslavement to the 

III. Exhortation, 3:1-4:6: 

3: 1-17, baptism creates a new man and 
imposes holiness of life. 

3:18-4:1, instruction for particular 

4:2-6, exhortation to prayer and instruc- 
tions on dealing with non-Christian 

IV. Conclusion, 4:7-18: 
4:7-9, Paul's emissaries. 
4:10-17, salutations. 
4:18, autograph greeting. 

2. Authorship. Several modern critics ques- 
tion the attribution of Col to Paul. They 
point out some notable differences in vocabu- 
lary; Col contains 86 words not found in 
the uncontested Pauline writings, of which 
34 are not found elsewhere in the NT. The 
style likewise differs from the style of "the 
great epistles" (Rm, 1-2 Co, Gal); it be- 
comes hieratic and liturgical, indeed it is 
often obscure and overloaded. The theology 
is remarkably developed over the uncon- 
tested letters; Col exhibits a more elaborate 
theology of the Church*, particularly the 
Church as the body* and Christ as the head; 
Col uses the term mystery* for the plan of 
salvation; the idea of knowledge* becomes 
prominent; and the cosmological-Christologi- 
cal synthesis, while not unparalleled in earlier 
writings, is here much more complex. These 
differences are real and should not be denied; 
but not all scholars believe they demand a 
different author. The differences in vocabu- 
lary can be attributed to the errors which 
the letter combats; the writer uses the terms 
familiar to those who had been attracted by 
these doctrines (cf below) and incorporates 
them into his own exposition of Christian 
belief. It must be conceded that the Christo- 
logical synthesis of Col is new; it seems also 
that one must with Percy and Cerfaux admit 
that the synthesis is Pauline. To attribute 
it to another writer demands that one postu- 
late another man in the primitive community 
with the genius and the insight of Paul. 
The question of the authorship and the theol- 
ogy of Col is complicated by its relations 
with Eph*. 

3. Date and Place of Composition. Col 
is one the "epistles of the captivity" with 
Phi, Eph, and Phm. Its relations with 
Eph and Phm are close, and this group 
should be attributed to the same captivity, 
while Phi* may come from another imprison- 
ment. Ephesus is an unlikely place for 
these letters. The traditional opinion places 
them at Rome in 62-63. Some scholars 
have placed them earlier during Paul's im- 
prisonment at Caesarea; this also appears 
unlikely, as the developed theology of Col 
is not in favor of an earlier date. 

4. Occasion and Purpose. Col was elicited 
by a doctrinal difficulty; the Church at Colos- 
sae was influenced by certain errors. Paul 
had not founded the Church (cf colossae); 
but it had been founded by his companion 
Epaphras* and he treats it as a Church of 
his own. The nature of the errors is not 
clear in detail; it is evident that they arose 
from some kind of Gnostic syncretism (cf 
knowledge). Cerfaux proposes that it was 
a mixture of pagan and Jewish elements, 
perhaps arising among the Jews and ac- 
cepted by some Christians. The heart of 
the error was belief in the "elements" or 
the "Powers" (2:15), intermediate beings 
between God and man who were thought 
to have power over men. A cult was paid 
to these cosmic powers which had features 
derived from the mystery* cults. L. Cerfaux 
adds the suggestion that these elements came 
from vulgar paganism and replaced the gods 
of paganism. In addition the new belief 
imposed certain prescriptions on cleanliness, 
the observance of holy days, and dietary 
practices; these have connections with the 
Jewish law, but the error is not simply 
Judaism. The error was an implicit denial 
of the position of Christ as sole redeemer 
and mediator; consequently Paul responds 
not only by rejecting the errors but by a 
positive statement of the central and unique 
position of Christ, both as savior and as a 
creative and cosmic principle. The theme 
is taken up again in Eph. Whether the epistle 
is from Paul or from one of his disciples 
or companions writing at his commission, it 
appears that the exposition of the central 
place of Christ is presented in terms of the 
Gnostic errors of Colossae, and that Christ 
is given the titles of honor and power which 
were given to the Powers. 

Confirmation. In Catholic doctrine the sec- 
ond of the seven sacraments*, in which the 
Holy Spirit* is received by the anointing of 
the bishop for strength to profess, to defend, 
and to practice the faith. The sacrament 
reposes upon the promises of Jesus to send 
another comforter (Jn 14:16) who will teach 
the disciples everything (Jn 14:26), who 




will bear witness of Jesus and enable them 
to bear witness (Jn 15:26). He will em- 
power the disciples to speak, for he will tell 
them what to say (Jn 16:13). The proto- 
type of Christian confirmation is the descent 
of the Holy Spirit upon the apostles at the 
feast of Pentecost (AA 2:2 ff). In AA the 
reception of the Holy Spirit accompanied 
the baptism* of converts; this gift of the 
Spirit was usually signified externally by the 
charismata (cf grace). Only in A A 8:15 ff, 
however, is there any indication of a rite 
distinct from baptism by which the Holy 
Spirit is conferred; in this passage Peter 
and John impose hands upon some Samari- 
tans who had been baptized previously. The 
Spirit fell upon Cornelius* the centurion and 
his companions before baptism (AA 10:44), 
and Peter declared that the reception of the 
Holy Spirit was a sufficient reason for bap- 
tism (AA 10:47). The disciples of Ephesus* 
who had been baptized with the baptism of 
John had not received the Holy Spirit, 
but the Spirit came upon them with the 
gift of tongues when they were baptized 
(AA 19:1 ff). There seems little doubt that 
the sacramental rite conferring the Holy 
Spirit was considered in the primitive Church 
to be a part of the rite of baptism, which 
could be separated from the baptismal rite 
if necessary but was normally conferred at 
the same time. 

Conscience. There is no single Hb word 
which expresses the idea of conscience, and 
the Gk word occurs in the OT only in WS 
17:11. This book, composed in the 1st cen- 
tury bc, is influenced by the terminology 
of Gk philosophy. The reality of conscience 
as a judgment of the morality of an act to 
be performed or the recognition that an 
act already performed is morally bad is 
found in the OT. The "pangs of conscience" 
are described with artistic skill in the ac- 
count of Gn 3. The Hb word which most 
nearly expresses the idea of conscience is 
the word heart*. 

In the NT the word syriidesis occurs 25 
times in the Pauline writings (including Heb), 
3 times in 1 Pt and twice in AA, both 
times uttered by Paul. The word in the 
meaning of conscience is derived from Stoic 
philosophy. In Stoicism conscience, which 
is the ultimate and autonomous judge of 
one's own acts, is the root of the independ- 
ence of the sage. Paul adopted the word, 
as he adopted some other words from Gk 
philosophy which were current in popular 
speech, and with it adopted something of 
the Stoic notion of independence rooted in 
a good conscience. Substantially, however, 
his idea of one's personal judgment of moral 
good and evil reposes upon OT and Gospel 

conceptions of sin. Paul himself has a good 
and clear conscience, that is, he is unaware 
of any charge which can be laid against 
him concerning his fulfillment of his apostolic 
mission (2 Co 1:12; AA 23:1; 24:16). 
Conscience, i.e., the awareness of the differ- 
ence between moral good and evil, bears 
witness against the Gentiles, who show by 
this awareness that they have the law 
written in their hearts (Rm 2:15). Paul's 
conscience also bears witness in his favor 
that he has done nothing against his Jewish 
brethren (Rm 9:1). Christians should submit 
to civil power not only because they fear 
its wrath but also because of the obligations 
of conscience (Rm 13:5). Some Christians 
have a "weak" conscience, i.e., they think 
it is sinful to eat meat offered to idols when 
it is not; and those whose conscience is 
"strong," i.e., better informed, have the duty 
of not leading these weaker consciences 
into sin. They should abstain from their 
use of their liberty in order to avoid scandal 
(1 Co 8:7, 10, 12). Conscience is indeed 
a principle of liberty (1 Co 10:29), but 
this liberty is restrained by the necessity 
of building up the spiritual strength of one's 
neighbor (1 Co 10:23). One should eat 
meat freely without inquiring about its 
source; but if one learns that it has been 
offered to idols, one should abstain from 
eating it not because of one's own con- 
science, but because of the conscience of 
another. Paul submits himself to the judg- 
ment of the conscience of all men (2 Co 
4:2; 5:11). Love proceeds from a pure 
heart and a good conscience and genuine 
faith (1 Tm 1:5); by rejecting a good 
conscience, i.e., Christian standards of moral 
good and evil, some have made shipwreck 
of the faith (1 Tm 1:19 ff). False apostles 
have seared, i.e., insensitive consciences ( 1 
Tm 4:2). To the pure all things are pure, 
but to men whose intelligence and conscience 
are stained all things are taken in the worst 
sense (Tt 1:15). The sacrificial ritual of 
the Law was unable to purify the conscience, 
i.e., to remove the sense of guilt (Heb 9:9; 
10:2), but Christ purifies the conscience 
(Heb 10:22). To purify the conscience from 
dead works (Heb 9:14) perhaps signifies 
to remove the obligation of performing the 
works of the Law. Where the word syriidesis 
is used in the NT, it is most frequently 
accompanied by "good," "pure," "clear." 
Paul is aware of the possibility of a good 
conscience which is in sincere error; Chris- 
tian charity demands that we tolerate this 
weakness until the conscience can be better 

Copper. Copper made its first appearance in 
Palestine about 4500 bc and remained the 




most common metal until the introduction 
of iron* (cf bronze). The mountains of 
Canaan are described as hills from which 
copper can be extracted (Dt 8:9); this is 
not true of the strictly Israelite territory, but 
extensive copper deposits existed in the im- 
mediate neighborhood. The richest deposits 
mined by the Egyptians were in the Sinai* 
peninsula; these were mined through the 19th 
and 20th dynasties. Nearer to Israelite terri- 
tory were copper deposits in the Arabah, 
the gorge which extends from the Dead Sea 
to the head of the Gulf of Aqabah. These 
mines were worked from the Early Bronze 
Age into Middle Bronze, but were abandoned 
until they were again worked by the Israel- 
ites. Edom* was conquered by David, and 
Solomon set up mining and refining opera- 
tions at Ezion-geber*. The remains of these 
refineries were discovered by Nelson Glueck. 
They were equipped with furnaces and flues 
which communicated with an air channel. 
The site was chosen in order to use the 
strong winds which blow south from the 
Arabah as a draft. With the use of proper 
fuel intense heat could thus be generated, 
and the condition of the mud brick surface 
of the remaining walls shows that this end 
was achieved. There were also copper de- 
posits in northern Syria, and the cities of 
the Phoenician coast were important centers 
of copper refining and the manufacture of 
bronze articles, which are found in great 
numbers in the remains of these cities. For 
the execution of the metal vessels of the 
temple* Solomon brought Hiram*, a skilled 
metalworker, from Tyre* (1 K 7:13 IT) . 

Corban (Gk korban, from Hb korban, 
etymology uncertain), in the priestly code 
(39 times in Lv, 38 times in Nm, Ezk 20:28; 
40:43) signifies a gift or a consecration of 
an article to the deity. In Judaism the 
word came to mean the temple treasury 
(Mt 27:6). The word as used in Mk 7:11, 
where it is interpreted as "gift," suggests 
that it was employed as a formula of con- 
secration of articles given to the temple. 
Pharisaic interpretation of the law per- 
mitted one to consecrate his property to the 
temple while continuing to enjoy its revenues. 
Jesus rebukes the hypocrisy which employs 
this device to avoid the obligation of sup- 
porting one's parents from one's property; 
for property consecrated to the temple could 
not be employed for profane uses. 

Corinth (Gk korinthos) , a city in the NE 
Peloponnesus near the E end of the Gulf 
of Corinth. The city lay near the shore 
(nearer in ancient times than now). To the 
S of the city rise the mountains of the 
Peloponnesus, most prominent of which is 

Acrocorinth, a steep rocky slope about 1850 
ft high, the citadel of the ancient Gk city 
and in later times the seat of numerous 
temples. The importance of Corinth lay in 
its position on the Isthmus of Corinth, the 
shortest route from the Adriatic to the 
Aegean, and thus from Europe to Asia. The 
ancient Gk city was destroyed by the Romans 
in 146 bc. The Corinth of the NT was 
founded by Julius Caesar in 44 bc under 
the name of Colonia Laus Julia Corinthos 
as the capital of the senatorial province of 
Achaea. The first foundation was composed 
mostly of Italian freedmen; the position of 
the city, however, attracted a large and mixed 
population from the east; most of the citizens, 
it seems, were not Gk. The commercial 
importance of Corinth in NT times was 
greater than it had been in the Greek period; 
commerce between E and W in the Hellen- 
istic-Roman world was more active than it 
had ever been before. The city of Corinth 
was situated between its two ports, Lechaeon 
on the Gulf of Corinth and Cenchreae* on 
the Saronic Gulf. Goods in transit were 
transshipped from one port to the other, 
and smaller vessels could be hauled, cargo 
and all, on the diolkos, a slipway. The dis- 
tance of the transit was only about 4 mi 
(the length of the modern canal). Corinth 
depended essentially on this transfer of 
traffic, and we read of no major products 
of the city. But the traffic was enough; 
ancient writers testify to the splendor of its 
buildings, and this testimony is confirmed 
by the remains which have been uncovered. 
The old Gk city was not entirely destroyed 
in 146; the most imposing remains are the 
seven columns of the ancient temple of 
Apollo. The excavations have been carried 
on at intervals since 1896 by the American 
School of Athens. Not all the public build- 
ings have been uncovered, and the residential 
quarters have not been touched. Both litera- 
ture and archaeology testify to the large 
number of temples at Corinth (cf 1 Co 8:5). 
Besides the large temple of Apollo men- 
tioned above, there were several other tem- 
ples devoted to this god. There were temples 
dedicated to Athena, Poseidon, and a not- 
able sanctuary of Asklepios, the god of heal- 
ing, consisting of a temple and a hospital; 
the temple contained a large number of 
votive offerings which have been preserved. 
The greatest of the sanctuaries was the 
temple of Aphrodite on Acrocorinth, where 
1000 slave girls served as hierodules. There 
was a Jewish synagogue and Jewish colony 
by ad 50. The city center was built around 
a large agora 600 by 300 ft surrounded 
by colonnades and shops. On the S side of 
the agora were the council chamber and the 
rostrum for speakers; it is most probable 




that Paul's case was heard by Gallio* at 
this rostrum (AA 18:16 f). On the same 
side was a basilica, a large public building 
of unknown purpose. The entire agora was 
surrounded by temples. The city had public 
baths, an odeum, two theaters (one seat- 
ing 18,000), and an amphitheater; Corinth 
was the seat of the Isthmian games, and 
Paul's reference to the games in 1 Co 9:24- 
27 was altogether topical. The paved road 
to Lechaeon is preserved, but nothing re- 
mains of the port installations. Corinth had 
a reputation as a center of pleasure and 
of vice both in Gk and Roman times; the 
Gk proverb said that not everyone should 
go to Corinth. The city found its way into 
the Gk lexicon with korinthia kore ("Corin- 
thian girl"), prostitute; korinthiastes ("Corin- 
thian business man"), whoremonger; korin- 
thiazesthai ("to play the Corinthian"), to 
visit a house of prostitution. It was as un- 
promising a community as Paul ever chose 
for evangelization, and his letters perhaps re- 
flect the character of his congregation there 
with allusions which are not found in other 
epistles (1 Co 5: 1, 9 f; 6:9 f, 15-20). 

Only one visit of Paul to Corinth, his 
first, is related in AA (18:1-18). He reached 
the city from Athens on his second journey, 
about the year 50 (cf paul; gallio). There 
he lived with Aquila* and Priscilla*, prac- 
ticing his trade as tentmaker and preaching 
in the synagogue on the Sabbath; he con- 
verted Crispus*, the president of the syna- 
gogue. The Jews, however, rejected him, and 
he began to teach in the house of Titus 
Justus*. After 18 months the Jews brought 
him before Gallio as a teacher of unlawful 
religion, but Gallio would not even hear 
the charge. Paul left Corinth "some time" 
after this and went to Ephesus (AA 18:18); 
on other visits to the city cf paul: Corin- 
thians, epistles to. Apollos* also taught in 
Corinth after Paul's visit (AA 19:1). 

Corinthians, Epistles to the. 1. Contents, 1 
I. Introduction: 1:1-3, salutation; 1:4-9, 

II. Abuses at Corinth, 1:10-6:20. 

1:10-4:21, factions: 

1:10-17, the four factions; 1:18-2:16, 
the wisdom of God and worldly wisdom; 
3:1-23, the work of the preachers of the 
gospel; 4:1-13, application to Paul and 
Apollos; 4:14—21, the mission of Timothy 
and the intended coming of Paul. 

5:1-6:20, scandals at Corinth: 

5:1-8, a case of incest; 5:9-13, prohibi- 
tion of contact with the profligate; 6:1-6, 
prohibition of litigation before pagan courts; 
6:7-11, Christians should suffer injustice 

rather than do it; 6:12-20, unchastity is 

unworthy of the Christian. 

III. Answers to Questions, 7:1-15:18. 

7:1-40, marriage and virginity: 

7:1-7, marriage is lawful; 7:8-11, di- 
vorce; 7:12-26, the Pauline privilege; 7: 
17-24, let each remain in his state; 7:25-35, 
recommendation of celibacy; 7:36-38, the 
marriage of virgins; 7:39-40, widows. 

8:1-11:1, the eating of meat offered to 

8:1-13, freedom to eat such meat com- 
bined with duty of renouncing freedom to 
avoid the scandal of the weak; 9:1-27, 
Paul's example of renouncing his right to 
be maintained by the community; 10:1-22, 
warning against partaking in pagan sacrificial 
banquets; 10:23-11 : 1, instructions concerning 
eating meat offered to idols. 

11:2-34, abuses in liturgical cult: 

11:2-16, the veiling of women at cultic 
assemblies; 11:17-34, abuses at the agape 
and instruction for the celebration of the 

12:1-14:40, instructions about charismata: 

12:1—31, variety, origin, and purpose of 
charismata; 13:1-13, excellence of love: 
14:1-25, prophecy superior to the gift of 
tongues; 14:26-40, regulations governing the 
manifestation and display of charismata. 

15:1-58, the resurrection: 

15:1—11, the reality of the resurrection 
of Jesus; 15:12-28, faith in the resurrec- 
tion (and the Parousia) based on the resur- 
rection of Jesus; 15:29-34, folly of the 
Christian life on any other basis; 15:35—58, 
the qualities of the risen body and the 
destiny of those who are living at the 

16, Conclusion: 

16:1-4, the collection of Jerusalem; 16: 
5-12, Paul's plans, commendation of Timo- 
thy and Apollos; 16:13-23, final exhorta- 
tions, commendations, and salutations. 

2. Contents, 2 Corinthians 
I. Introduction: 1:1-2, salutation; 1:3-11, 

II. Paul's defense of himself, 1:12-7:16. 

1:12-2:17, the charge of instability and 
other matters: 

1:12-2:4, omission of promised visit due 
to his love and consideration; 2:5-11, he 
commends the rebuke of the guilty party and 
urges that forgiveness be granted him; 2:12- 
17, Paul's journey to Troas and Macedonia. 

3:1-6:10, the apostolic office: 

3:1-3, the Corinthian community is proof 
of Paul's apostolic office; 3:4-18, the apos- 
tle is superior to Moses; 4:1-6, fearless- 
ness and candor of the apostle; 4:7-18, the 
suffering of the apostle; 5:1-10, hope as a 
power in suffering; 5:11-6:10, Paul's sin- 




cerity, the greatness of his message, his test- 
ing by suffering. 

6:11-7:16, Paul's reconciliation with the 

6:11-13 + 7:2-4, request for restoration 
of communion; 6:14-7:1, exhortation for a 
complete conversion from paganism; 7:5-16, 
Paul's pleasure at the news brought by Titus 
that the community has repented. 

III. The Collection for the Church of Jeru- 
salem, 8-9. 

8:1-15, exhortation to be generous, the 
example of the communities of Macedonia; 
8:16-9:5, recommendation of his emissaries 
and his reasons for sending them; 9:6-15, 
the blessings which God grants the generous 

IV. The Adversaries of Paul, 10-13. 
10:1-18, rejection of the charges brought 

by his adversaries and ridicule of their ar- 
rogance; 11:1-4+ 16-21, Paul asks them 
to bear with the boasting which is necessary 
for the defense of his apostolic mission; 
11:5-15, Paul's equality with the "super- 
apostles,'' the reasons why he renounced his 
right to be supported; 11:21-12:13, Paul's 
sufferings and revelations; 12:14-13:10, his 
forthcoming visit, apprehensions, appeals, and 

V. Conclusion, 13:11-13: appeals, final salu- 
tation and blessing. 

3. Occasion. The occasion of 1-2 Co is 
a complex series of events which must be 
reconstructed from the letters themselves. 
A commonly accepted reconstruction is as 
follows. Paul's first mission at Corinth lasted 
1 8 months of his second journey, probably 
beginning in the fall of ad 5 1 (AA 18). From 
there Paul went to Ephesus, Caesarea, and 
Antioch. Apollos came to Corinth shortly 
after Paul's departure. Paul began his 3rd 
journey in the spring of ad 54; when he 
reached Ephesus he became aware of troubles 
in the Corinthian community. It is not clear 
how the news reached him; possibly it was 
the occasion of his dispatch of Timothy and 
Erastus to Corinth (AA 19:22; 1 Co 4:17; 
16:10). Possibly also they bore a letter to 
Corinth which is not preserved (1 Co 5:9). 
A delegation then arrived from Corinth ( 1 
Co 16:15-18) bearing a letter with various 
questions (1 Co 7:1, 25; 8:1; 12:1; 15:1); 
it may be assumed that they also gave Paul 
information by word of mouth concerning 
conditions at Corinth (1 Co 1:11). Paul 
wrote a letter in answer which they took to 
Corinth; this letter is 1 Co. When this letter 
did not have the desired effect, Paul sent 
Timothy as his representative; but Timothy 
had no more success. Paul himself then made 
a brief personal visit which likewise failed 
(2 Co 2:1); on this visit his apostolic au- 
thority was outraged by an unidentified of- 

fender (2 Co 2:5-7: 12). Paul then returned 
to Ephesus and wrote "the sorrowful letter" 
(2 Co 2:4), which is not preserved. This 
letter was sent with Titus. Paul intended 
to meet Titus at Troas; when his arrival 
was delayed, Paul in worry and impatience 
went to Macedonia, where Titus met him 
with favorable news (2 Co 2:12-14; 7:5-7). 
Paul then wrote 2 Co from Macedonia. 
Both 1-2 Co were probably written in ad 
57, 1 Co in the spring and 2 Co in the fall. 
It is thus likely that 1-2 Co are two of four 
letters written to the Corinthians, arranged 
thus: A, the letter of 1 Co 5:9; B, 1 Co; C, 
the sorrowful letter (2 Co 2:4); D, 2 Co. 
A number of modern critics suspect that A 
and C are not lost but have been incorpo- 
rated into 1-2 Co; cf below. 

The occasion of 1—2 Co can be put sim- 
ply as the encounter of the gospel with 
Hellenism. All we know about Corinth leads 
us to believe that there was scarcely a more 
unlikely place in the entire Roman world 
for the gospel to find a favorable reception. 
It must have beep well received, however: 
the affection of Paul for this wayward con- 
gregation is transparent, as is his convic- 
tion that they, in spite of their faults, have 
accepted the gospel without reservation. The 
faults seem to have been something novel 
in Paul's experience. The factions of Cephas, 
Apollos, Paul, and Christ have never been 
identified to satisfaction. They were not fac- 
tions of heresy or schism; there is no indica- 
tion that the divisions split the community 
or bore on points of belief or doctrine. It 
has been suggested that the factions may have 
represented Judaizers (Cephas), Hellenists 
(Paul), exaggerated Hellenists (Apollos), ex- 
treme Judaizers (Christ), Gnostics (Apollos), 
extreme Gnostics who claimed special revela- 
tion and deliverance from all moral obliga- 
tion (Christ). None of these identifications 
has any secure basis in the text, and several 
of them imply genuine dogmatic and doc- 
trinal divisions which are not reflected in 
the words of Paul. We may conclude from 
other epistles (Rm, Gal, Col) that such deep 
divisions would not be passed over so lightly. 
It appears more probable that these were 
cases of hero worship, of various cliques 
boasting their favorites and creating the 
danger of personal jealousy and rivalry among 
the apostles. "The sect of Christ" no doubt 
pretended to be above all this and did not 
acknowledge even proper authority. 

The moral difficulties and problems of the 
Corinthians can be reduced to their recent 
conversion from Gentile paganism; they have 
to do with the attitude of Christians toward 
sex, which is easily conceived as being an 
urgent problem in Corinth, with the liberty 
of eating meat offered to idols (the flesh 




of victims, after the god's portion was taken, 
was sold in the open market) and with the 
proper celebration of the Eucharist, which 
they seem to have not as yet distinguished 
from the pagan banquet, religious or secular. 
In addition they did not know how to deal 
with the charismata (cf grace), which they 
seem to have confused with ecstatic and 
rhapsodic manifestations in pagan cults. Fi- 
nally, they had the typical Gk difficulty of 
accepting the resurrection of the body. The 
problem which still had to be dealt with 
in 2 Co was the reality and the nature of 
the apostolic mission. The adversaries against 
whom 2 Co is directed cannot be certainly 
identified. They must have included Pales- 
tinian Jews (2 Co 11:22); but the terms 
of Paul's controversy with them are not the 
same as his language when he engages with 
the Judaizers of Gal and Rm. Hence a num- 
ber of scholars suppose that they taught some 
form of gnosis (cf knowledge); this would 
explain why Paul appeals to his own per- 
sonal revelations (2 Co 12). Kiimmel has 
proposed that two groups united, Palestinian 
Jews and Gentiles who had accepted a 
gnostic teaching. What they had in common 
was opposition to the apostleship of Paul 
and to his person. These also seem to have 
claimed apostolic dignity, indeed a dignity 
greater than the apostles (2 Co 11:5, 12). 
Paul makes no specific doctrinal complaint 
against these adversaries, although he hints 
at one (2 Co 11:3 f); the words seem to 
show a lack of confidence in these men 
rather than any definite charge. 

4. Doctrinal Elements. It is remarkable, 
in the words of Cambier, how the essential 
aspects of Christian thought and life are 
brought out by Paul to meet concrete situa- 
tions and practical problems. This is the 
greatness of 1-2 Co, that belief and doctrine 
are so closely integrated with the urgent 
problems of life in the immediate present. 
For the major themes of the epistles cf 
separate topical articles: apostle; body; 
eucharist; freedom; love; resurrection; 


5. Authorship and Integrity, The Pauline 
authorship of 1-2 Co is not questioned seri- 
ously by modern scholars. These epistles have 
the intensely personal style which is so evi- 
dent in the unquestioned Pauline epistles, 
with deep and changing emotions. The unity 
and integrity of 1 Co are likewise not ques- 
tioned by modern critics; but 2 Co presents 
a number of problems concerning its com- 
position which are seriously discussed. 

The signs of imperfect unity are fairly 
evident. Chapter 9 has all the appearances 
of a doublet of chapter 8. There is a marked 
change in tone from 1-9 to 10-13; the 
atmosphere of joy and reconciliation of 1-9 

turns without warning to one of the most 
severe passages of all the Pauline corpus, 
which employs ridicule, admonition, threat, 
and sarcasm; one might suspect that a recon- 
ciliation so recently and so hardly achieved 
would be imperiled by this passage. There 
is evident continuity between 6:13 and 7:2 
which is broken by the insertion of 6:14- 
7:1. A number of critics have suggested that 
both chapter 9 and 6:14—7:1 are epistles 
or part of epistles directed to different 
churches; and some believe that in them or 
part of them we have all or what is left 
of Letter A to the Corinthians (cf above). 
Many have suggested that 10-13 contain 
"the sorrowful letter" (2 Co 2:4, Letter C 
to the Corinthians above). 

The problem of unity and integrity should 
not be solved by denying the reality of the 
lack of unity between these passages and 
the rest of 2 Co; other critics, admitting the 
problem, have attempted to solve it without 
recurring to the hypotheses of distinct let- 
ters. Some have suggested that the brief visit 
of Paul to Corinth intervened between the 
composition of 1-9 and the composition of 
10-13; this cannot be made to agree with 
the reconstruction of events proposed above, 
which seems best to suit the evidence. Others 
have suggested a lapse of time between the 
composition of the two parts; 1-9 were 
written after the favorable report of Titus, 
and 10-13 were added when new information 
was gained which showed that the adversaries 
still had a following. Still others have pointed 
out that the dictation of a letter as long 
as 2 Co consumed considerable time, more 
than enough for the author to experience 
a change of mood. Cambier has called the 
change of tone in 10-13 a psychological 
rather than a literary problem; this designa- 
tion of the question seems to presuppose the 
unity of composition of the letter, which is 
precisely the problem. Cambier also adduces 
certain characteristics of ancient composition 
not only of letters but of prose works in 
general: the relative independence of the dif- 
ferent parts of the composition and the ab- 
sence of transitions. These characteristics 
should not be pressed; 1 Co, for instance, 
treats of a variety of topics, and the transi- 
tions are almost always clearly indicated. It 
seems that no hypothesis of a single composi- 
tion has been proposed which genuinely fits 
the unusual phenomena, and a hypothesis 
that 2 Co has been compiled from more 
than one letter of Paul enjoys genuine prob- 
ability. It is quite true that the situation at 
Corinth is not well enough known for one 
to be certain, and hence one must make 
reservations on any theory; but the obscurity 
of the situation also lends itself to the 
hypothesis of compilation. It is therefore 




improbable that 2 Co in its present form 
was dispatched to Corinth by Paul. 

Cornelius. The centurion in command of the 
Italian cohort stationed at Caesarea* (AA 
10:1). He was a proselyte* of the type 
called "those who fear God" (AA 10:2), 
who accepted the Jewish Law but did not 
become full members of the Jewish com- 
munity by circumcision. Cornelius was 
visited by an angel while he was at prayer 
and directed to summon Peter from Joppa*. 
When Peter arrived and heard of the vision 
of Cornelius he instructed him in the story 
of the life, death, and messiahship of Jesus. 
At the end of the instruction the Holy Spirit* 
fell upon Cornelius and all his household 
and conferred upon them the gift of tongues. 
Peter found this sufficient justification to 
baptize them, although they were Gentiles. 
At the time when Cornelius was visited by 
an angel, Peter himself saw a vision of a 
great vessel let down from heaven containing 
all kinds of animals and birds. When ordered 
by a voice to kill and eat, Peter refused, 
because he had never eaten anything un- 
clean; but the voice instructed him that 
nothing is unclean which God has cleansed 
(AA 10:9-18). When Peter met Cornelius, 
he understood from the vision that there 
was no prohibition against associating with 
Gentiles, as the Pharisees understood the 
law of cleanliness (cf clean; AA' 10:28 f). 
The story of the conversion of Cornelius 
is told in such a way as to inculcate two 
distinct lessons. The first of these is that 
Gentiles may be received into the Church 
without circumcision or undertaking the full 
obligation of the Jewish law. This question 
was agitated in the primitive Church and 
was determined by the council of Jerusalem 
(AA 15:1 ff), but it was still active when 
Paul wrote Rm and Gal. Connected with 
the same question was the Pharisaic prohibi- 
tion of associating with Gentiles and, in 
particular, of eating with them. Peter him- 
self observed this Pharisaic interpretation on 
one occasion and was rebuked by Paul (Gal 
2:12 ff). The story of the conversion of Cor- 
nelius justifies both these elements of Chris- 
tian liberty by a heavenly vision: one granted 
to Cornelius, by which he asks for instruc- 
tion in the gospel, and the other granted to 
Peter, by which he learns that the Jewish 
laws of cleanliness do not bind Christians, 
and that there is no distinction between Jew- 
ish and Gentile members of the Christian 
community. Some scholars think the narra- 
tive has been compiled from two different 
sources or two variant accounts of the con- 
version of Cornelius, one containing the 
account of the vision of Cornelius and his 
conversion, the other containing the account 

of the vision of Peter and his admission of 
Cornelius to social equality. 

Cornerstone. The cornerstone, in particular 
the stone at the base, binds two walls and 
is chosen for its size. The leaders of tribes 
and peoples are called cornerstones in the 
OT (Jgs 20:2; 1 S 14:38; Is 19:13;Zc 10:4). 
The precious tested stone which Yahweh 
places at the corner (Is 28:16) is inter- 
preted as the Messiah*, although it is doubt- 
ful that the passage means this in the context. 
The stone rejected by the builders which 
became the cornerstone (Ps 118:22) is doubt- 
less a metaphor for the deliverance of the 
psalmist. The passage is applied to Jesus by 
Jesus Himself (Mt 21:42; Mk 12:10; Lk 
20:17). The application is echoed by Peter 
(AA 4:11; 1 Pt 2:7). In Eph 2:20 and 
1 Pt 2:4 ff the Church is represented as 
a building of which Christ Himself is the 
cornerstone. The apostles and prophets are 
the foundation, and the faithful themselves 
are the living stones of the edifice. Some 
interpreters believe that the metaphor here 
refers not to the cornerstone but to the 

Corozain. Cf chorazin. 

Cos. An island and its city off the SW coast 
of Asia Minor. The city received a copy of a 
decree of the Roman Senate warning against 
attacking the Jews (1 Mc 15:23) and was 
the point to which Paul sailed from Miletus* 
on his last journey to Jerusalem (AA 21:1). 

Council (Gk synedrion, rendered in some 
Eng versions as Sanhedrin). The supreme 
council of the Jews is first mentioned by 
Jewish historian Josephus as existing in the 
reign of Antiochus* the Great (223-187 bc). 
It is first mentioned in the Bible in the 
Maccabean period (1 Mc 11:23; 12:6; 14: 
28; 2 Mc 1:10; 4:44; 11:27). In NT times 
the council was composed of three classes: 
the elders, i.e., the elders of the chief 
families and clans; the high priests, i.e., 
the former high priests and elders of the 
four high priestly families; and the scribes*. 
who were mostly members of the sect of 
the Pharisees*. It seems that the scribes, 
the professional lawyers, were first admitted 
to the council during the reign of queen 
Alexandra (76-67 bc). The council was 
composed of 71 members including the pre- 
siding officer, the high priest then in office. 
It is not known how members were elected; 
they were probably co-opted, and probably 
also for life. In the time of Jesus the juris- 
diction of the council was limited to Judaea* 
proper, which did not include Galilee*. As 
the supreme religious body it had some au- 




thority, which we cannot define closely, over 
Jewish communities of the Diaspora; it 
sent messengers to Damascus* to apprehend 
Christians (AA 9:2; 22:5; 26:12). It is pos- 
sible that in this instance the council ex- 
ceeded its authority; in any case, it is not 
certain that synagogues in foreign countries 
had any obligation to submit to its decisions. 
In general, the council was the supreme 
native court of the Jewish nation; this was 
in harmony with Roman practice in the 
provinces, which left native law in force 
and permitted its enforcement by native 
officers. The competence of the council was 
both religious and secular, and the Jewish 
law was the norm of its decisions. Accord- 
ing to Jn 18:31 the council could not pass 
a capital sentence; capital cases in its own 
law had to be referred to the Roman governor 
for confirmation of the sentence — in the 
trial of Jesus, to the procurator *. It had 
the power of arrest and its own police (Mt 
26:47; Mk 14:43; AA 4:3; 5:17 f). The 
stoning of Stephen (AA 7:57 ff) seems to 
have been an excess of the jurisdiction of 
the council, if it was not an incident of 
mob violence. The event is probably to be 
dated at a period when the administration 
of Judaea was not in strong hands. The place 
of meeting of the council was somewhere 
in the complex of the temple buildings or 
in its neighborhood near the SW corner. 
The meeting at the house of the high priest 
by night (Mt 26:57 ff; Mk 14:53 ff) was 
doubtless due to the fact that the gates of 
the temple area were shut at night. The 
Talmud describes the council as sitting in 
a semicircle with two clerks in front of it, 
one to record the votes of acquittal and 
the other to record the votes of conviction. 
When a capital sentence was involved special 
precautions were taken. The arguments for 
acquittal should be heard first, and no one 
who had spoken in favor of the accused 
was permitted to give unfavorable testimony. 
Sentence could not be passed except on the 
testimony of two witnesses. A sentence of 
acquittal could be pronounced on the same 
day, but a conviction could not be pro- 
nounced until the following day. Each mem- 
ber voted by rising in the sight of all, be- 
ginning with the youngest. A simple majority 
was sufficient for acquittal, but a conviction 
required a majority of two. Jesus, speaking 
metaphorically, says that any one who uses 
abusive language of another will be sum- 
moned before the council (Mt 5:22) and 
predicts that His disciples will be called be- 
fore the council for preaching His gospel 
(Mt 10:17; Mk 13:9). It appears from the 
Gospels that the case of Jesus was heard 
before two sessions of the council, one at 
night at the house of the high priest 

Caiaphas*, and the other in the regular court 
at the following dawn. The hearing at night 
is mentioned by Mt 26:59 ff; Mk 14:55 ff. 
Jn refers to an interrogation at the house 
of Annas* before Jesus was taken to the 
house of Caiaphas (18:12 ff). Lk mentions 
that Jesus was taken to the house of Caiaphas 
(22:54) but speaks of the morning hearing 
only (22:66). Neither Mt (27:1) nor Mk 
(15:l) use the word synedrion of the 
morning session, but it is quite probable 
that this was a full legal session. The council 
interrogated Peter and John about their 
preaching and prohibited them from preach- 
ing any more (AA 4:5 ff). Peter and John 
refused to obey, but the council released 
them (AA 4:18ff). The success of the 
preaching of the apostles brought about a 
second arrest and imprisonment (AA 5: 
17 ff), from which they were mysteriously 
released. They were again arrested and the 
prohibition was repeated (AA 5:26 ff), and 
many of the council, angered by their 
obstinacy, wished to condemn them to death 
(AA 5:33). The council was persuaded by 
Gamaliel to let the matter rest, since the 
movement, if it were from God, could 
not be halted by human efforts (AA 5:35 ff). 
The case of Paul was brought before the 
council by the tribune Claudius Lysias* (AA 
22:30ff), but when the meeting broke up 
in violence, the tribune had the case trans- 
ferred to Felix* the governor at Caesarea*. 

Covenant (Hb b'rit, Gk diatheke). 1. OT. 
In early Hb society written documents were 
employed little or not at all. In their place 
the spoken word was invested with ritual 
solemnity which gave it a kind of concrete 
reality. The spoken word thus uttered could 
not be annulled or retracted. If it were a 
blessing* or a curse*, it followed inexorably 
after the person to whom it was directed. 
The covenant was such a solemn ritual agree- 
ment which served the function of a written 
contract. The covenanting parties bound 
themselves by a ritual agreement which in- 
cluded terrible imprecations upon the party 
which should violate the covenant. These 
agreements between men appear throughout 
much of the OT. The parties to the covenant 
were not necessarily equal; the stronger 
could impose his will upon the weaker, or 
the victor upon the vanquished; or inversely 
the vanquished or the weaker party could 
seek a covenant relationship with the stronger. 
Abraham had a covenant alliance with 
the Canaanites Eshcol and Aner (Gn 14: 
13). He made a covenant with Abimelech* 
at Beersheba which settled the dispute be- 
tween the two groups about the wells of 
Beersheba (Gn 21:22ff). Isaac* also made 
a covenant with Abimelech concerning water 




rights (Gn 26:26 ff); this covenant is prob- 
ably a doublet of the covenant of Abraham 
and Abimelech. Jacob, after his flight from 
Laban*, made a covenant with him (Gn 
31:44ff); Jacob promised to protect the 
daughters of Laban and to marry no other 
wives, and Laban agreed not to pass the 
boundary marked by the stones which were 
set up at the point of the covenant. This 
covenant probably was a part of the Hb 
tradition concerning their boundaries with 
the Aramaeans. The Gibeonites* made a 
covenant of alliance with Joshua* by de- 
ception (Jos 9:3 ff). The covenant was valid 
even though the deception was discovered. 
The men of Jabesh-gilead* asked Nahash*, 
king of Ammon*, for a covenant of alliance 
(1 S 1 1 : 1 ff ) ; but the terms offered were 
so cruel as to make acceptance impossible. 
Jonathan and David made a covenant of 
friendship (1 S 18:3; 23:18); this covenant 
had a tragic issue, for it forced Jonathan 
to choose between the obligations of blood 
kinship with his father and the covenant 
relationship with David, both of which 
admitted no exception. David made a cove- 
nant with Abner* on the terms that Abner 
should win him the allegiance of the tribes 
subject to Ishbaal* and restore Michal*, the 
daughter of Saul*, as his wife (2 S 3:11 ff). 
The tribes accepted David as their king by 
a covenant at Hebron (2 S 5:3). Solomon 
had a covenant alliance with Hiram* of 
Tyre*, according to the terms of which 
Hiram supplied Solomon with the materials 
for building the temple* (1 K 5:2 ff). Asa* 
appealed to the covenant between himself 
and Ben-hadad* of Damascus* and their 
fathers, and bribed him to break the cove- 
nant between himself and Baasha* of Israel 
(1 K 15:19). When Ahab* defeated Ben- 
hadad of Damascus, Ben-hadad asked for a 
covenant on the terms that he should restore 
the cities taken from Israel and that the 
Israelites should have trading rights in Da- 
mascus, as the Aramaeans had them in 
Samaria (1 K 20:34). The high priest 
Jehoiada* made a covenant with the royal 
guard to install the infant Jehoash* as king 
(2 K 11:4). Isaiah spoke of the alliance 
of Judah with Egypt as a covenant with 
death and a compact with Sheol* (28:15, 
18). During the siege of Jerusalem Zede- 
kiah* and the people made a covenant to 
liberate their Hebrew slaves; but when the 
Babylonian army withdrew to meet the 
Egyptians the people repossessed their slaves 
(Je 34:8 ff). The kingdom of Judah was 
under a covenant with the Babylonians, and 
their rebellion was a breach of the covenant 
which would be punished by Yahweh (Ezk 
17:14ff). The Israelites make a covenant 
with Assyria* (Ho 12:2). Tyre is threat- 

ened because it has not observed the cove- 
nant of brotherhood (Am 1:9), probably by 
taking part in the slave trade. 

This relationship is transferred in Hb be- 
lief to be the formula of the relationship 
of Yahweh and the people Israel. It is not 
understood here as a bilateral contract be- 
tween equals, but as a covenant between 
the greater and the lesser; the greater im- 
poses his will upon the lesser, but it is also 
an act of grace and liberality. G. E. Menden- 
hall has shown that the external form of 
the covenant (historical prologue, terms, 
oath of fidelity, imprecations) resembles the 
suzerainty treaty imposed upon a vassal king 
as illustrated by Hittite treaties (ANET 
203). In the covenant Yahweh imposes cer- 
tain duties upon Israel and in return promises 
to be their God, to assist them and to de- 
liver them. The Israelites accept the obliga- 
tions, the most important of which is to 
worship no other god but Yahweh, and to 
observe the standards of cult and conduct 
which He establishes. If they are unfaithful, 
Yahweh will withdraw His favor. The cove- 
nant is more than a mere contract. It estab- 
lishes an artificial blood kinship between 
the parties and is second only to the bond 
of blood. The word used to signify covenant 
affection and loyalty (Hb hesed) is also 
used to signify the affection and loyalty of 
kinsmen (cf love). In virtue of the cove- 
nant the Hebrews appeal to Yahweh's affec- 
tion and loyalty; by the covenant He has 
become their avenger*, obliged to protect 
and assist them. The prophets, speaking 
in the name of Yahweh, demand a corre- 
sponding affection and loyalty from Israel. 

The covenant relationship between God 
and man is placed early in human history 
in Hb traditions. To some extent this is a 
retrojection of later theological belief into 
the traditions. Thus Yahweh makes a cove- 
nant with Noah* (Gn 6:18); the obliga- 
tions of the covenant are the prohibition of 
eating blood and of homicide (Gn 9:4 ff). 
God promises in this covenant not to de- 
stroy mankind again by a deluge (Gn 9:11) 
and as a sign of the covenant places the 
rainbow in the clouds (Gn 9:12). The cove- 
nant ritual described in Gn 15: 10 ff is prob- 
ably the ritual often employed in covenants, 
although it is mentioned only here. Abraham 
killed sacrificial victims and divided them 
into two parts. In a vision Yahweh passed 
between the parts; in the covenant ritual no 
doubt both parties passed between the parts, 
imprecating upon themselves a fate like that 
of the slaughtered animals if they violated 
the covenant. Circumcision* is a sign of 
the covenant (Gn 17:10). The covenant 
with Abraham was in Hb tradition the origi- 
nal basis of their relationship with Yahweh; 




but the covenant of Israel itself as a people 
was the covenant of Sinai* (Ex 19:1 ff). 
After ritual preparation of the people Yah- 
weh appears in the storm and the earth- 
quake, reveals Himself as the God of Israel, 
and imposes upon Israel the obligations of 
the covenant. The laws which are placed in 
Ex after this event are called the covenant 
code (cf law). Two covenant rituals are 
mentioned in Ex 24, perhaps from two 
different traditions. In the ritual of blood 
the blood of sacrificial animals is sprinkled 
on the altar*, representing Yahweh, and on 
the people. The contracting parties thus sym- 
bolically become one blood, one family (Ex 
24:3-8). The other ritual procedure is the 
ritual banquet, in which Moses, Aaron and 
his sons, and 70 of the elders of Israel 
representing the entire people share a com- 
mon meal with Yahweh; this also symbolizes 
covenant union (Ex 24:1-2, 9-11). The 
covenant statement of Ex 34: 1 ff, which in 
the present text is a renewal of the cove- 
nant violated by the golden calf, is prob- 
ably another tradition of the Sinai cove- 
nant. By the terms of the covenant of Sinai 
the Israelites become Yahweh's peculiar pos- 
session out of all the peoples of the earth, 
a kingdom of priests, a holy nation (Ex 
19:5 f). This probably indicates that the 
covenant confers upon Israel the peculiar 
sanctity compared to other peoples which 
the priestly class has compared to the laity 
of Israel. In an obscure way it may possibly 
also suggest the position of Israel as a 
mediator to other peoples; this idea becomes 
explicit in later OT writings. The covenant 
arises from the initiative and election of 
Yahweh and not from the merits of Israel. 
The covenant of Sinai is elsewhere summed 
up in the formula "You shall be my people 
and I will be your God" (Je 7:23; 11:4; 
24:7; Ezk 11:20; 14:11; Ho 2:25 +). This 
formula is possibly the form of the matri- 
monial contract, since the formula of the 
marriage contracts of the Elephantine* 
papyri is practically identical: "She is my 
wife and I am her husband this day and 
forever." The salt of the sacrificial victims 
is a sign of the covenant (Lv 2:13); in 
Arabic to eat salt with another is to seal 
a bond of friendship. Particular covenant 
obligations are sometimes called a covenant 
(Lv 24:8). The visible symbol of Yahweh's 
presence in Israel was the ark* of the cove- 
nant. The two stone tablets of the law are 
the tablets of the covenant (Dt 9:9, 11, 15). 
Renewals of the covenant are recorded in 
the OT; in the opinion of some scholars a 
covenant renewal was included in the annual 
cycle of feasts, although this is not ex- 
pressly mentioned in the OT. Dt represents 
a renewal of covenant in Moab* (28:69). 

This is probably a retrojection of the cove- 
nant renewal ceremony to early times. The 
ceremony is described in Dt 27:11 ff; there 
are ritual blessings for the observance of 
the covenant and imprecations for its viola- 
tion. The people, assembled between the 
slopes of Ebal* and Gerizim*, accept these 
blessings and curses. In the covenant cere- 
mony of Shechem* (Jos 24: Iff) Joshua 
recites the great deeds of Yahweh by which 
He delivered Israel and in response the peo- 
ple accept the obligation of serving Yahweh 
alone. This covenant is recorded in writing 
(Jos 24:26). The ceremony is described as 
a covenant renewal; but M. Noth and a 
number of modern scholars believe it was 
the imposition of the covenant upon all the 
tribal groups which comprised Israel at the 
formation of the tribal amphictyony (cf 
Israel). The dedication of Solomon's tem- 
ple included a covenant renewal ceremony, 
with a recitation by Solomon of the history 
of the election of Israel and of the house 
of David, a restatement of covenant obliga- 
tions, and a petition that Yahweh will, as 
He has promised, hear the prayers of the 
people in this sanctuary. There is no ex- 
plicit mention of the solemn acceptance of 
the people, but this is easily presumed. The 
covenant was renewed by the high priest 
Jehoiada* after the assassination of Athaliah*, 
and the people destroyed the images of the 
Baal* and slew the priests (2 K 11:17 ff). 
Josiah renewed the covenant (2 K 23:2 ff) 
on the basis of the book which had been 
found in the temple (2 K 22:8 if); this 
book is identified by modern scholars with 
the code of Deuteronomy. As a result of 
the renewal Josiah cleansed not only the 
temple but also Jerusalem and his entire 
territory of all traces of Canaanite worship. 
An elaborate ceremony of covenant renewal 
was conducted by Ezra*. This took place 
at the feast of Tabernacles*. The feast was 
observed by the building of booths and the 
law was read aloud to the assembly, which 
confessed its sins and the sins of its fathers. 
There was a ritual recitation by Ezra of 
the history of Yahweh's deliverance of Israel 
and of the previous sins of the people. The 
covenant is renewed and the written docu- 
ment of renewal is signed by the priests, the 
Levites, and the nobles (Ne 8: 12 ff). Yah- 
weh also established a covenant with David 
and with his house. This covenant is stated 
in the oracle of Nathan* (2 S 7:5 ff), al- 
though the word covenant is not employed, 
and is restated in Ps 89:20-38; cf also Ps 
132. By the terms of the covenant Yahweh 
elects David and his house for an eternal 
dynasty. The eternity of the dynasty is ab- 
solute. David and his descendants, however, 
are under covenant obligations to observe 




the law of Yahweh; if they fail they will 
be punished, although the eternity of the 
dynasty stands (cf king; Messiah). The 
covenant with the house of David and with 
the house of Levi*, by which an eternal 
priesthood is promised to Levi, is stated 
in Je 33:17 ff; while this passage is not 
certainly to be attributed to Jeremiah him- 
self, it exhibits the transfer of the covenant 
idea from Israel itself to its charismatic 
officers. The covenant with the house of 
David tends to absorb the covenant with 
Israel, of which the king becomes the bearer 
(Is 55:3 f). It is somewhat remarkable that 
the word covenant is not common in the 
writings of the prophets of the 8th and 
7th centuries. This cannot be explained by 
the assumption that the idea of covenant 
is entirely the creation of later writers; it 
is impossible to explain its diffusion through 
so much of the older material of the OT. 
The reality of the covenant idea that Israel 
has been chosen by Yahweh, that Yahweh 
is its God, and that it has peculiar obliga- 
tions not shared by other peoples to ob- 
serve the standards of worship and conduct 
which Yahweh has given it, is basic in the 
prophets. The word covenant is used by 
Hosea (6:7; 8:1) in a sense identical with 
its religious use elsewhere. The word is 
more common in Je than in any other 
prophetic book, and its use shows the in- 
fluence of Dt. Jeremiah is not indebted to 
Dt for his original idea of the new covenant 
(31:27ff). The old covenant, which was 
written on stone tablets, is contrasted with 
a new covenant which Jeremiah foresees in 
the future. This will not be written on stone 
but on the heart. Instead of external in- 
struction this covenant will contain an in- 
terior principle of personal regeneration; 
hence charismatic leaders such as prophets 
and priests, who instruct the people in the 
obligations of the law of Yahweh, will not 
be necessary in the new covenant. Yahweh 
will teach each individual Israelite as He 
taught the prophets and the priests. It is 
against the traditional background of the 
covenant that Isaiah calls the servant* of 
Yahweh "a covenant of a people" (42:6; 
49:8). This obscure phrase is to be ex- 
plained by the parallel "light of nations" 
(42:8) and by the function assigned to the 
servant in both these passages. He is to 
deliver prisoners, to bring light in dark- 
ness, to restore the land. His mission, there- 
fore, is compared to the covenant promises 
of Yahweh; through the servant Yahweh 
makes Himself known to the peoples and 
communicates both His promises and His 
obligations. The covenant is a basic and 
recurring motif in the OT. It is a motive 
urged on the Israelites for the observance 

of the law (Dt 4:23). It is a motive of 
Yahweh's anger by which He punishes (Lv 
26:15, 25; Dt 3 1 : 1 6 f ; 2 K 17:15; Ps 78: 
10, 37; Is 33:8; Je 11:3 ff; 22:9: Ezk 16: 
59). The covenant is appealed to as a mo- 
tive why He should assist the Israelites in 
distress (Lv 26:9; Dt 7:9, 12; 8:18; Pss 
25:10; 74:20; 105:8; 106:45; 111:5; Je 
14:21), and why He should show mercy 
and forgiveness (Lv 26:42; Dt 4:31; Ezk 
16:60). It is the ultimate motive why His 
mercy is enduring, why Israel always remains 
His people (Lv 26:45; Ps 111:9; Is 54:10; 
59:21; 61:8; Je 32:40; Ezk 34:25; 37:26). 
2. NT. The Gk word diatheke occurs 26 
times in the NT. Seven are quotations from 
the OT, and 16 others allude to the OT. In 
the formula of consecration Jesus calls His 
blood the "blood of the covenant" (Mt 26: 
28; Mk 14:24), "the new covenant in my 
blood" (Lk 22:20; 1 Co 11:25). This pas- 
sage refers to the blood of the covenant 
ceremony (Ex 24). As the blood of the old 
covenant united the partners in one rela- 
tionship, so the blood of Jesus is now the 
bond of union between the covenant parties, 
God the Father and the Christian. Paul 
mentions the "covenants" among the privi- 
leges of Israel (Rm 9:4); the use of the 
plural is obscure, but it probably refers to 
the renewals of the covenant in the Pnt 
mentioned above. The apostles are minis- 
ters of the new covenant which is not of 
the letter but of the spirit (2 Co 3:6 ff); 
this passage alludes not only to Je 31:31, 
but also to Is 59:21, in which the spirit 
is given in the covenant of the future. The 
old covenant is not annulled; the new cove- 
nant is a continuation of the original cove- 
nant made to Abraham (Gal 3:15ff). The 
two covenants are typified by the two sons 
of Abraham, one the son of a slave and 
the other the son of a free woman (Gal 
4:21 ff). The new covenant of the priest- 
hood of Christ is superior to the old be- 
cause it is confirmed by the oath of God 
(Heb 7:22); this is a free treatment of 
the idea, since God swears more than once 
in the OT to keep His covenant (Dt 4:31 
and frequently in Dt), but not of the priest- 
hood. The author of Heb treats the old 
covenant as obsolete and antiquated (Heb 
8:13); this is a slightly different view from 
that expressed by Paul in Gal and Rm, 
where the old covenant is not annulled by 
the succession of the new, but rather ful- 
filled. Both authors, however, are in agree- 
ment that the obligations of the old law 
disappear with the coming of the new, and 
that the redeeming death of Jesus exceeds in 
virtue any means of redemption in the old 
covenant. Of the new covenant Jesus is the 
mediator (Heb 9:15). In Heb 9: 16 ff the 




author plays upon the meaning of diatheke 
as last will and testament, which it has in 
classical and Koine Gk; and thus the new 
covenant is a testament in the sense that it 
is not valid until the testator, Jesus Himself, 
has died. 

Creation. I . Mesopotamian and Canaanile 
myths of creation. To understand the OT 
idea of creation it is necessary to have some 
knowledge of the mythology of creation in 
Mesopotamia and Canaan, since the OT 
incorporated some motifs from this myth- 
ology against which as a whole it took a 
stand in direct contradiction. The classic 
Mesopotamian account is found in the epic 
Enuma Elish, The form in which we possess 
this is a later edition of an older composi- 
tion. The creative deity in the present edi- 
tion is Marduk*, the god of Babylon. It is 
certain that in older accounts other gods had 
this position and these changes represent the 
rise and fall in importance of various Meso- 
potamian deities. The Mesopotamian account 
of creation begins with a chaos. It is easy 
to recognize in this chaos the sea, a formless 
monster which is hostite to the land and per- 
petually attacks it. In the beginning of the 
myth there is no land. The chaos is personi- 
fied as two deities, the male deity Apsu and 
the female deity Tiamat. These two are the 

source by generation of all beings. They first 
beget the gods; but hostility arises between 
parents and children, and finally Apsu is slain 
by Ea, who was probably the creative deity 
in an older form of the poem. Tiamat is now 
revealed as the dragon of chaos, a monster. 
From her womb she spawns a whole horde 
of demons to assist her in her attack upon 
her offspring. The gods in terror seek a cham- 
pion, but several gods refuse the challenge: 
it is finally accepted by Marduk, the son of 
Ea. In combat Marduk slays Tiamat; he 
catches her in his net, inflates her with the 
wind, and pierces her with an arrow. The 
gigantic carcass of the monster is the material 
from which Marduk creates the visible uni- 
verse. Extensive portions of this part of the 
myth have been lost; but it is evident that 
Marduk creates a world in which the disk 
of the earth rests upon the abyss of the 
ocean. Over this structure arches the sky, 
in which move the stars, and above it are 
the chambers of rain and wind. The heavenly 
bodies become the seats of the deities of 
Mesopotamia; and Marduk builds himself his 
heavenly palace, whose earthly counterpart 
is Esagil, the temple of Babylon*. Man is 
made of clay mixed with the blood of a slain 
god, Kingu, an ally of Tiamat, in order to 
carry on the cult of the gods. 

The myth clearly exhibits the belief in the 

Marduk in combat wirh rhe dmgan of chaos. 




production of the universe from a preexisting 
chaos. This chaos is the ultimate principle 
of the origin of all things, and itself arises 
from nothing. It is divine in character, for 
it is the parent not only of men but also of 
gods. Creation is the victory of the creative 
deity over this monster. The myth had an 
important place in Mesopotamian cult. The 
cycle of nature, in which life is born anew 
each year to perish at the end of the year, 
was conceived as a recurring cycle of creation 
and chaos. In the spring life must be born 
anew; hence the New Year was celebrated 
by the recitation of the myth of creation 
and by its ritual reenactment. Extensive frag- 
ments of the Babylonian ritual have been 
preserved. The two principles of creation and 
chaos in Mesopotamian myth are equally 
balanced, and the victory of the creative deity 
is never final, since in his turn he must yield 
to chaos. The same pattern appears in 
Canaan. In the Ugaritic* tablets there is 
the myth of a combat between Aleyan Baal* 
and at least two other adversaries, Mot 
(whose name suggests the Canaanite word 
for death) and a monstrous dragon which 
is called Sea-River. These two adversaries 
perhaps represent two earlier forms of the 
myth. The dragon of chaos is easily recog- 
nized in Sea-River, and death is the adver- 
sary of life. Aleyan Baal is a god who 
annually dies but is brought to life by his 
female consort and again engages in vic- 
torious combat with his adversary. 

2. OT. The Bible contains two accounts of 
creation at the beginning of Gn, although 
the word is less properly applied to the 
second. The first in the book, although it is 
now generally regarded as more recent in 
origin, is found in Gn 1 : 1— 2:4a. This ac- 
count is built up according to a scheme of 

Day Work Works of Division 

1 I Light and Darkness 

2 II Upper and Lower Waters 

3 ( III Land and Sea 
} IV Vegetation 

Day Work Works of Ornamentation 

4 V Sun, Moon, and Stars 

5 VI Birds and Fish 

6 ( VII Animals 

Eight works are distributed within six days. 
The first four are called works of division, 
and the second four works of ornamentation 
(Thomas Aquinas) . The enumeration pre- 
supposes the same picture of the visible 
world which is seen in the Enuma Elish. The 
earth is a flat disk which rests upon the 
waters of the lower abyss, the ocean, which 
completely surrounds it. This picture has 

been obtained by the division of the primeval 
abyss into the waters of the lower abyss, 
the ocean, and the waters of the upper abyss, 
the celestial waters, which descend in the 
form of rain and dew. They are divided by 
the inverted bowl of the sky, "firmament" 
in Eng versions. That which first appears is 
light, although celestial bodies do not ap- 
pear until the 4th day. The division of light 
and darkness, however, does not refer to 
the light given by sun and moon. This is 
the cosmic light*, the proper element of 
deity in both OT and ancient Semitic myth- 
ology; the first of God's creative works is 
to expel darkness, the element of chaos and 
evil, by the intrusion of the light of His 
own glory. The land is obtained by the 
division of the waters of the ocean. The 
works of ornamentation follow the order of 
the works of division: the celestial bodies 
of the firmament, the birds which fly be- 
neath the sky and the fish of the lower abyss, 
and the land animals and man. The order 
of enumeration is obviously schematic and 
has no reference to the chronological de- 
velopment of the earth, of which the author 
had no knowledge. 

A comparison of this account with the 
Enuma Elish reveals that it is an explicit 
polemic against the Mesopotamian and 
Canaanite myth of creation. Chaos appears 
in Gn, and the Hb word fhom is etymologi- 
cally connected with the Akkadian tiamat; 
but it is no longer personfied as a deity, nor 
does it exhibit the primeval principle of sex. 
Nor is it the source and origin of all things; 
the sole creator in Gn is God. In enumerat- 
ing the works of creation the author mentions 
some which were in Mesopotamian myth- 
ology identified with deity, either by personi- 
fication or as the seats of deity. Light itself 
is a divine element, but here it appears 
merely as the first of creatures. The sky is in 
the OT also the residence of God (cf 
heaven), but here it becomes merely an in- 
verted bowl dividing the waters. The heavenly 
bodies, which were the seats of deity in 
Mesopotamia as well as the means by which 
the will of the gods was ascertained (cf 
divination) are here reduced to means of 
teliing time. Man is the last of the creatures 
in both accounts, but his position is more 
significant in Gn than it is in Enuma Elish 
(cf man). Here man is made in the divine 
image, and in virtue of this image receives 
dominion over the rest of creation. The ar- 
rangement of the works of creation in six 
days followed by a Sabbath* of divine repose 
is not intended to indicate the time elapsed 
during the formation of the universe. No 
doubt it does suggest, as many writers pro- 
pose, that the week with its Sabbath, the 
sacred unit of time among the Hebrews, is 




represented as one of the original works of 
creation, and that the life of man is to be 
modeled after the creative process which is 
here set forth. It is possible also that the 
writer, by presenting God as following the 
same schedule of work as man, wishes to 
emphasize the fact that creation is work 
and not a combat which issues in God's 
victory over the monster. This creation ac- 
count is marked by a serenity and undis- 
turbed dominion of God over the things 
which He makes. Creation is accomplished 
by the spoken word, and not by work of 
any kind. God is the king who needs only 
speak to have His will accomplished; the 
creator, however, has no assistant in the 
execution of His creative work. In wisdom 
literature the divine wisdom* appears with 
Him in the work of creation (Pr 8:22-31); 
but this personified attribute is not a distinct 
being. He is the sole operative cause. Hence 
there is no question of His entire suprem- 
acy; the author has represented it as best 
he knew how. 

Whether the author represented God as 
creating from nothing is not easily answered. 
Creation from nothing is not denied by the 
author of Gn; but it is extremely improbable 
that he affirms it. Creation from nothing as 
it is taught in modern theology presupposes 
a philosophy of nature which the Hebrews 
did not have. They did not answer the ques- 
tion because they were unable to raise it; 
but the metaphysical affirmation of creation 
from nothing rests upon an idea of the divine 
supremacy which is identical with the bibli- 
cal idea. The word which is used for creation 
in Gn 1 is bard'. This word is used in the 
OT only with the deity as the subject; hence 
it indicates a work which is distinctively 
divine, which no agent less than God can 
accomplish. In Gn 1 it is used in the first 
verse, which summarizes the entire process 
and does not, as it is sometimes interpreted, 
signify the initial step in the creative work. 
The first step is the command that there be 
light. The word is used elsewhere in the 
chapter of the creation of animals (1:21) 
and of man (1:27). Since each of these 
works is a new stage, the production of ani- 
mal life and of human life, the word is aptly 
used. It does not of itself, however, indicate 
creation from nothing, but the divine produc- 
tive action. The Hb author was not able to 
go beyond the formless chaos which he has 
in common with Mesopotamian mythology. 
His imagination was unable to grasp a pure 
production from nothing. He did, however, 
reduce this chaos to mere shapeless matter 
with which God works, and in this way de- 
nied its divinity and that it was the primeval 
principle of creation. The account concludes 
with an affirmation of the goodness of all 

which God has made (Gn 1:31). The author 
thus denies any dualism, which is implicit 
in Mesopotamian and Canaanite mythology. 
In this hypothesis evil is as primary as 
good; the universe contains together with 
the creative deity a hostile or an "evil" 
principle which the deity never effectively 
vanquishes. This the Hb author wished to 
reject. Again he asserts God's supremacy 
over His creation by this affirmation, as 
well as the possibility that a universe which 
was created totally good can in the future 
by the same divine power be restored to 
total goodness. 

The second "creation account" (Gn 2:4b- 
25) is not properly concerned with creation 
itself. The origin of the work! is not even 
described. It is conceived not as the primeval 
abyss but as a desert; and creation here 
seems to be effected by the irrigation of the 
desert through the streams which God sends 
out over the earth. The first piece of God's 
effective creation is the garden of Eden* (cf 
paradise), and there God places man. Man 
is made of clay into which God breathes 
His own breath (Gn 2:7). This is in con- 
trast to the account of the Enuina Elish in 
which man is made of clay mingled with the 
blood of a slain god; Hb belief, of course, 
could not tolerate this concept, but the Hb 
author affirms the divine element in man, 
the breath of God by which he lives. Man, 
placed in the garden, then sees all the ani- 
mals created, to which he gives names, thus 
exhibiting his own wisdom. The creation of 
the animals is merely preliminary to the 
next step, and is intended to show that there 
is among the animals no helper suitable for 
man (Gn 2:20). Hence woman is created, 
of the same species and nature as man (Gn 
2:23), and intended to be the full partner of 
his life (Gn 2:24). Creation in this account 
is more anthropomorphic than in Gn 1. God 
is here represented as creating man as the 
potter molds an earthen vessel (ydsar; Gn 
2:7). This is creation by work rather than 
creation by word. At the same time the 
supremacy of God over His creation is no 
less than in Gn 1. 

Elsewhere in the OT there are not in- 
frequent and obvious echoes of the myth of 
creation. In these allusions Yahweh is repre- 
sented as the creative deity victorious in 
combat. Yahweh slays the monster serpent 
Leviathan* (Is 27:1 ff); He hews Rahab* 
in pieces and pierces the sea monster (Is 
51:9 f ) : the helpers of Rahab bow down 
under Him (Jb 9:13); He smites Rahab 
and pierces the fleeing serpent (Jb 26: 1 2 f ) ; 
He crushes the heads of dragons and Levia- 
than (Ps 74:13-15). Elsewhere the sea is 
represented not as slain but as put under 
restraint. It is enclosed by bar and doors 




(Jb 38:8 ff); Yahweh commands its pride 
and suppresses its billows (Ps 89:10 f; cf also 
Ps 104:6 ff). If Yahweh were to relax the 
bonds which keep the monster under 
restraint, the world would relapse into pri- 
meval chaos. Some of the passages in which 
Yahweh is described as a warrior hero (Ex 
15:3; Ps 89:14; Is 51:9), are possibly derived 
from His victory over chaos in creation, 
although elsewhere the title reflects His mighty 
deeds in defense of Israel. 

The Sabbath rest of Yahweh after crea- 
tion (Gn 2:2) is a theological conception 
peculiar to the author of the first creation 
account. Elsewhere in the OT creation is 
generally represented as a continuous ac- 
tivity which is renewed day to day. Each 
manifestation of Yahweh's dominion over 
nature may be conceived as a reenactment 
of the drama of creation. The Hebrews had 
no conception of the course or laws of 
nature, and looked at it as constantly regu- 
lated and governed by the will of Yahweh. 
Thus He brings forth the host of heaven by 
number and calls them by name (Is 40:26). 
Not only in their first creation but in their 
daily appearance He marshals the host of 
heaven (Is 45:12) and they arise when He 
calls them (Is 48:13). He makes dawn and 
darkness, turns darkness into dawn and 
darkens day into night (Am 4:13; 5:8). 
He measures the water in the hollow of His 
hand (Is 40:12). He sustains the life which 
He has given; He gives life to men upon 
the earth, and spirit to those who walk in it 
(Is 42:5). He brings forth springs in the 
valleys for the wild beasts and makes grass 
and herbage grow for the cattle. The ani- 
mals wait upon Him to receive their food 
in due season. When He takes away His 
breath they die; but when He sends forth 
His breath they are created, and thus He con- 
stantly renews the face of the earth (Ps 
104:10, 14 f, 28 ff). Yahweh is frequently 
praised in the OT as creator (Pss 8; 19:1 ff; 
24: Iff; 33:6 ff; 95:5; 104; Pr 8:22 ff; Jb 
38:4 ff; BS 42:22-43:33; Is 40:12ff, 26, 28; 
45:18; 48:13). In Jb 38 and Pr 8:22 ff the 
universe is imagined in more detail as a vast 
edifice, with pillars which rest upon founda- 
tions laid in the abyss, chambers or store- 
houses for light and darkness,, wind, snow, 
and hail. In these allusions to creation the 
point of admiration is often not power, as 
we would expect, but wisdom (Ps 104:23, 
28 ff; Pr 3:19 f; 8:22 ff; Jb 38:4 ff). The 
creative wisdom* of Yahweh is a directive 
intelligence which maintains order and har- 
mony among so many conflicting and 
divergent agents; the paradox of a universe 
which moves toward the end ordained for 
it by God in spite of these divergences was 

an object of constant admiration to the 

Two passages in late Gk books (1st cen- 
tury BC) are probably affected by Gk lan- 
guage and thought. WS 11:17 says that God 
made the world "from formless matter"; the 
words are those of Gk philosophy, but the 
idea does not advance beyond Gn 1:2, 
which the writer desired to express in a Gk 
formulation. In 2 Mc 7:28 it is said that 
God made the heavens and the earth and 
all that is in them "not from existing things," 
which in the Gk of the writer is equivalent 
to "non-existing things," nothing. The idea 
can be paralleled from extrabiblical Jewish 
writings of the same period. It is very prob- 
able that the phrase is a paraphrase in Gk 
of tohu wabohu, the desolate waste of 
Gn 1:2. 

3. NT. Creation is not emphasized in the 
NT. In the Synoptic Gospels even scattered 
allusions are few (Mt 19:4; Mk 10:6; 13:19). 
It is more frequent in the Pauline writings. 
The creative works of God manifest His 
invisible power and divinity, so that no one 
has any excuse for failing to* distinguish the 
creator from the creature (Rm l:20ff). It 
is God from whom and through whom all 
things come into being, and to whom all 
things tend (Rm 11:36). Paul makes Christ 
the principle of creation, the firstborn of 
every creature, in whom everything in heaven 
and earth is created, both visible and in- 
visible. All things are created through Him 
and tend to Him. Everything comes into 
being through Him (Col 1: 15 ff). God has 
made the world through His Son, who 
bears all things through His powerful word 
(Heb l:2ff). In Jn all things were made 
through the Word* and without Him was 
made nothing that comes into being. In 
Him is life, and the world was made through 
Him (Jn 1:3 f, 9). Christ is also the prin- 
ciple of a new creation. If one is in Christ, 
one is a new creature (2 Co 5:17). Chris- 
tians are God's work, created in Christ Jesus 
(Eph 2:10). Christ has made of Jew and 
Gentile one new man (Eph 2:15). There 
is neither circumcision nor uncircumcision 
but a new creature (Gal 6:15). 

Crescens (Gk kreskes, from Lt crescens, 
"growing"), a companion of Paul men- 
tioned in 2 Tm 4: 10 as having gone to 
Galatia* from Rome. 

Crete. A large island of the Mediterranean, 
lying south of Greece in the Aegean Sea. Its 
western tip is about 60 mi S of the Pelopon- 
nesus. Its length E to W is about 150 mi, 
and its width varies from 7 to 30 mi. The 
history of Crete has been recovered by 
British excavations under Sir Arthur Evans 




and J. Pendlebury since 1900. These dis- 
close that Crete in the 3rd and 2nd millennia 
BC was the most important center of Aegean 
culture. Its history is divided into three 
periods (called Minoan after Minos, the 
king of Crete in Gk mythology) : Early 
Minoan, 3400-2000 bc; Middle Minoan, 
2000-1580 bc; Late Minoan, 1580-1250 
sc. The excavations disclosed a highly de- 
veloped culture. The palace of Minos at 
Knossos was an elaborate complex of well 
constructed buildings which may be the 
original of the talc of the labyrinth. Cretan 
art reached a high state of technical develop- 
ment. The commercial relations of Crete with 
the Aegean islands, with Asia Minor, and 
with Egypt were extensive; and Cretan 
articles reached Syria and Palestine di- 
rectly or indirectly. The Minoan culture 
perished in a barbarian invasion from the N 
which scattered the Aegean peoples as far 
as Palestine and Egypt. On the possible rela- 
tion of Crete with the "Sea Peoples" and 
Philistines cf caphtor; cherethites and 
pelethites: Philistines. The Linear B script 
of Crete was deciphered after 1 950 by 
Michael Vcntris and others. This discovery 
proved that the language of Minoan Crete 
was early Greek. Crete had no political im- 
portance after 1200 uc. The Cretans were 
famous as archers and appear as auxiliary 
troops in ancient wars. The island had 
Jewish residents at the time of Christ (AA 
2:11). Paul was shipwrecked on his voy- 
age to Rome after the ship had left the 
port of Fair Havens* on Crete and was 
attempting to make the harbor of Phoenix* 
on the same island (AA 27:7, 12). Paul 
himself had urged the officers to winter in 
Crete (AA 27:21). A visit of Paul to Crete 
on a missionary journey is implied in his 
remark that he left Titus* at Crete to cor- 
rect abuses and appoint presbyters (Tt 
1:5). Paul also testifies to the bad reputa- 
tion of Cretans in antiquity, quoting a line 
of Epimenides which describes them as liars, 
savage brutes, and lazy gluttons (Tt 1:12). 

Crispus (Gk krispos. from Lt crhpus, "curly- 
haired"), the presiding officer of the syna- 
gogue of Corinth (archisynagogos), one of 
the first of the Jews of Corinth to accept 
Paul's preaching of the Gospel (AA 18:8) 
and one of the few Corinthians who was 
baptized by Paul himself (1 Co 1:14). 

Crocodile. The crocodile has been extinct in 
Palestine since the latter part of the 19th 
century AD. Previous to this period it was 
found only in the marshes at the mouth of 
the Nahr ez Zerka in the coastal plain N 
of Caesarea*, now drained. The crocodile 
is described as the mythological monster 

Leviathan* (Jb 41 ) and is possibly the 
"monster" identified with the Pharaoh of 
Egypt in Ezk 29:3; 32:2. 

Cross. Crucifixion was an oriental mode of 
punishment introduced into the west from 
the Persians*, lt was little used by the 
Greeks but was employed extensively both 
by the Carthaginians and the Romans. In 
Roman literature it is described as a cruel 
and feared punishment which was not in- 
flicted on Roman citizens; it Avas reserved 
for slaves or for non-Romans who had 
committed heinous crimes such as murder, 
robbery and piracy, treason, and rebellion. 
It is not mentioned in the OT. Josephus 
reports that Antiochus Epiphanes crucified 


' *;>-. >, 

\ :. /.:.,"Ci w-*m 


■y ;> 

f K- m-. C-.t ■:■* :(-.-'.■: 

*" ' •' * ■''■"' -' ' - ■"■'- " tl " atj ~'- 1 — i -~-" *" 

Caricature of crucified figure with ass's head. 

Jews who refused to obey his decrees of 
Hellenization, and that Alexander Janneus 
crucified his adversaries among the Phari- 
sees. The X-shaped St. Andrew's cross was 
not used in antiquity. The cross on which 
Jesus was crucified was either the T-shaped 
crux commissa or the dagger-shaped crux 
immissa or capitata. The latter form is sug- 
gested by the fact that the title was affixed 
above His head (Mt 27:37). Since the exe- 
cution of Jesus was committed to Roman 
soldiers, it is altogether probable that the 
Roman manner of execution was followed. 
The cross carried by Jesus to the place of 
execution, according to customary pro- 
cedure, was not the entire cross, but only 




the crossbeam. As a rule, the upright beam 
was left permanently at the place of execu- 
tion and the crossbeam was attached at each 
particular execution. The arms of the crimi- 
nal were first attached to the crossbeam while 
he was stretched flat on the ground; he was 
then elevated together with the crossbeam 
to the upright beam, and his feet were then 
fastened to the upright beam. The fastening 
was done either by ropes or by nails; if 
nails were used, four were employed. The 
criminal was always attached by ropes bound 
around arms, legs, and belly; the nails would 
not support the weight of the body and the 
ropes prevented the victim from wriggling 
loose. Most of the weight of the body was 
supported by a peg (Lt sedile, "seat") project- 
ing from the upright beam on which the 
victim sat astride. This is not mentioned in 
the NT but is described by a number of 
ancient Roman writers. The support for the 
feet (Lt suppedaneum) , so common in 
Christian art, was unknown in antiquity. The 
victim was elevated scarcely more than a 
foot or two above the ground, low enough 
for a bystander to reach his mouth by put- 
ting a sponge upon a reed (Mt 27:48; Mk 
15:36). The Romans crucified criminals 
stripped entirely naked, and there is no rea- 
son to think an exception was made in the 
case of Jesus. The clothing of the criminal 
went to the soldiers as a gratuity (Mt 27:35). 
A title with the criminal's name and his 
crime was written on a placard to be worn 
around the neck to the place of execution; 
this was affixed above the head of Jesus on 
the cross. The placard by Pilate's irony 
contained not a criminal charge but the title 
"King of the Jews" (Mt 27:37; Mk 15:26; 
Lk 23:38; Jn 19:19-22). This title was 
written in three languages: Aramaic, the 
vernacular of the country: Greek, the lan- 
guage of the Roman world; and Latin, the 
official language of the Roman administra- 
tion. In crucifixion the victim was left to die 
of hunger and thirst. Death was hastened 
if necessary by breaking the legs with clubs, 
as was done to the criminals crucified with 
Jesus (Jn 19:32 ff). It was a surprise to the 
soldiers that Jesus expired so quickly, since 
death by crucifixion did not ensue until a 
few days had passed. It was a Jewish, not 
a Roman custom to give condemned crimi- 
nals a narcotic drink before execution in 
order that their senses might be numbed 
(Mt 27:34; Mk 15:23). This was offered to 
Jesus, but He refused it. In Roman practice 
scourging* often preceded crucifixion, as it 
did in the case of Jesus. Under Roman law 
the offense for which the penalty of cruci- 
fixion was imposed on Jesus was that of 
treason and rebellion, as charged against Him 
by the Jews (Lk 23:2-5; Jn 19:12). Cruci- 

fixion as a legal punishment was abolished 
by the first Christian emperor, Constantine 

The theological symbolism of the cross 
appears in the NT only in a saying of Jesus 
Himself and in the writings of Paul. Jesus 
said that those who follow Him must take 
up their cross; by this they would lose their 
life in order to gain it (Mt 10:38; 16:24; 
Mk 8:34; Lk 9:23; 14:27). This is not only 
an allusion to His own death, but also a 
statement that the following of Him demands 
a "denial of self" (Mk 8:34), an entire dis- 
regard of one's own life, personal welfare, 
and personal values, which must be re- 
nounced if one is to follow Jesus. Paul 
preached Christ and Him crucified, although 
it was revolting to the Jews and follv to 
the Gentiles (1 Co 1:23; 2:2). He did not 
wish to preach the gospel of the cross in 
polished language lest he should deprive the 
cross of its value (1 Co 1:17). Although 
the story of the cross is nonsense to those 
who perish for lack of its redemption, it 
is the power of God to those who are 
saved (1 Co 1:18). If Paul must preach 
circumcision then the scandal of the cross 
has been removed (Gal 5:11), by which 
Paul signifies that the cross, which is a 
scandal to the Jews, loses its redemptive 
value if circumcision is necessary. Paul's 
only boast is the cross of Jesus Christ (Gal 
6:14). By the cross Jesus has united Jews 
and Gentiles (Eph 2:16). Some false apostles 
are enemies of the cross of Christ (Phi 
3:18); this probably signifies those Jewish 
Christians who insisted on the efficacy of 
circumcision. The charge of crimes which 
God has against mankind Christ has an- 
nulled by nailing it to the cross, i.e., by Him- 
self becoming the victim of these crimes 
(Coi 2:14). Those who belong to Christ 
have "crucified the flesh*" i.e., they have 
successfully mastered the sensual desires of 
their nature and accepted Christian renun- 
ciation. Through the cross of Jesus Christ 
Paul is crucified to the world and the world 
to him (Gal 6:14). This metaphor signifies 
a complete renunciation; the world is the 
cross upon which Paul's life is sacrificed. 
It is not clear what Paul means when he 
tells the Galatians that Christ crucified has 
been set forth before their very eyes, unless 
he refers to the vivid presentation of the 
crucifixion in his own catechesis (Gal 3:1); 
possibly this is an allusion to the representa- 
tion of the redeeming death in the Eucha- 
ristic* sacrifice. 

Crown. A headdress, part of the insignia of 
office of kings and other dignitaries; in Hb 
there are several words which distinguish 
this distinctive headdress. These words no 




o) Egyplion nemes headdress, b) and c) Egyptian royal crown, d) Sumerion royal cap. e) Assyrian 
peaked royal cap. t) Double crown of Egypl. 

douht indicate different styles of crown 
which we cannot reconstruct. The nezer 
(diadem) was worn both by the high priest 
(Ex 29:6; Lv 8:9) and by kings (2 K 1:12; 
2 Ch 23:1 I; Pss 89:40; 132:18). The rela- 
tion of the nezer to the sis worn by the high 
priest (Ex 28:36; Lv 8:9) and by kings (Is 
28: 1, 4) is obscure. The sis was made of 
gold (Ex 28:36). The nezer was orna- 
mented with precious stones (2 S 12:30; 
Zc 9:16). This suggests that the nezer and 

the sis included a metal band worn around 
the head; the nezer of the high priest was 
worn over the turban (Hb misnepel). The 
'"tarah is mentioned with the sis (Is 28:1. 
3, 5). The '"tarah was worn by kings (Is 
28: Iff; Ezk 21:31; Zc 6:14) and by the 
image of Milcom*, god of the Ammonites 
(2 S 12:30). It was worn by the queen of 
Persia (Est 8:15) and also by bride and 
bridegroom in wedding festivities (SS 3:11; 
Ezk 16:12: 23:42). 




The OT gives no evidence of the size and 
shape of crowns. Egyptian monarchs wore 
several types of ceremonial headdress. In all 
these crowns the distinctive sign of royalty 
seems to have been the uraeus, a small 
serpent's head which projected just above 
the forehead. The nemes headdress was a soft 
cloth cap which fitted closely over the hair 
and ended in two broad strips which hung 
over the shoulders on the breast. The double 
crown consisted of the white crown of Upper 
Egypt and the red crown of Lower Egypt, 
signifying the union of the two kingdoms 
which occurred in predynastic times. The 
white crown was a high cylindrical cap 
which tapered up to a knob. The red crown 
curved back from above the forehead to a 
point in the rear; a curled piece rose diag- 
onally toward the front from the hollow of 
the cap. The blue crown, which seems to 
have been a part of the king's military 
insignia, was a high round helmet. The 
earliest representations of Sumerian kings 
show them with no headdress. From Gudea 
of Lagash to Hammurabi there appears a 
rounded low cap with a broad band which 
encircles the head. Assyrian kings wore a 
rounded high conical cap, truncated near 
the peak, at which rose a point; two strips 
hung down the back. This cap was some- 
times adorned with precious stones and other 
materials. The gods in Mesopotamian art are 
distinguished by the horned crown. Mero- 
dach-baladan of Babylon is represented in 
a helmet-like cap with a streamer hanging 
down the back from the point of the helmet. 
Some Phoenician and Aramaean kings are 
represented wearing a rounded cap, not as 
high as the Assyrian crown, which tapers to 
a knob, resembling a helmet. The crown 
(Gk Stephanos) mentioned in the NT is the 
laurel crown awarded to winners of athletic 
contests and in Gk cities to citizens for dis- 
tinguished service; hence it appears almost 
always as a reward. Paul compares the im- 
perishable crown of the Christian's reward 
to the perishable crown of the athlete ( 1 Co 
9:25). The crown is mentioned as a reward 
(2 Tm 4:8; Js 1:12; 1 Pt 5:4; Ape 2:10; 
3:11). The crown is worn by a number of 
persons in the visions of the Ape (Ape 4:4, 
10; 6:2; 9:17; 12:1; 14:14). 


Cummin (Hb kammon, Gk kyminon), a 
plant cultivated for its seeds, which were 
used as spice or relish. The seeds were ob- 
tained by beating the plant with a rod (Is 
28:25, 27). In Pharaisaic interpretation of 
the law even this small plant was subject 
to tithe*, and Jesus cited it as an instance of 
Pharisaic pettifogging (Mt 23:23). 

Cuneiform. Cuneiform was the most im- 
portant and the most widely used system of 
writing in the ancient Near East to about 
500 bc. The name cuneiform (Lt cuneus, 
"wedge"), given to this type of writing in 
1712, is derived from the impression of the 
reed stylus, narrow at one end and broader 
at the other, on a moist clay tablet. These 
impressions are combined into figures. The 
shape and pointing of the stylus and the 
manner in which its impression was made are 
still not entirely clear. The clay tablet after 
writing was dried in the sun or baked 
artificially, and is one of the most durable 
records which man has invented. This sys- 
tem of writing was invented by the Su- 
merians* before 3000 bc. The oldest texts, 
which come from Uruk, are almost strictly 
pictographic; their meaning can be grasped, 
but the language in which they are written 
cannot be ascertained. The writing was de- 
veloped by the Sumerians into ideographic 
writing in which each sign represents a single 
word. The number of signs required was 
large; the Uruk texts exhibit almost 900 such 
signs. Progress in the use of cuneiform came 
with successive simplifications. The Su- 
merians employed the word sign (e.g., KI, 
"earth") for the syllable also (e.g., KI). 
When the Akkadians* adopted the Sumerian 
script for their own language, they developed 
existing Sumerian signs and employed them 
to signify not words, but syllables, from 
which new words could be formed in Akka- 
dian. This development led to the invention 
of other syllabic signs. This system also was 
complex, and included several hundred signs; 
but it was much more flexible than the 
ideographic writing. The Akkadians retained 
a number of ideographic signs from Su- 
merian; these signs, however, are read with 
the Akkadian word. Since Sumerian had no 
way of exhibiting endings for case and num- 
ber, the Akkadians, in order to assist the 
reader, added a system of determinants for 
both nouns and verbs. The syllable which 
indicates the inflectional ending of a noun 
or verb was added as a phonetic comple- 
ment. The determinative added (or prefixed) 
to an ideogram indicates the nature or the 
material of the noun : for instance, male, 
female, god, city, country, mountain, tree 
(wood), stone, bronze, +. The oldest Akka- 
dian texts come from the period of Sargon 
of Akkad (about 2350 bc) and the 3rd 
dynasty of Ur (about 2000 bc). Akkadian 
writing was developed in two directions: the 
Babylonian script, which terminated with 
the neo-Babylonian script of the empire of 
Nebuchadnezzar*, retained the archaic and 
more complex signs. The Assyrians moved 
toward greater regularity in the shape of the 
signs. Even in older Babylonian writing the 




SHI" ' 

picture indicated by the sign is no longer 
visible, Cuneiform writing was adopted by 
[he Hittites*. The tablets found in Boghaz- 
koi, the site of the ancient Hittite capital 
in Asia Minor, were written not only in 
Hittite, but also in Akkadian, which was the 
diplomatic language of the day, in proto- 
Hattic for liturgical texts, in Luwian, the 
language of a people within the Hittite 
kingdom of Asia Minor, and some Hurrian* 
tablets were also found. Cuneiform was 
also adopted by the Elamites*, but their 
language is as yet not well known, Akka- 
dian written in cuneiform was employed 
in the Amarna*' letters written by satellite 
kings of Canaan* 5 to the Pharaoh -of Egypt. 
This fact of itself illustrates the wide use 
both of Akkadian and of cuneiform writing, 
since the language was native to neither party 
of this correspondence. Cuneiform was also 
employed in Ugarit 4: . The Akkadian texts 
found there are far exceeded in number by 
the texts written in the Ugaritic cuneiform 
alphabetic script. The principle of the alpha- 
bet* was already known when the Ugaritic 
scribe invented 3 1 consonantal signs. The 
Persians adapted the cuneiform system into 
an alphabetic script of 36 signs. The tri- 
lingual inscriptions of Behistun of Darius* I 
and of the palace of Fersepolis furnished 
the key to the deciphering of cuneiform 
script about 1850. The efforts of a number 
of scholars, especially Sir Henry Rawlinson, 
Edward Hincks, and Jules Oppcrt, revealed 

Cuneiform writing, Code 
of Hammurabi. 

that a number of royal personal names re- 
curred in the three languages of the inscrip- 
tions, Old Persian, Elamite, and Babylonian. 
The decipherment was proved to the satis- 
faction of scholars when four men, working 
independently, produced in 1857 translations 
of a Babylonian inscription which were sub- 
stantially identical. 

Cup. This vessel often appears in figurative 
speech in the Bible. "The cup of comfort'" 
is offered to the mourner (Je 16:7), and 
the cup of thanksgiving is drunk to celebrate 
the reception of a favor (Ps 116:13). The 
head of the household filled the cups of the 
family and guests at table; hence the cup 
becomes a figure of one's lot or portion (Mt 
20:22; 26:39). The cup of the wrath of 
Yahweh is an intoxicating drink which 
makes men reel and stagger (Ps 75:9; Lam 
4:21; Is 51:17ff; Je 25:15, 17, 28: 49:12; 
Ezk 23:31; Hab 2:16). Jeremiah's prophetic 
mission of predicting the downfall of the 
nations is described as the presentation of the 
cup of wrath for them to drink (Je 25: 15 ff). 
The cup was also used for divination* (Gn 
44:2, 5). 

Curse. Orientals both ancient and modern 
employ curses with a freedom which is 
shocking to western ears. The curse, like the 
blessing* and the covenant*, is a solemn 
utterance which cannot be retracted or an- 
nulled. The spoken word is endowed with 




a certain reality which enables it to pursue 
its object inexorably. The curse can be re- 
turned by Yahweh upon the head of him 
who utters it (Gn 12:3; 27:29); or it may 
be to some extent neutralized if the person 
who has uttered it follows it with a blessing 
upon the person who has been cursed (Jgs 
17:2). The blessing of Yahweh renders the 
curse ineffective (Nm 23:8). In Mesopo- 
tamia solemn curses were uttered according 
to a ritual formula by sorcerers (cf magic); 
such ritual curses were, of course, most effec- 
tive, and it was for such a purpose that 
Balak*, king of Moab*, brought the seer 
Balaam* to curse Israel (Nm 22:5 ff). 
Curses are placed in the mouth of Yahweh 
Himself; He curses the serpent* of Eden* 
(Gn 3:14), the soil on man's account (Gn 
3:17; 5:29), the enemies of Abraham 
(Gn 12:3), and promises not to curse the 
soil again because of man (Gn 8:21). A 
curse was uttered as a punishment for a 
crime. Noah* cursed Ham* (Gn 9:25); 
Jacob cursed Simeon* and Levi* (Gn 
49:7). A prophet curses the Jews for dis- 
honesty in sacrifice (Mai 1:14; 3:9), and 
the priests for faithlessness in their duty 
(Mai 2:2). David curses those who drive 
him into exile where he must worship foreign 
gods (1 S 26:19). Meroz* is cursed for 
failing to assist Barak* and Deborah* against 
the Canaanites (Jgs 5:23). Nehemiah* 
cursed those Jews who had married foreign 
wives (Ne 13:25). A curse was uttered to 
prevent something being done, as Joshua* 
cursed the man who should rebuild Jericho* 
(Jos 6:26). Hb popular tradition saw this 
curse fulfilled in the experience of Hiel* (1 
K 16:34). Joshua cursed the Gibeonites 
for entering a covenant by deception and 
condemned them to forced labor (Jos 9:23). 
Saul cursed the man who should interrupt 
the battle against the Philistines* in order 
to take food (1 S 14:24 ff); and this curse 
had to be fulfilled, even though his son 
Jonathan* had violated it unwittingly. Only 
a popular tumult saved Jonathan's life. The 
solemn ritual curse is part of the covenant 
formula described in Dt 27:11 ff. To the 
curses uttered by the Levites* for violations 
of the covenant the people respond Amen. A 
similar solemn ritual curse is uttered in Dt 
28:16 ff for breaches of the covenant (cf 
Je 11:3). To this may be compared the 
ritual imprecations of Hammurabi on those 
who violate or change his laws (ANET 178- 
180) and the imprecations in Egyptian and 
Hittite treaties (ANET 201, 205-206). Hb 
law prohibited the cursing of the deity (Ex 
22:27; Lv 24:1 Off) and the cursing of one's 
father and mother (Ex 21:17; Lv 20:9). 
The penalty for these offenses was death. 
One should not curse a deaf person (Lv 

19:14), for he could not hear the curse and 
take measures to prevent it. It was forbidden 
to curse a "prince of the people" (Ex 22:27); 
this prohibition was also extended to the 
king, the anointed of Yahweh. When 
Shimei* cursed David as the cause of the 
fall of the house of Saul, David would not 
permit him to be punished. Perhaps Yahweh 
had commanded Shimei to curse him and 
would be gracious to David for accepting 
it (2 S 16:5 ff). Ultimately Shimei was exe- 
cuted for his crime (1 K 2:8, 44). Both 
Job (3:1 ff) and Jeremiah (20:14ff) 
cursed the day of their birth, and Jeremiah 
in addition cursed the messenger who brought 
the news. The curse of a prophet was espe- 
cially effective (2 K 2:24). No doubt cham- 
pions in single combat often exchanged 
curses before the actual fighting ( 1 S 
1 7:43 ff) . The primitive ceremony of "the 
waters of cursing" (Nm 5:12ff) must have 
arisen from magical rites. A woman who is 
accused of adultery* is tested by a ritual 
which included the drinking of water into 
which a written curse has been washed. If 
she is guilty, the curse will take effect and 
all her pregnancies will end in miscarriage. 

Cursing is rarely mentioned in the NT. 
Jesus told His disciples to return a bless- 
ing for a curse (Lk 6:28), echoed in Rm 
12:14. Paul, however, curses those who 
preach another gospel (Gal 1:8) and any 
one who does not love the Lord ( 1 Co 
16:22), as well as the high priest who 
ordered him to be struck while his case was 
being heard (AA 23:3). By an unusually 
vigorous figure of speech Paul says that 
Christ has removed the curse from man by 
becoming himself a curse (Gal 3:13). 

It is against this pattern that such impre- 
catory passages as Ps 109 and Jeremiah's 
cursing of his adversaries (11:21; 18:19 ff) 
should be understood. Such utterances are 
not the casual explosion of a short temper, 
but a serious and almost ritual invocation 
that divine justice will be vindicated in the 
world through the prevention and suppres- 
sion of malice. The curse thus uttered is 
also a means of protection for the individual 
himself against the malice of his enemies. 


Cushan-Rishaihaim (Hb kiisan-ris'atayim, 
etymology uncertain), according to Jgs 3:8ff, 
a king of Aram Naharaim* who oppressed 
Israel until they .were delivered by Othniel*. 
Most modern critics believe that Edom 
should be read here for Aram; the letters 
d and r are sometimes interchanged in the 
Hb text. The word Naharaim is taken as a 
gloss. Other scholars believe that the word 
Aram should be retained, but that the word 
Naharaim is a gloss. 




Cuth, Cuthah (Hb kutah [2 K 17:24], kut 
[2 K 17:30], Akkadian kutu, Eng often 
Kutha), a city of ancient Mesopotamia at 
the modern Tell Ibrahim, 19 mi NE of 
Babylon. Immigrants from Cuth were brought 
to Samaria to repopulate the cities of Israel 
conquered by Tiglath-pileser* III; they intro- 
duced the worship of the god Nergal. 

Cypress (Cupressus sempervirens) , is prob- 
ably meant by Hb t°'assur, mentioned with 
the cedar* as a tree of Lebanon* (Is 41:19; 
60:13). The Italian cypress grows on Mt 
Lebanon; it has a tapering shape and grows 
to a maximum height of 90 ft. The timber 
is hard and close grained and of excellent 
quality for building. Some scholars believe 
that the cypress is designated by Hb b e ros, 
more commonly thought to be the juniper*. 

Cyprus. An island of the eastern Mediter- 
ranean lying between the coasts of Cilicia* 
and Syria. Its greatest width is 60 mi and 
its greatest length 145 mi. Cyprus is prob- 
ably to be identified with Elishah* and 
Kittim* of the OT. Cyprus was one of the 
communities to which the Romans addressed 
a letter warning against attacking the Jews 
(1 Mc 15:23). It belonged to the kingdom 
of the Ptolemies* 294-58 bc when it passed 
into the hands of the Romans. In antiquity 
it was famous for the cult of Aphrodite, 
who was often called the Cyprian. It was an 
early source of the production of copper*, 
which derives its name from the island. The 
gospel was carried to Cyprus by fugitive 
Jewish Christians who left Jerusalem in the 
persecution which followed the stoning of 
Stephen* (AA 11:19 f). Paul and Bar- 
nabas preached in Salamis and Paphos in 
Cyprus (AA 13:4ff). It was visited again 
by Barnabas and Mark* after the separation 
of Paul and Barnabas (AA 15:39). 

Cyrene (Gk kyrene), the chief city of 
Cyrenaica in northern Africa (modern 
Libya). It was settled from Greece in the 
Mycenean period and was the seat of a 
colony from the Gk city of Thera in 630 
bc. In NT times it had a large Jewish popu- 

lation (AA 2:10; 6:9). It was the home of 
Simon*, who carried the cross of Jesus to 
Calvary (Mt 27:32; Mk 15:21; Lk 23:26), 
and of Lucius*, one of the prophets and 
teachers of Antioch ( AA 13:1). 

Cyrus (Hb kores, Gk kyros, Persian kurash, 
"shepherd"), was the throne name of the 
kings of Elam*. Cyrus II the Great, the 
founder of the Persian Empire, the son 
of Cambyses, became king of Anshan, a 
vassal kingdom of the Medes*, in 559 bc. 
In alliance with Nabonidus, king of 
Babylon, Cyrus rebelled against Astyages, 
king of the Medes in 556 and by the cap- 
ture of Ecbatana* made Media a satrapy of 
the kingdom of Persia. His conquest of 
Croesus of Lydia in 547 made him master 
of Asia Minor, including the Gk cities of 
the Ionian coast. In 546 he began a cam- 
paign against Babylonia which ended with 
the surrender of Babylon in 539. Cyrus 
himself was killed in battle against the 
Massagetae in 529. In the OT Cyrus appears, 
probably about 545, as the hope of restora- 
tion of Judah and of Jerusalem. Second 
Is calls him the shepherd of Yahweh who 
will accomplish Yahweh's will (Is 44:28) 
and gives him the grandiose title of "the 
anointed of Yahweh," who grasps his right 
hand; this title was earlier reserved to kings 
and priests. It is Yahweh who grants Cyrus 
his conquests; He does this in order that 
Cyrus may restore His people Israel (Is 
45: Iff). This hope was fulfilled in 538 bc 
when Cyrus permitted the Jews residing in 
Babylon to return to Jerusalem and rebuild 
the city and its temple (2 Ch 36:22 f; Ezr 
1:1-4). The text of the decree of Cyrus is 
quoted in Ezr 6:3-5. This text was doubted 
by many older scholars, but modern scholars 
are inclined to accept it as an authentic copy. 
Cyrus' treatment of the Jews is in harmony 
with the policy which he followed in Meso- 
potamia of restoring the images of captured 
gods to their original temples, which he often 
rebuilt. The Jews, who had no divine image, 
received instead the sacred vessels of the 
temple which had been looted by Nebuchad- 
nezzar ( Ezr 1:7). 


Dagon (Hb dagon), a god worshiped by 
the Philistines* (Jgs 16:23: 1 S 5:2 ff). When 
the ark of the covenant, captured by the 
Philistines, was placed in the temple of 
Dagon, the image of Dagon was found 
thrown to the ground the following morning; 
it was set back in its place but was found 
the following morning broken in pieces. 
Hb popular tradition thus exhibited the 
power of the God of Israel even in cap- 
tivity. The name appears also in two Hb 
cities named Beth-Dagon (Jos 15:41; 19:27). 
Dagon was not natively a god of the Philis- 
tines but a Semitic deity adopted by them 
after their invasion of Canaan. The cult of 
the Mesopotamian Dagan (= Dagon) is 
traced back to the 3rd dynasty of Ur in the 
25th century BC. Hence it is unlikely that 
Dagan was an Amorite deity, although his 
cult was extremely popular among the 
Amorites, among whom Dagan is often a 
component of personal names. It was also 
popular among the Assyrians. His charac- 
ter is not clearly known; he is often de- 
scribed as a storm god in terms which imitate 
the titles of Enlil. The Hb word dagan, 
"grain," is probably derived from the name 
of the god. In the opinion of many scholars 
Dagan was originally a vegetation deity, but 
this character is not clear in the texts which 
allude to him. His cult spread to the W 
and is found not only among the Philistines 
but also at Ugarit*. Here he is mentioned in 
a list of gods and in a list of offerings, in 
which he receives a head of small cattle. 
A stele also was erected to Dagan by a 
grateful citizen of Ugarit. There was a 
temple of Dagan at Ugarit. Aleyan Baal* 
is called the son of Dagan in a few pas- 
sages of the Baal epic. The temple of Dagon 
at Ashdod* was destroyed in Maccabean 
times by Jonathan (1 Mc 10:84). 

Daleth. The 4th letter of the Hb alphabet, 
with the value of d. 

Dalmanutha (Gk daltnanutha, etymology un- 
certain), a city or region near the Sea of 
Galilee to which Jesus withdrew after the 
feeding of the four thousand (Mk 8:10). 
The place is otherwise unknown. The paral- 
lel passage in Mt 15:39 reads Magadan, 
which is also read in some MSS of Mk. 
Many modern critics believe that the name 
is a corruption from Magdala*. 

Dalntatia. In ad 10 the ancient territory of 

Illyria, on the east coast of the Adriatic Sea, 
was established as two Roman provinces, 
Dalmatia in the N and Pannonia in the S. 
It is mentioned in the NT as a place to which 
Titus* had gone from Rome (2 Tim 4:10). 

Damaris. A woman of Athens converted by 
the preaching of Paul (AA 17:34). The 
name occurs nowhere else in Gk literature. 

Damascus (Hb dammasek or darmesek, 
meaning uncertain). The modern Syrian city 
of Damascus (pop 350,000) occupies the 
site of the royal capital of the opulent and 
powerful Aramaean* kingdom of the 8th— 
6th centuries BC. A large city is made pos- 
sible on the site of Damascus by the river 
Barada (biblical Abanah*) which rises in the 
snows of the Anti-Lebanon range and gives 
the city an abundant water supply before it 
exhausts itself in the marshes of the Syrian 
desert. Damascus is thus a very large oasis, 
a gateway to the desert and a natural point 
of exchange between the desert and the area 
N and S of Damascus, as well as Lebanon, 
ancient Phoenicia*, over the mountains to the 
west. It is an ancient city, but the date of 
its foundation is unknown and its early his- 
tory is obscure; continuous occupation of the 
site has destroyed or covered all archaeologi- 
cal evidence of pre-Christian times. Damas- 
cus under the name of Apum is mentioned 
in the Egyptian Execration Texts (19th 
century BC), and in the Mari* texts. Damas- 
cus was listed by Thutmose III (1502- 
1448) among the Asiatic cities subject to 
Egypt. The city is mentioned twice in the 
Amarna* tablets as located in the land of 
Ube and entirely submissive to the Pharaoh 
Amenhotep III. Later Rib-addi of By bios* 
reports that Damascus has fallen into the 
hands of Aziru, son of Abdi-Ashirta. The 
history of the Aramaean kingdom of 
Damascus is known only from biblical and 
Assyrian records. Beginning with Shal- 
maneser III (858-824) Damascus appears 
frequently in Assyrian records. In the earlier 
records the name Aram is more frequently 
used, Damascus in the later. Shalmaneser III 
mentions victories over Damascus in four 
different campaigns, two against Ben-hadad* 
and two against Hazael*. The first of these 
was the battle of Karkar (853), in which 
Ben-hadad and Ahab* of Israel* were allied 
with the Aramaean states of Syria. None 
of these victories can have been as complete 
as Shalmaneser claimed. Adad-nirari III 


Domaicys with the Anti-Lebanon In the background. 




(809-783) claimed a victory over Mari 
(otherwise unknown) of Damascus and trib- 
ute paid by him. Tiglath-pileser* III (745- 
727) received tribute from Rasunnu, the 
biblical Rezin*, of Aram and claims a victory 
over the country of Aram which is probably 
well in accord with the facts; but details are 
lacking. Except for a revolt of Damascus at 
the beginning of the reign of Sargon* (721 — 
705) Damascus appears no more in Assyrian 
records except in the reign of Ashur-bani-pal 
(668-626) as an Assyrian base. The name 
of its governor in the Assyrian eponym list 
by which the years were identified shows 
that it was governed directly by a Assyrian 
officer and not by a satellite king. 

The occurrence of Damascus in Gn 15:2 
is probably due to a textual corruption (cf 
eliezer). The Aramaean kingdom was es- 
tablished by the revolt of Rezon* against 
Israelite rule (1 K 11:23-25). Damascus 
with other Aramaean territory had been 
subject to Israel since the conquests of 
David* (cf zobah). On the relations of 
Damascus and Israel cf ahab; ahaz; ben- 
hadad; hazael; jehoash; pekah; rezin. 
Only the OT records the fall of Damascus 
to Tiglath-pileser III in 732 (2 K 16:9). 
Amos uttered an oracle threatening Damas- 
cus with destruction because of the merciless 
campaign conducted against Gilead* (1:3— 
5). The destruction of the Aramaean king- 
dom is mentioned in Is 17:1 ff. The oracle 
against Damascus in Je 49:23-27 with an 
allusion to Am 1 : 3-5 is very probably an 
earlier fragment inserted in Je, since in the 
time of Jeremiah Damascus was politically 
inactive. The city is mentioned in Ezk 27:18 
as a producer of wine of Helbon and wool. 
The land of Damascus was to be the N fron- 
tier of the ideal Israel described in Ezk 
47:15-17. In Zc 9:1 Damascus and its 
territory are reckoned as belonging to Yah- 
weh; on the date of this allusion cf 
zechariah. Damascus remained politically 
inactive after 732 bc. When the Assyrian 
empire collapsed in 612 bc, Damascus passed 
under the neo-Babylonian empire and then 
under the Persians. It fell to Alexander* in 
333 and became a part of the Seleucid* 
kingdom. When the Seleucid kingdom dis- 
integrated, Damascus became subject to the 
Nabatean* kingdom in 85 bc. Pompey al- 
lowed the Nabateans to retain control of 
Damascus when he organized the Roman 
province of Syria in 64 bc. It was one of 
the cities of the Decapolis*. It passed under 
direct Roman rule in the last half of the 
1st century AD, probably in the reign of 
Nero (ad 54-68). 

The city was a thriving center of com- 
merce and manufacture and had a large 
Jewish colony. Christianity appeared in 

Damascus only a few years after the death 
of Jesus; the Christians were numerous 
enough for Paul* to obtain authorization 
from the high priest to arrest any Chris- 
tians he might find there. The "street called 
straight," on which the house of Judas* was 
situated (AA 9:11), followed the course of 
the modern Suk Midhat Pasha, running E 
and W. It was a colonnaded avenue of the 
Roman city. At the eastern end of the 
street at Bab Sharqi is a gate of Roman 

On the "Damascus Document" cf qumran. 

Dan (Hb dan, meaning uncertain). 1. The 
son of Jacob* and Bilhah*, the slave of 
Rachel* (Gn 30:6). Here the name is ex- 
plained by a play on the word din, "to 
judge," i.e., to give a favorable verdict. The 
same popular etymology is found in the 
blessing of Jacob (Gn 49:16). 

2. One of the 12 tribes of Israel. In 
the blessing of Jacob (Gn 49:16f) Dan is 
praised for his fighting qualities; he is a 
serpent by the road, a viper by the path, 
which bites the horse's hoof and unseats its 
rider. The fighting qualities of the tribe are 
also praised in the blessing of Moses (Dt 
33:22); Dan is a lion's whelp that leaps 
from Bashan*. The territory of Dan, de- 
scribed in Jos 19:40 ff, included the cities in 
the neighborhood of Zorah* and Eshtaol* in 
the Shephelah*. This list with slight varia- 
tions appears among the cities of Judah 
(Jos 15:33-36); the Judah list comes from 
the monarchy after the Philistines had been 
subdued, and scholars attribute it to the ad- 
ministrative documents of Hezekiah* or 
Josiah*. The Amorites* who inhabited the 
coastal strip would not permit the Danites 
to expand toward the coast (Jgs 1:34). 
After the Philistine conquest the pressure 
became even greater and the tribe of Dan 
was forced to migrate. Their scouts discovered 
a Sidonian city at the northern extremity 
of Hb territory, Laish (Leshem in Jgs 
19:47), which the Danites sacked and settled 
(Jgs 18:7, 27 ff). The number of the fighting 
men of the tribe in this expedition is given 
as 600. The name Mahaneh-Dan, "camp of 
Dan," for Kirjath-jearim* in Judah, was de- 
rived in popular tradition from this march 
(Jgs 18:12). The tribe of Dan is mentioned 
among those which failed to give aid to 
Barak* and Deborah* (Jgs 5:17); the ref- 
erence to ships .here is extremely obscure. 

In their migration from their original set- 
tlement the Danites took with them a Levite* 
who was in the service of a man of Ephraim* 
named Micah*, who had installed a small 
shrine and a divine image in his house (Jgs 
17:4 ff; 18:15 ff). This Levite was the first 
to serve at the sanctuary of Dan, which after- 




ward with Bethel* became one of the two 
national sanctuaries of Israel ? instituted by 
Jeroboam I after the schism of the kingdom 
(1 K 12:29 ff). This sanctuary of Dan is 
mentioned with contempt by Amos (8:14). 
In spile of the debased cult the god wor- 
shiped at Dan was Yahweh. The name of 
the city appears frequently as the northern 
limit of Israel, especially in the phrase "from 
Dan to Beersheba." It is used anachronisti- 
cally in Gn 14:14. The tribe produced the 
Israelite hero Samson*. 

Dance. The dance is a part not only of pro- 
fane celebrations but also of sacred func- 
tions with most peoples. In the OT the dance 
appeared in both. It was a part of the cele- 
bration of Yahweh's victory over Egypt 
{Ex 15:20), the procession in which David 
brought the ark" into Jerusalem (2 S 6:5 ff), 
the celebration of the golden calf (Ex 32: 19; 
also Pss !50:4; 149:3). The dance also 
celebrated a victory in battle or the return 
of a hero (Jgs 11:34; 1 S 18:6). The dance 
was a part of the vintage festival (Jgs 21: 
21; Je 31 :4), and Jeremiah sees maidens 
dancing in the joy of the messianic Israel 
(Je 31:31). The dances mentioned in the OT 
seem to be performed by groups, sometimes 
mixed but more frequently women alone, 
rather than by individuals. The dance was 
accompanied by music* and the dancers often 


y, ; 

-Vi\ '~ \ 

: 1 C : ~' : 

EgypTlon dancers. 

carried tambourines (Ex 15:20). The dance 
which David performed before the ark is 
described by a word which does not occur 
elsewhere; it must have been unusually 
vigorous, to judge by the criticism of Michal i: 
(2 S 6:14, 16, 20). The conduct of Saul 
with the prophets (1 S 10: 10 ff; 19:20ff) 
suggests that the companies called sons of 
the prophets conducted a cultic worship of 

song and dance. Egyptian tomb paintings show 
that Egyptians were lovers of the dance and 
usually had professional dancers perform at 
festivals (ANEP 208, 209, 210, 211, 216). 
Jesus speaks of children singing and danc- 
ing in the streets (Mt ll;17ff; Lk 7:32). 
The dance of the daughter of Herodias* be- 
fore the guests at the dinner in honor of 
Herod Antipas' birthday (Mt 14:6: Mk 6:22) 
followed Gk, not Hb custom, and would have 
been regarded as in extremely bad taste by 
the Jews. This dance was the occasion of 
the execution of John the Baptist* , 

Daniel (Hb dariiyy'el, "El judges"). 1. Daniel 
is represented in Dn 1 :3 ff as a young Judah- 
ite of noble family who is taken into the 
household of Nebuchadnezzar" and instructed 
in the wisdom of the Chaldeans*. He re- 
mained in Babylon until the third year of 
Cyrus {537 bc). The name is borne by 
two others in the OT. The Daniel alluded 
to as a sage and a righteous man of early 
times (Ezk 14:14, 20; 28:3), associated with 
Noah* and Job", also legendary figures of 
antiquity, is not to be identified with the 
Daniel of the book. The reference to antiquity 
and the slightly different spelling of the 
name in Ezk (diin'et instead of dCnlyy'el) 
suggest that the Daniel mentioned by Ezk 
is the Danel of the Ugaritic" literature, the 
father of Aqhat, a wise and righteous man. 
2. The Book of Daniel. I. Authorship and 
Date. The origin of the book in the neo- 
Babylonian period {626-539 kc), suggested 
to some extent by the book itself and main- 
tained through most of the history of exegesis, 
is open to a number of serious objections 
drawn from the book and from elsewhere 
in the OT. The author was not familiar 
with the history of the neo-Babyloman pe- 
riod, but he is very familiar with the history 
of the Selcucid* and Ptolemaic* kingdoms just 
before the outbreak of the Maccabean wars. 
This is most easily explained on the assump- 
tion that he depended for his knowledge of 
the neo-Baby Ionian period on vague memo- 
ries which had been handed down by oral 
tradition. Thus he makes Belshazzar* the 
son of Nebuchadnezzar, although Belshazzar 
was the son of Nabonidus and was never 
king of Babylon. The author shows no knowl- 
edge of any other Babylonian rulers. The 
successor of Belshazzar and the first Persian 
king is called Darius* the Mede, a figure 
otherwise unknown to history; Babylonian 
records begin the reign of Cyrus with the 
end of the reign of Nabonidus. An exami- 
nation of the vision of Dn 11 shows that 
the information of the author is exact up 
to a point between 167, the year in which 
Antiochus Epiphanes departed on an ex- 
pedition of Egypt, and 164, the year of 




his death, which had not yet occurred when 
the passage was written. Modern critics 
generally agree that the composition of the 
book in its present form is to be placed 
within these few years. The book is quoted 
in 1 Mc 2:59-60; the composition of 1 Mc 
is to be placed near 100 bc. Daniel is not 
mentioned in the praise of the fathers of 
Ben Sira (BS 44:1 ff), written about 180 bc, 
and this is most easily explained by the 
assumption that the book had not yet been 
written. In the Hb Bible Dn appears not 
with the prophetic books but in the third 
division of the Bible, the Writings; since 
this division of the Hb Bible most probably 
represents three different stages of accept- 
ance of the sacred book (cf canon), it is 
again a legitimate assumption that Dn did 
not exist when the prophetic books were 
accepted into the canon. 

II. Language. The language of Dn creates 
a peculiar difficulty. 1:1-2:3 + 8:1-12:13 
are written in Hb; 2:4-7:28 are written in 
Aramaic; 13-14 are preserved in Gk, and 
ch 13 at least was probably written in that 
language. There is no generally accepted 
explanation of both Hb and Aramaic in 
the book. Many scholars see in this a merely 
mechanical difference; it is supposed that the 
Hb original of the Aramaic portion was lost 
and replaced by an Aramaic translation. A 
more complicated theory proposed by H. H. 
Rowley sees in the Aramaic section a col- 
lection of preexisting stories of Daniel which 
the author of the book in its present form 
incorporated with his own compositions, chs 
8-12. The introduction, originally in Aramaic, 
was translated into Hb by this author, who 
lived in Maccabean times, in order to unify 
the book more closely. The Aramaic section 
includes some Gk words for musical instru- 
ments (cf music), which would place this 
part of the book in the Gk period and not 
in the neo-Babylonian period. 

III. Purpose and Literary Form. An ex- 
amination of the material of the book (cf 
below) indicates that the purpose of its 
composition was to furnish consolation and 
encouragement for the Jews during the per- 
secution of Antiochus Epiphanes. It is ex- 
tremely probable that the author of the book 
did not invent the character of Daniel en- 
tirely but took a figure existing in popular 
tradition; and some of the book, especially 
the first part, may contain folklore tales of 
Daniel. For the author of the book and for 
his readers it was of little importance 
whether Daniel was a historical figure or 
not, since any historical character he may 
have had has been lost both in oral tradi- 
tion and in the composition of the book. 
The character of Daniel as he is presented 
in Dn is truly fictional. The book is the first 

OT specimen of apocalyptic* literature, 
which is foreshadowed in some parts of Is 
and Ezk. 

IV. Outline of the book. The book falls 
into three major divisions: 1—6, the adven- 
tures of Daniel; 7-12, the visions of Daniel; 
13—14 additional adventures of Daniel. The 
last two chapters are deuterocanonical, i.e., 
they are not preserved in Hb and are not 
found in the Bible of Jews and Protestants. 

First part, the adventures of Daniel. 

1:1—21: the election of Daniel and his 
companions, Hananiah*, Mishael*, and 
Azariah* (Shadrach*, Meshach*, and Abed- 
nego*) for service in the king's household. 
Their refusal to eat unclean foods results 
in their looking fatter and fairer than their 
associates who eat the foods prepared by 
the king's kitchen. This encouraged the Jews 
of Maccabean times, who were forbidden 
by the decrees of Antiochus to observe the 
laws of cleanliness (cf clean). 

2:1—49: the dream of Nebuchadnezzar. 
Nebuchadnezzar in a dream saw a statue 
with a head of gold, breast and arms of sil- 
ver, belly and thighs of bronze, legs of iron, 
and feet of iron mixed with clay. A stone 
hewn from a mountain by no human hands 
struck this statue and broke it into pieces. 
The wise men of Babylon could not interpret 
the dream; Daniel, however, interpreted it 
as the dream of four kingdoms, symbolized 
by the various parts of the statue. Of these 
the kingdom of Nebuchadnezzar was the first, 
symbolized by the golden head. The stone 
was the messianic kingdom of God, erected 
without human power, which would destroy 
the kingdoms of the world. The other king- 
doms are not explained by Daniel, but inter- 
preters commonly see in the silver the king- 
dom of the Medes, in the bronze the 
Persian empire, in the iron the kingdom of 
Alexander*, and in the iron and clay the 
successor kingdoms of the Seleucid* and 
Ptolemaic* dynasties. 

3:1-30 (Hb), 1-100 (Gk) : Nebuchad- 
nezzar made a great statue of gold and 
ordered all his subjects to adore it when 
musical instruments were played as a signal. 
The three companions of Daniel, who does 
not appear in this story, refused to obey 
and were cast into a furnace. They were 
untouched by the flame; and the king, con- 
vinced by this miracle, ordered those who 
had charged them with the crime to be cast 
into the furnace. The episode encourages 
the Jews of Maccabean times not to worship 
the gods of the Greeks, and assures them 
that God will preserve them. "The Song 
of the Three Children in the Fiery Furnace" 
(3:24-90) is preserved only in Gk and is 
not found in Hb and Protestant Bibles. 

4: 1-34: the madness of Nebuchadnezzar. 




Nebuchadnezzar dreamed of a tree which 
was cut down. Its stump was bound with 
iron, but after seven years it grew once 
more. Daniel interpreted this dream as a 
revelation that Nebuchadnezzar would suffer 
for seven years from the form of insanity 
in which he would be like a wild beast 
(known today as boanthropy). After Ne- 
buchadnezzar lived like an ox for seven 
years, he was restored to sanity and con- 
fessed that the God of Daniel was the true 
God. This madness of Nebuchadnezzar is 
not attested by profane historians, but schol- 
ars believe it is not impossible. The narra- 
tive shows that God can humble even the 
greatest power of the earth, which cannot 
recover from its fall unless it confesses His 
divinity. A fragment of a prayer of Naboni- 
dus discovered at Qumran* tells of a very 
similar episode and suggests that Dn drew 
on this source, altering the name from the 
unknown Nabonidus to the famous Nebuchad- 

5:1-30: the feast of Belshazzar. Belshaz- 
zar, the last king of Babylon in Dn, had 
a great dinner at which he and his guests 
profaned the sacred vessels of the temple. A 
hand appeared and wrote three words on the 
wall, which Daniel interpreted as "Mene, 
Tekel, Peres" (Aramaic m e ne t e kel uparfm, 
"measured, weighed, and divided") and ap- 
plied to the kingdom of Belshazzar. That 
night the kingdom was taken by the Persians 
and Belshazzar was killed. The story shows 
that God predicts the downfall of powers 
hostile to His people. 

6:1-29: Daniel in the lions' den. Under 
Darius the Mede Daniel violated a law of 
the Medes and Persians prohibiting prayer 
to any one except the king for 30 days, and 
was thrown into a den of lions. They did 
not harm him, and Darius, recognizing the 
miracle, had his accusers thrown into the 
lions' den. This story also shows that God 
protects His faithful in times of persecution 
like those of Antiochus Epiphanes, when 
prayer to Yahweh was forbidden. 

Second part, the visions of Daniel. 

7:1-28: the four beasts and the son of 
man. Daniel saw four beasts coming from 
the sea. These beasts signify the Babylonian 
empire, the kingdom of the Medes, the Per- 
sian empire, and the empire of Alexander. 
The ten horns of the fourth beast signify 
ten kings of the Seleucid dynasty and the 
little horn is Antiochus Epiphanes. The son 
of man* in Dn probably does not signify 
the Messiah* as an individual person but 
rather the saints of God, the people of Israel 
as a whole, which shall descend from heaven 
(a symbol of its election) and take the 
dominion from the kingdoms of the world. 

8:1-27: the vision of the ram and the 

goat. This vision is explained by the angel 
Gabriel*. The ram with the two horns signi- 
fies the kingdom of the Medes and the Per- 
sians. The goat is the kingdom of the Greeks 
and the great horn is Alexander. The four 
others are the four successor kingdoms of 
Alexander, and the last horn is the Seleucid 
dynasty, most probably Antiochus Epiphanes 
himself. In this vision the time during which 
the sanctuary will be profaned is set at 2300 
days. This may be compared with the period 
of a year, two years, and a half a year in 
7:25. Probably these differences have no 
mystical significance, but are revisions to 
accord with the progress of the Maccabean 

9:1-27: the prophecy of the 70 weeks. 
This vision arises from Daniel's wonder 
about the 70 years of Babylonian dominion 
predicted by Jeremiah* (25:12). In answer 
Daniel learns from the angel Gabriel that 
the 70 years signify 70 weeks of years (490 
years) and that Daniel himself is now in the 
last and most crucial of the weeks; the time 
of the end is near. The prophecy of Jere- 
miah signified 70 years in the sense of an 
indefinite time, the life of a single person; 
no one then living would survive to see the 
end of the Babylonian dominion. Implicit is 
the difficulty real to the writer, but not in 
the time of Daniel, that the Babylonian em- 
pire was succeeded by others. Seventy weeks 
of 7 years signify an even longer indefinite 
time and not an exact period; by no calcula- 
tion can the term 490 years from the be- 
ginning of the Babylonian dominion (605 
bc) be brought into agreement either with 
the Maccabean or with the NT period. In 
7 : 25, however, the beginning of the 70 weeks 
is reckoned from the decree permitting the 
rebuilding of Jerusalem (537 bc), which 
ignores the 70 years indicated in Je. This 
would place the end of the period at 47 bc, 
a date of no significance. The author of the 
book had no information on the number 
of years which had elapsed between the fall 
of Jerusalem and his own time. 

10:1-11:45: the conflict of kingdoms. 
After a long introduction which includes a 
debate between the angels who preside over 
the destinies of nations, the history of the 
period from Alexander's conquest of Persia 
(331 bc) to the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes 
prior to his death (163 bc) is summed up 
in some detail (11 :2^45). With a knowledge 
of the history of the period it is easy to 
identify the characters and events of the 
passage, which are not named by the author. 
This is a prophecy ex eventu and is a type 
which appears nowhere else in the OT; it is 
a technique of apocalyptic literature to re- 
late contemporary events in the form of a 




revelation made to some hero of remote 

12:1-13: the vision of the end. At the 
end, after a period of great troubles, the dead 
will rise, some to life and some to everlast- 
ing reproach. This is the earliest expression 
of belief in the resurrection of both the 
righteous and the wicked. The time of the 
end appears to be near, but when Daniel 
asks when the end shall be he hears that 
the book is sealed; this cannot be told him. 
The time of the desecration of the holy place 
is once more set at 1290 days. The man 
is blessed who awaits the end after 1335 
days; what the author expected at the end 
of this period cannot be determined. 

Third part, additional adventures of Daniel. 

13:1-64: the story of Susanna*. A Jew- 
ish woman of Babylon, named Susanna, ac- 
cused of adultery by two lecherous elders, 
was delivered by Daniel, who trapped the 
elders in contradictory evidence. The dia- 
logue with the elders contains puns of the 
Gk names of two trees (13:54-55, 58-59). 
The story is an example of the wisdom of 

14: 1^42: Bel and the dragon. Under 
Cyrus Daniel proves that the food and drink 
set before the image of Bel is eaten secretly 
by his priests. A serpent worshiped at 
Babylon was killed by Daniel. Daniel was 
cast into the lions' den (a doublet of 6) 
where he was fed by the prophet Habakkuk, 
who was carried from Palestine by an angel. 
Daniel's escape from the lions led Cyrus 
to confess that the God of Israel is the 
true God. 

Modern readers of the Bible find the type 
of comfort and encouragement offered by 
such apocalyptic writings unsympathetic. It 
is difficult for them to understand that the 
author intends to affirm the attributes of 
God which are exhibited in his stories and 
visions. Neither to him nor to his readers 
did it make much difference whether the 
events related were historical or not; for 
God truly possesses these attributes and does 
exhibit them. If they are faithful to His law 
and confident in His power, they can be 
assured that He will exhibit His power to 
deliver them from danger or from falling 
into sin under the threat of this danger. 
This is the sentiment uttered in the magnifi- 
cent response of the three companions of 
Daniel to Nebuchadnezzar (3:16-18). 

Daniel in the NT. Dn is quoted only once 
in the NT; the abomination of desolations- 
is mentioned in the apocalyptic discourse of 
Jesus (Mt 24:15; Mk 13:14). The resur- 
rection of the dead is described in Mt 25:46 
in terms taken from Dn 12:2. Most im- 
portant is the phrase son of man* (Dn 

Daphne (Gk daphne), a suburb of Antioch* 
which contained a grove and temples of 
Apollo and Artemis with rights of sanctuary. 
The suburb was named after the nymph of 
mythology loved by Apollo. Here the high 
priest Onias* took refuge after he had re- 
buked Menelaus* for bribing Andronicus* 
with the sacred vessels of the temple. He 
was treacherously persuaded to leave the 
sanctuary by Menelaus and was then executed 
by Andronicus (2 Mc 4:33). 

Dark. Cf money. 

Darius (Hb dar e yawes, from Persian dar- 
jawaush, meaning uncertain), the name of 
three Persian kings: Darius I Hystaspis (522- 
485 bc); Darius II Nothos (424-404 bc); 
Darius III Codomannus (336-330 bc). 
Darius I at his accession had to suppress a 
widespread revolt led by the usurper Gau- 
tama, who pretended to be Smerdis, the 
son of Cambyses. Darius organized the Per- 
sian empire into 20 satrapies and was the 
first monarch to put his image on gold coins 
(daric). The latter part of his reign was 
devoted to the campaigns to subdue Greece. 
He succeeded in suppressing the revolt of 
the Ionian cities but failed in his campaign 
against Athens. His fleet was wrecked by a 
storm off Mount Athos in 492 and his 
armies, after conquering Thessaly and win- 
ning the victory of Thermopylae, were de- 
feated by the Athenians and their allies at 
Marathon (490). 

The discourses of Haggai are dated in 
the 2nd year of Darius I (Hg 1:1, 15; 2:10), 
and the discourses of Zechariah are dated 
in the 2nd and 4th years of Darius (Zc 1:1, 
7; 7:1). The building of the temple, which 
had been permitted by Cyrus*, was inter- 
rupted by the machinations of the neighbors 
of the Jews until the 2nd year of Darius I 
(Ezr 4:24). A letter from Tattenai*, governor 
of the province "beyond the river," laid 
the complaint before the king that the Jews 
were rebuilding the city and the temple 
and asked that the permission they claimed 
be verified. The obstruction was probably 
connected with the troubles at the beginning 
of the reign of Darius. A copy of the decree 
of Cyrus permitting the rebuilding of the 
temple was found in the records at Ecbatana*; 
consequently, Darius ordered that the tem- 
ple be completed without any further hind- 
rance (Ezr 5:1 ff). The temple was com- 
pleted in the 6th year of Darius I (Ezr 
6:15). Darius I is the king mentioned in 
Ne 12:22. 

According to Dn Darius the Mede was 
the first Persian king of Babylon, the 
successor of Belshazzar* (Dn 6: Iff). He 
cast Daniel into the lions' den (Dn 6:6ff). 




The vision of Dn 9:1 ff is dated in the first 
year of Darius, the son of Ahasuerus* (Xer- 
xes), the Mede; obviously the same person 
is intended. The first year of Darius in Dn 
11:1 is regarded by modern critics as a 
gloss. To this Darius is attributed the organi- 
zation of the empire in satrapies (Dn 6:2ff), 
and Daniel was one of the three presidents 
of the satraps; this organization was the 
work of Darius I Hystaspis, the successor 
of Cambyses. Some scholars have attempted 
to identify Darius the Mede with known 
historical characters such as Cambyses, the 
son of Cyrus, or Cyaxares II, but none of 
these hypotheses have any probability. The 
author had very little information about 
the neo-Babylonian period (cf daniel), and 
it is most probable that the name Darius 
was known to him and that he incorporated 
Darius into his writing; but he had no idea 
of the date at which Darius reigned, nor 
even of the order in which the Persian kings 
followed each other. 

Darkness. The metaphorical use of darkness 
is common in both OT and NT. 

1. OT. Darkness was the element of chaos; 
the primeval abyss lay under darkness, and 
God's first creative act was to dispel dark- 
ness by the intrusion of light (Gn 1:2 ff; 
cf creation). In Gn 1:2 the mythological 
character of darkness is somewhat suppressed, 
for God calls the darkness night and or- 
dains the regular succession of day and 
night. So also God stores darkness in a 
chamber that He may bring it out in due 
time (Jb 38:19; cf also Ps 104:20). But 
since darkness is the element of chaos, it 
is also the element of evil and disorder, 
and it retains in its metaphorical usage some 
of its mythological symbolism. Darkness is 
disaster (Is 5:30). In the world catastrophe 
the sun itself is darkened in its rising (Is 
13:10). Darkness is one of the plagues 
with which Yahweh smites Egypt (Ex 
10:22). The supreme disaster is darkness" 
at noon (Am 8:9). The day of Yahweh, 
which in popular belief was the day of the 
great deliverance of Israel, would be dark- 
ness and not light (Am 5:18 ff; Zp 1 : 15 ff). 
Darkness is ready at hand for the wicked 
(Jb 15:23). The kingdom of Judah is like 
a traveler who is overtaken by darkness in 
the mountains; he stumbles and perishes (Je 
13:16). Darkness is defeat, captivity, op- 
pression (Is 9:1; 42:7; 47:5). Darkness is 
the element of evil, in which the wicked 
does his work (Jb 24:16; Ezk 8:12). Dark- 
ness is the element of death, the grave, 
and the underworld (Jb 10:21 f; 17:13). 
Light* is the element of deity, and it is an 
exception when Yahweh is said to set His 
dwelling in darkness (2 S 22:12; 1 K 8:12; 

Ps 18:12). Here we have an allusion to the 
clouds* of the storm theophany*; Yahweh 
must veil His light when He appears, for 
no man can look upon it and live. The OT 
imagery of darkness is also found in the 
Qumran document called "The War of the 
Sons of Light and the Sons of Darkness." 
2. NT. The same metaphors of darkness 
are used in the NT. The eye which is not 
simple in its intentions darkens the whole 
soul within (Mt 6:23). Sinners shall be 
cast out into the darkness (Mt 8:12; 22:13; 
25:30). The catastrophic darkness of the 
eschatological judgment is mentioned in Mt 
24:29; Mk 13:24. The antithesis of light 
and darkness is especially prominent in Jn. 
Darkness is the sinful world into which the 
light of the Incarnate Word shines, but 
the darkness does not receive the light (Jn 
1:5). He who follows Jesus does not walk 
in darkness (Jn 8:12; also Jn 12:46). God 
is light and there is no darkness in Him 
(1 Jn 1:5). Men love darkness more than 
the light (Jn 3:19). In Paul darkness is 
wickedness (Rm 13:12; 2 Co 6:14). Chris- 
tians who were once darkness are now light 
in the Lord (Eph 5:8), and should have 
no share in the works of darkness (Eph 5: 
11). The world is darkness (Eph 6:12). 
Christ has saved us from the power of dark- 
ness (Col 1:13). Darkness is reserved for 
the wicked (2 Pt 2:17). 

Date, date palm. The date palm, Hb tdmdr, 
does not grow in the highlands of Palestine 
and is found only in the subtropical regions 
S of Gaza and in the Jordan valley. The 
tree grows to a height of 50-60 ft and is 
crowned by a plume of branches at the sum- 
mit. The trees are mentioned as growing 
at the oasis of Elim (Ex 15:27; Nm 33:9) 
and are enumerated among the trees of the 
country (Jl 1:12). Palm branches were car- 
ried in procession at the feast of Taber- 
nacles* (Lv 23:40; Ne 8:15) and in trium- 
phal processions (1 Mc 13:51; Ape 7:9). It 
is as signs of triumph that they were carried 
in the procession which accompanied Jesus 
into Jerusalem (Jn 12:13). Figures of palm 
trees appeared in the decorations of the tem- 
ple (1 K 6:29, 32, 35; 7:36; 2 Ch 3:5; 
Ezk 40:16-41:26). Palm branches with a 
gold crown were a token of peace and 
friendship between peoples (1 Mc 13:37; 
2 Mc 14:4). The righteous in his prosperity 
is compared to a palm tree (Ps 92:13), and 
the beloved is compared to a palm tree in 
an erotic image (SS 7:8 f). 

Dathan (Hb datan, meaning unknown), the 
son of Eliab of the tribe of Reuben, who 
with his brother Abiram and Korah the 
Levite rebelled against the leadership of 




Moses (Nm 16:1 ff). The dialogue of Moses 
and Korah (Nm 16:3-11) and the dialogue 
of Moses with Dathan and Abiram (Nm 
16:12-16) are independent of each other; 
so also are the accounts of the punishments 
of the party of Dathan and Abiram (Nm 
16:27b-32) and of the party of Korah 
(Nm 16:35), except for the introduction 
of Korah in Nm 16:24, 27, 32. Hence many 
scholars believe that the chapter has fused 
two accounts of two distinct rebellions. The 
rebellion of Korah and his party was a re- 
bellion of the Levites against the exclusive 
priesthood* of the family of Aaron* (Nm 
16:3); the rebellion of Dathan and Abiram 
was a rebellion against the leadership of 
Moses and a refusal to follow him into 
the land of Canaan (Nm 16:13-14). The 
punishment of the two parties differs; the 
party of Dathan and Abiram was swallowed 
up in an earthquake (Nm 16:31-32), the 
party of Korah was struck by lightning (Nm 
16:35). Dathan and Abiram are mentioned 
in a genealogy of Nm 26:9. The rebellion 
of Dathan and Abiram (without any men- 
tion of Korah) is alluded to in Dt 11:6; 
Ps 106:17. All three names occur in the 
allusion of BS 45:18. 

David (Hb dawid, formerly explained as dod 
or dodo, "beloved," possibly a divine title; 
a connection with Hurrian* dawidum, "com- 
mander-in-chief," found in the Mari* corre- 
spondence is improbable). Some suggest that 
dawld was the title of this Israelite ruler and 
that his personal name was Elhanan* (2 S 
21:20). David was the son of Jesse* of 
Bethlehem* and the successor of Saul* as 
king of Israel*. The genealogy in Rt 4:18ff 
connects Jesse with Perez* of Judah* through 
Ram, Amminadab, Nahshon, Salmon, Boaz, 
and Obed. Some have suggested that this 
genealogy is artificial, formed by adoption 
of the clan into the tribe of Judah, and that 
the family of David was of non-Israelite 
origin. David first appears in 1 S 16:1-13; 
although the youngest of eight sons of Jesse 
he is anointed king by Samuel as the 
choice of Yahweh Himself. This story au- 
thenticated the charismatic title of David to 
rule; like Saul and the judges* he was di- 
vinely elected. In the following episodes 
David is introduced to Saul as a musician 
(1 S 16:14 ff) and as the youthful hero 
who slays Goliath with a sling and a stone 
(1 S 17: Iff). These two anecdotes are in- 
dependent of each other, since each sup- 
poses that David is introduced to Saul for 
the first time. The inconcinnity of ens 16 
and 17 has been removed in Codex B 
(Vaticanus) of the LXX, which omits 17: 
12-31. As a result of his musical skill David 
becomes Saul's squire; as the slayer of Goliath 

he becomes a popular military hero who 
arouses Saul's envy. In 1 S 18-20 are re- 
lated the stories of David at the court of 
Saul. Saul's envy is apparent in his sudden 
attempt to murder David (1 S 18: 10 ff and 
19:9 ff, variant accounts of the same epi- 
sode). David was given Michal, the daughter 
of Saul, in marriage. Merab, the elder 
daughter, had been promised, but the promise 
was not honored by Saul. Michal was 
granted as the prize of a feat of valor 
against the Philistines which, Saul expected, 
would cost David his life (1 S 18:25 ff); 
but David appears throughout the story as 
the man of destiny. David was the close 
friend of Jonathan*, Saul's son and presumed 
successor, who saved David from his father's 
anger (1 S 19:1 ff); but another outburst 
of Saul's hostility forced David to flee, this 
time with the aid of Michal (1 S 19:11 ff). 
Even the members of Saul's own family as- 
sist the man whose destiny it is to establish 
his dynasty in place of their own, as Saul 
says to Jonathan (1 S 20:30 f). Jonathan's 
intercession did not restore David to favor, 
and David had to become a fugitive. 

The course of events by which David 
came into royal favor, achieved fame, and 
then incurred Saul's hostility and became 
a fugitive, is fairly clear in spite of the fact 
that the stories are independent of each 
other and in some instances duplicate each 
other. For example, at 1 S 20:35 ff the signal 
of the arrows is employed according to the 
previous agreement because a personal meet- 
ing would be so dangerous as to be prac- 
tically impossible. In the present text, the 
pathetic personal meeting, which must have 
been independent of the story of the arrows, 
follows immediately. After David fled from 
Saul he became a bandit (1 S 21-31); the 
ancient stories state this frankly without 
glossing it, something which a number of 
modern writers, anxious lest David's sanc- 
tity be tarnished, cannot bring themselves 
to do. David first fled to the sanctuary of 
Nob*, where he was refreshed and armed 
by Ahimelech* the priest. David then at- 
tempted to take service with the Philistines*, 
the enemies of Israel; but they would not 
trust the great Israelite hero and he had to 
flee into the desert of Judah. At the cave of 
Adullam* he gathered a band of about 400 
men, discontented, debtors, rebels against 
Saul. These were the nucleus of what be- 
came a band of professional soldiers who 
supported David for the rest of his career. 
He secured the safety of his parents by send- 
ing them to Moab* (1 S 22:3 ff); this epi- 
sode is one of the factors which lead some 
modern scholars to think that the family 
of David was not Israelite in origin. In 
asking hospitality from Ahimelech David 




had not disclosed the enmity of Saul. When 
Ahimelech's kindness was reported to Saul 
by Doeg*, Saul, whose madness was now 
apparent, had all the priests of Nob slain. 
Abiathar* alone escaped to David with the 
ephod*. Saul pursued David through the 
desert* of Judah. The men of Keilah* and 
of Ziph* were willing to betray David to 
Saul (1 S 23:10ff, 19 ff); the betrayal by 
the men of Ziph is duplicated in 1 S 26:1 ff. 
On two occasions David trapped Saul in 
a cave (1 S 24:4 ff; 26:2 ff) and spared his 
life; these two stories again are probably 
variant accounts of one incident. In each 
story Saul admits he is wrong and seeks 
reconciliation; but no reconciliation is made, 
and the subsequent stories show no evidence 
of any acquaintance with these stories of 
David's magnanimity. During David's bandit 
career he fell in with a rich man of Carmel* 
named Nabal*, the husband of Abigail*. 
This incident illustrates the life of the bandit. 
David's offer of protection to Nabal, an 
offer no doubt made to many rich men, 
was nothing but a veiled form of extortion. 
When the offer was refused, David was ready 
to wipe out Nabal and his entire house. This 
murderous design was averted by the sagacity 
of Abigail, who married David shortly after 
the sudden death of Nabal, attributed to the 
shock of hearing of his narrow escape; but 
historians have long been suspicious of Abi- 
gail, who brought the rich estates of Nabal 
to David. 

David finally took service with Achish* 
of Gath* as a mercenary of the Philistines 
(1 S 27 : 1 ff ) and received for his service 
Ziklag* in the south of Judah; the story ex- 
plains why Ziklag was the personal property 
of the king even to the time of the narra- 
tor. David's raids on the nomads of the 
desert were explained by him to his Philis- 
tine overlord as raids upon the territory of 
Judah; Hebrew tradition rejected the idea 
that the great Israelite hero had ever preyed 
upon his own people, which he was willing 
to do in the affair of Nabal, and which he 
could scarcely have avoided in the service 
of the Philistines. An even greater crisis 
awaited David in the mobilization of the 
Philistine forces against Saul. Achish wished 
to include David and his men with his own 
contingent, but the other Philistine com- 
manders still did not trust him and insisted 
that he return. David found that the Amale- 
kites* had raided his city of Ziklag; he 
pursued them and recovered the captives and 
the booty. The story attributes the Israelite 
policy of dividing the booty equally between 
those who fight in cornbat and those who 
guard the base to an ordinance of David 
in this campaign (1 S 30:24 f). The same 
ordinance is attributed to Moses in Nm 

31:27, a composition of probably much 
later origin. Thus through no device of his 
own David was relieved of the necessity 
of taking part in the battle in which Saul 
and his sons were killed and Israel badly 
defeated. Had he been engaged in this battle, 
unless he turned against the Philistines, he 
could scarcely have presented himself to his 
people as the savior of Israel. 

In the confusion which followed this de- 
feat David let events guide him. He refused 
to accept the death of Saul as good news 
(2 S 1:13 ff). He accepted the kingship of 
Judah when elected by the men of Judah 
and took residence at Hebron (2 S 2:4ff); 
he could not have taken this office except 
as a vassal of the Philistines. Probably this 
Philistine connection had its part in the war 
which dragged out between David and the 
remnant of the Israelite kingdom under Ish- 
baal*, the son of Saul (2 S 2:8 ff). David 
gradually prevailed over Ishbaal, and the 
fall of the house of Saul was certain when 
Abner*, insulted by Ishbaal, determined to 
transfer the allegiance of Israel from Ishbaal 
to David. Although Abner was murdered by 
Joab*, who feared that his own influence 
with David would be lessened, David accepted 
the betrayal of . Abner. Again, however, he 
refused to accept the murder of Ishbaal by 
two bandit chieftains (2 S 4:5 ff); he pun- 
ished them, but he was now the only can- 
didate for the monarchy of Israel. He was 
elected to this office by all the tribes (2 S 
5:1 ff). 

The two most important steps in the con- 
solidation of David's monarchy were the 
capture of Jerusalem and the defeat of the 
Philistines. The remaining records of both 
these events are incomplete and it is im- 
possible to establish a chronological relation 
between them. As a royal residence Jerusalem 
had the advantage not only of a strong 
natural site but also of a location in neutral 
territory; it was not Israelite, associated 
with neither David's tribe of Judah nor 
Saul's kingdom, lying between Judah and 
Benjamin. The war with the Philistines is 
related only in a few fragments (2 S 5: 
17 ff; 21:15 ff). It is evident from the sub- 
sequent course of Israelite history that the 
Philistines were never again a serious mili- 
tary threat. We cannot trace David's victory; 
but the Israelites probably outnumbered the 
Philistines and needed only strong unified 
leadership and equality in armament and 
tactics. David made Jerusalem not only his 
royal residence where he built his palace 
(2 S 5:11 ff) with the help of Hiram* of 
Tyre but also the religious center of Israel. 
The ark* of the covenant had been neg- 
lected since its failure to assist the Israelites 
in their war against the Philistines before 




the accession of Saul. David now took this 
ancient symbol of Israelite unity and brought 
it to his new capital. The untimely death of 
Uzzah* in the procession of the ark halted 
the festivities briefly and caused a postpone- 
ment of the entrance of the ark; but a three 
months' experiment relieved his fear. The 
introduction of the ark into Jerusalem was 
the occasion of an estrangement between 
David and Michal; she found the vigor of 
David's dancing too undignified for a king. 
In return David excluded her from his bed 
for the rest of her life (2 S 6:20 ff). 

There is no reason to question with some 
modern scholars the desire of David to 
build a fitting temple for the ark (2 S 
7:1 ff). We know of no Israelite temple 
before this date; but it is unlikely that David 
while building himself a palace would con- 
tinue to house the symbol of Yahweh's pres- 
ence in a tent. Nathan* agreed when he was 
first consulted, but subsequently asserted 
that it was not the will of Yahweh that 
David himself should build the temple. He 
promised David in the name of Yahweh an 
eternal dynasty (2 S 7:8-16). This oracle, 
preserved at greater length in Ps 89:20ff, 
is the root of the messianic character of 
David and his house (cf Messiah), which 
later took shape in the belief that a de- 
liverer from David's house would effect the 
final and lasting deliverance of Israel; this 
belief in turn is at the base of the Christian 
belief in the redeeming work of Jesus Christ; 
cf Rm 1:3, part of an early credal formula. 
Other wars of David are mentioned briefly in 
2 S 8:1 ff; 10:1-19; 12:26-31. It is evident 
from these brief notices that David estab- 
lished a little Israelite empire. This was 
possible only because of the power vacuum 
caused by the weakness of Egypt and 
Mesopotamia. David conquered the Moab- 
ites (2 S 8:2 ff), with whom he had been 
on friendly terms earlier, and treated the 
captives barbarously, killing two out of three. 
One may suppose that a dynastic change in 
Moab was responsible for the change of atti- 
tude between David and the Moabite ruler. 
He also defeated Hadadezer*, king of the 
Aramaean kingdom of Zobah*, NE of Israel- 
ite territory, Damascus*, which David gar- 
risoned, and Edom* (2 S 8:13-14). David 
exacted tribute from the Moabites and the 
Aramaean kingdoms; the Edomites and the 
Ammonites were reduced, to forced labor. 
He formed an alliance with Toi*, king of 
Hamath* in Syria*, who saw the wisdom 
of alliance rather than conquest. 

The most complete record of David's life 
is the "family history" in 2 S 9-20. Most 
modern scholars believe this account was 
written by a contemporary eyewitness. The 
war with the Ammonites was the occasion 

of David's adultery with Bathsheba*. Ac- 
cording to 2 S 21:15-17 David's officers 
were unwilling that he should expose him- 
self in war, and thus he found himself in 
Jerusalem while Uriah* his neighbor, the 
husband of Bathsheba, was campaigning. The 
murder of Uriah was necessary to protect 
Bathsheba from the penalty of adultery for 
the pregnancy which followed the adultery. 
The son died, but the second son of Bath- 
sheba was Solomon*. The family history of 
David makes this the turning point of David's 
life. It takes David at the point where his 
success is greatest both in external and in- 
ternal affairs. He sins and is rebuked by 
Nathan; but the death of the child is only 
the beginning of his punishment. From this 
point his life is one unbroken series of mis- 
fortunes: Amnon's* rape of Tamar* and in- 
cest with her (2 S 13:1 ff), the murder of 
Amnon by Absalom* in revenge for the rape 
(2 S 13:21 ff), the exile of Absalom ended 
by the intercession of Joab. Absalom, who 
now expected to succeed, planned to usurp 
power before his father died (2 S 15:1 ff) 
and succeeded by political maneuvering in 
winning a sufficient number of the people 
and the royal officers so that David had 
to flee from Jerusalem when the rebellion 
was proclaimed in Hebron. The sudden and 
wide success of the rebellion suggests not 
only that Absalom and his associates were 
mendacious, but also that there were some 
less agreeable features of David's rule which 
have not been preserved in our traditions — 
perhaps something like the "heavy galling 
yoke" of Solomon (2 S 12:4). David fled 
E of the Jordan where he was able to 
organize his forces. It seems likely that the 
people of Hebron, possibly of all Judah, 
and of Jerusalem — probably non-Israelite — 
favored the rebellion; but it is difficult to 
say that the entire kingdom did. The pro- 
fessional soldiers were loyal to David; as 
soon as David could mobilize them, Absa- 
lom's forces were defeated. David's order 
to preserve the life of Absalom was not 
obeyed by Joab. To the story of the rebellion 
of Absalom is attached the story of a re- 
bellion of some of the northern tribes under 
Sheba* ben Bichri, of Benjamin (2 S 20: 
1 ff). We need not suppose that this rebel- 
lion followed immediately upon the rebellion 
of Absalom, as it does in the narrative. Both 
rebellions show us that David's monarchy and 
empire did not rest upon the true internal 
unity of the people. This is borne out by 
the events which followed the death of his 
son Solomon. 

Some of the misfortunes of David's reign 
which Hebrew tradition has preserved have 
been brought together in 2 S 24 in con- 
nection with the census. We cannot tell at 




what point in David's reign he took the 
census; some scholars think it is the census 
preserved in Nm. The census was unpopular 
because it was taken to determine sources 
of tax revenue, military service, and forced 
labor; and many Israelites thought it was 
challenging God to count one's blessings 
so explicitly. Hence Gad* offered David a 
choice of three years of famine, three months 
of flight from his enemies, or three days of 
pestilence. All three of these actually oc- 
curred; the pestilence in the story of the 
census, the three years of famine in 2 S 21, 
and the flight before Absalom. Here the his- 
tory of David has been reconstructed theo- 
logically. The three years' famine was popu- 
larly attributed to the failure of the Israelite 
rulers to expiate the blood* guilt incurred 
by the house of Saul for Saul's violation of 
the ancient treaty with Gibeon*. An oracular 
response demanded that David, according to 
the principle of blood guilt, deliver the sur- 
viving men of the house of Saul to the 
Gibeonites, which he did with one exception. 
The famine ended with the execution of the 
men of the house of Saul. 

In 1 K 1 : 1 ff David is represented as 
prematurely aged, while his associates and 
contemporaries like Nathan and Joab were 
still vigorous. Adonijah, the eldest surviving 
son of David, expected to succeed his father 
and began to conduct himself as king. We 
observe that Nathan, who had rebuked David 
for his adultery with Bathsheba, had now 
joined the party of Bathsheba and Solomon; 
they were supported also by Benaiah*, the 
commander of the royal guard, and the priest 
Zadok*. With Adonijah were Joab and Abia- 
thar the priest. Bathsheba, urged by Nathan, 
reminded David of his oath that Solomon 
should succeed him; actually there is no 
evidence outside of Bathsheba's testimony 
that David had ever taken such an oath. 
David honored the commitment and had 
Solomon installed as coregent. This inter- 
rupted the coronation festivities of Adonijah 
and put Adonijah and all his supporters at 
the mercy of Solomon. The "last will" of 
David (1 K 2:1 ff) in which he commits 
to Solomon the execution of blood vengeance 
on Joab and Shimei* is questioned by some 
modern scholars as an effort to throw the 
guilt of this violence from Solomon to David. 
But Hebrew tradition moves in the opposite 
direction; we can trace in it efforts to re- 
move from David some more obvious 
blemishes. It is far more likely that the 
attribution of these acts of vengeance to 
David's wish represents an authentic tradi- 
tion; nor would they be regarded as blame- 
worthy in the society of the blood feud (cf 

The books of Chronicles* base their ac- 

count of David on the stories of Samuel 
and Kings and seem to have no other source. 
The story of David has been edited by the 
omission of some disagreeable features; his 
bandit life, his adultery with Bathsheba, the 
murder of Uriah, and his family troubles are 
not included. The Chronicler adds some in- 
formation about the preparation and plans 
for the building of the temple and for its 
worship (1 Ch 22:1 — 28:21). In particu- 
lar David is credited with the organization 
of the Levitical* choirs and some other 
Levitical offices. This seems to be a claim of 
antiquity for the Levitical choirs; they did 
not claim, like the priesthood, to be of 
Mosaic institution. The Chronicler explains 
David's failure to build the temple as due 
to Yahweh's unwillingness to have the temple 
built by a man who had shed so much blood 
(1 Ch 22:8 f). This rationalization is not 
found in 2 S 7. To what extent David made 
plans and gathered material for the temple 
cannot be exactly determined; there is no rea- 
son to doubt the tradition that he did, but 
the details come from the free reconstruction 
of the past in the style of the books of 

The fragmentary nature of our sources 
about David makes it difficult to evaluate his 
character with accuracy and fairness. We 
must not attribute to him the piety of the 
Psalms*, of which 73 bear his name in the 
title. David can be the author of no more 
than a very few of these compositions. While 
in many instances the type of piety ex- 
pressed in the Pss is suitable for David, in 
many others the expressions of devotion are 
surprising in the mouth of the lusty turbu- 
lent warrior and bandit chieftain. David's 
predominant feature is violence — perhaps 
no more than was characteristic in his age 
and culture, but scarcely less. He shows no 
more respect for human life than his con- 
temporaries of Canaan or Mesopotamia. 
From his childhood he is accustomed to vio- 
lence, to a life of defense and aggression. 
The stories of David exhibit not only physi- 
cal violence but the violence of passion, the 
blazing anger which would destroy Nabal 
and his house and the flame of desire which 
took the willing Bathsheba after a single 
glance. Like all Oriental potentates David 
kept a numerous harem. There is no more 
than poetic justice in the violence which 
cursed him and his sons and took all happi- 
ness from the latter half of his life. David 
could command loyalty; most of his followers 
stayed with him from his early years to his 
latest. Self-interest may have been involved, 
but very few of his old associates aban- 
doned him for Absalom. 

It has been questioned whether David 
returned the loyalty which he received. Many 




historians have refused to believe that he was 
as innocent of the murders which advanced 
his career as Hebrew tradition has made 
him. But the stories have a consistent pat- 
tern; and while one must marvel at the 
consistency with which obstacles were re- 
moved, one may not manufacture evidence 
to verify a suspicion. David did not remain 
loyal to his own people when he passed into 
the service of the Philistines as a mercenary. 
On the other hand, one must remember that 
the concept of a "people" to whom loyalty 
was owed was not clear at that time; and the 
king, who was identical with the people in 
ancient monarchies, had rejected David. 
Many modern writers credit David with an 
extraordinary degree of political skill and 
astuteness. David was successful; he rose 
from shepherd boy to king, and while it is 
true that events favored his advancement, 
one must admit that he was able to recognize 
opportunity and, if he could not foster it 
positively, he knew how to avoid any steps 
which would spoil it. But there were certain 
limitations on his political skill. The rebellion 
of Absalom seems to have taken David en- 
tirely unaware; and this rebellion revealed 
weaknesses in his control of some of his close 
associates, and an even more glaring loss of 
contact with the people at large. One must 
credit him with the creation of a united 
Israel; neither he nor any other found a 
principle of lasting unity. 

The religion of David is of a piece with 
his morality. Both are the religion and the 
morality of a simple, ambitious and violent 
man, who is easily convinced that Yahweh 
is on his side and he on the side of Yahweh, 
that the cause of Yahweh and of His people 
are one with his own cause, and who is 
scarcely aware of any great demands which 
God makes of him. He is substantially faith- 
ful to those few demands of which he is 

It is necessary to have an accurate histori- 
cal estimate of David because of the position 
which he occupies in Hebrew belief. Almost 
with the accession of Solomon David begins 
to appear as the ideal ruler of Israel. Cer- 
tainly we cannot say that Hebrew tradition 
whitewashes him; 1-2 S, which are frank, 
and 1 Ch, which polishes him almost beyond 
recognition, are different types of literature. 
Hence we must realize that the concept of 
ideal king is to be understood in Hebrew 
terms. He is neither a moral ideal nor a 
religious ideal, nor even an ideal of success, 
since tradition preserved the memory of the 
rebellion of Absalom. He was the ideal king 
because he did better than any one else in 
Hebrew tradition what a king was expected 
to do. He created a united Israel, his military 
successes removed external danger and en- 

riched his people and made it possible for 
the Israelite to sit under his vine and fig tree 
with none to terrify. None of his successors 
equaled him. The throne of Judah remained 
in Hebrew literature the throne of David. 
The authors and compilers measure succeed- 
ing kings of Judah against David and find 
them wanting. 

David was promised an eternal dynasty in 
the oracle of Nathan because he best realized 
the ideal of kingship. His house would endure 
even if his successors were unworthy. The 
covenant of Yahweh with David would 
stand until it was fulfilled in another ruler 
who would be another and a greater David 
and who would establish the ideal kingdom 
of Yahweh. This future deliverer does not 
appear in the original oracle; the idea grew 
with the progress of time and the deteriora- 
tion of the dynasty of David. If the dynasty 
were eternal, a greater than David would 
have to restore it. The ideal kingship of 
David is fundamental in the messianic belief 
of the OT (cf king). 

David is mentioned in the NT most fre- 
quently in the phrases "son of David" or 
"seed of David" spoken to Jesus or about 
Him. It is evident from Paul"s references 
to the descent of Jesus from David (Rm 1:3; 
2 Tm 2:8) that the royal descent was a key 
element in the messianic character of Jesus 
as seen in the primitive Church. The title 
appears in the gospel as given to Jesus by 
various individuals, in particular by those 
who sought a cure. The title must have mes- 
sianic overtones, since the Gospels elsewhere 
express the Jewish conviction that the Mes- 
siah must be the son of David (Mt 22:45; 
Mk 12:35; Lk 20:41; Jn 7:42). The hon- 
orific title which could be given to any 
descendant of David grants that the person 
so addressed is eligible for the messianic 
claim; this must be its meaning in the con- 
text of the cures, as also in the reception 
of Jesus with palms on the Sunday before 
His death (Mt 21:9-15). 

David, city of. Defined in 2 S 5:7, 9 (gloss) 
as "the citadel of Zion." This indicates the 
most ancient settlement of Jerusalem* or a 
part thereof. In 2 S 5:6 ff the "city of David" 
or "the citadel of Zion" is what David took 
from the Jebusites — presumably the whole 
city. The title is employed elsewhere to indi- 
cate the place where David brought the ark 
(2 S 6:10, 12, 16). It is mentioned most 
frequently as the place of the burial of the 
kings of Judah (1 K 2:10; 11:43; 15:8, 24; 
22:50; 2 K 8:24; 9:28; 12:22; 14:20; 16:20 
and parallels in 1-2 Ch). The breaches in 
the city of David were repaired in the time 
of Hezekiah (Is 22:9). On the extent of 
the city of David and of Zion cf Jerusalem. 




Solomon brought the daughter of the Phar- 
aoh into the city of David until his palace 
should be finished (1 K 3:1). The ark was 
brought up to the temple from the city of 
David (1 K 8:1), and the daughter of Phar- 
aoh went up to her own palace from the 
city of David (1 K 9:24). 

Day. Day as signifying a period of 24 hours 
is found both in the OT and NT. The days 
of creation (Gn 1:5 if) are reckoned "eve- 
ning and morning, day x" (Gn 1:5, 8, 13, 
19, 23). The Hebrews after the Exile* 
and in NT times, like the Babylonians, 
reckoned the day as beginning with sunset 
and extending to the following sunset (Sab- 
bath rest, Ne 13:19; Passover and Mazzoth 
festival, Ex 12:6-10, 18). In earlier times 
the night was reckoned with the preceding 
day (Gn 19:34; Lv 7:15; 22:30; Jgs 19:4- 
9; 1 S 19:11). In popular speech day more 
commonly signifies the hours of daylight 
from sunrise to sunset. Day and night are 
contrasted as distinct realities in the creation 
account of Gn 1:4, where light* is separated 
from the darkness* of chaos and called day 
(cf Jb 38:12-20). The Mesopotamian divi- 
sion of daylight into 12 double hours and 
the night into three watches does not appear 
in the OT. In the NT the Jews had adopted 
the Greek division of the day into 12 hours 
from sunrise to sunset; the length of the 
hours varied according to the season of the 
year (Mt 20:3, 5, 6; Jn 11:9). Commonly 
also day is used to signify an appointed time, 
a season, or a period of time. 

Day of the Lord, Day of Yahweh. The idea 
of the day of the Lord was a popular be- 
lief in preexilic Israelite religion. Neither its 
roots nor its form can be traced precisely. 
It first appears in Am 5:18-20 as a known 
popular belief which Amos takes for 
granted without explaining. From his brief 
description the day of the Lord which people 
desire will be in their own minds light 
and brightness; Amos assures them that it 
will be darkness and not light, blackness 
with no brightness in it. Amos thus incor- 
porates this popular belief in his own predic- 
tion of the fall of Israel. If one argues from 
the inversion of the idea in prophetic litera- 
ture one may assume that the day of the 
Lord was a day on which Yahweh would 
manifest Himself in His power and glory; 
in cosmic convulsions He would overturn all 
the enemies of Israel and establish His own 
people supreme. In its earliest form the Day 
of the Lord was probably the day of victory 
in the holy war* (G. von Rad). The 
prophets* adopt the popular imagery and 
apply it either to the judgment of Israel or 
the judgment of all mankind. The day of 

Yahweh is probably the "evil day" of Am 
6:3 and the "day" when the sun will set 
at noon and the earth will grow dark in 
broad daylight (Am 8:9). Yahweh has a 
day when He will be exalted and He will 
bring down all that is proud and high, all 
that is lofty and tall (Is 2:11 ff). The day 
of Yahweh is pitiless, a day of wrath and 
fierce anger; it makes the earth a desola- 
tion and destroys sinners from its face. There 
are cosmic convulsions; the stars disappear, 
the sun is darkened, and the moon does not 
shine (Is 13:9-10, a composition later than 
the 7th century) . Zp describes the day of the 
Lord as a day of sacrifice, when crimes 
will be punished and cries of disaster will 
be heard all over Jerusalem. It is a day 
of wrath, of trouble and distress, of desola- 
tion and waste, darkness and gloom, cloud 
and blackness, trumpet and battle cry — 
language adopted by Jacopone da Todi in 
the Dies Irae. Some of the phrases of Zp 
are borrowed in Jl 2:2, and the cosmic 
catastrophes of the day of Yahweh are de- 
scribed in heightened colors in Jl 2:30-31. 
In Jl, however, the day of Yahweh is the 
beginning of deliverance for Zion and Jeru- 
salem, but a day of judgment on the nations 
(Jl 4:14). This shift away from the empha- 
sis of Amos back toward the early popular 
belief is seen also in Zc 14:1 ff; the day of 
Yahweh is a day when the nations shall 
be gathered to do battle against Jerusalem 
and shall be defeated and destroyed (cf Ezk 
38-39; gog). Thus even in the primitive 
popular belief in the day of Yahweh His 
cosmic dominion and His power and will to 
save and to judge were affirmed. In the 
prophetic writings the belief in these attri- 
butes is raised above a merely secular and 
national level to a point where Israel as well 
as the nations must face the salvation and 
the judgment of God according to a uni- 
versal moral and religious standard. In the 
later prophetic writings Israel is expected 
to survive this judgment and to be vindicated 
as the people of God, not merely because 
they are the chosen people of Yahweh but 
because they have been morally and re- 
ligiously tested. 

In the NT the "day of the Son of Man" 
(Lk 17:24), the day when the Son of Man 
is manifested (Lk 17:30) as judge, is de- 
scribed in terms drawn from the OT day of 
Yahweh, It is doubtful that "my day" men- 
tioned by Jesus in Jn 8:56 signifies the day 
of His manifestation as judge. In the con- 
text it is more easily understood as referring 
to the Incarnation. "The day of God" (2 Pt 
3:12) on which the heavens shall be de- 
stroyed and elements melted in flames to be 
replaced by a new heaven and a new earth 
is likewise cast in OT language. On "the great 




day of God Almighty" a battle will take 
place between the demonic spirits and the 
heavenly hosts (Ape 16:14). The "Day of 
Jesus Christ" for which Christians must be 
prepared and for which God strengthens 
them (1 Co 1:8; Phi 1:6, 10) and on which 
Paul himself will boast of his Christian 
congregations (2 Co 1:14; Phi 2:16) can 
only be the day on which Jesus is manifested 
in His glory, the day when all shall be judged 
(cf parousia; judgment). This is "the day" 
which comes like a thief (1 Th 5:2, 4), the 
day which will manifest the works of each 
one, to be tried by fire (1 Co 3:13). 

Deacon, Deaconess. (Gk diakonos and its 
cognates mean primarily one who serves at 
table) . In some of the Gk papyri diakonein 
trapezais (AA 6:2) means to keep accounts. 
Both the noun and the verb are found 
in the NT (Lk 10:40; Jn 2:5, 9; AA 
6:1 +). In a metaphorical sense the word 
may be translated minister or servant and 
is applied to the apostles* as ministers of 
the new covenant (2 Co 3:6), ministers 
of God (2 Co 6:4), ministers of justice 
(2 Co 11:15), of Christ (2 Co 11:23). 
Whether "the diversity of services" (1 Co 
12:5) and the "service" mentioned with 
prophecy and teaching (Rm 12:7) indicate 
a distinct hierarchical office in the Church 
is open to question. These contexts do not 
suggest such an office. "Deacon" appears as 
a distinct office (Phi 1:1), where Paul 
addresses his letter to all the saints at 
Philippi with the bishops* and deacons. 
The qualities demanded in a deacon are 
listed in 1 Tm 3:8-13, immediately after 
the list of qualifications for the office of 
bishop. There is no evidence in the NT con- 
cerning the functions of the deacon in the 
Church. One may adduce the institution of 
the "Seven" in AA 6:1-6. Here a dispute 
arose because the Greek-speaking Christians 
thought their widows should receive equal 
treatment with the widows of the Palestinian 
Jewish Christian community. The Twelve 
refused to be involved in the dispute; it was 
beneath their office to serve tables. Hence 
they asked the community to institute other 
officers to take care of this duty and enable 
the Twelve to give themselves to "prayer and 
the ministry of the word." The men to be 
chosen should be "full of the spirit and wis- 
dom" (AA 6:3), "faith and the holy 
spirit" (AA 6:5). These were instituted in 
their office by the imposition* of hands 
(AA 6:6). The accounts of Stephen* and 
Philip* in A A show them preaching and 
baptizing, much as the apostles did; and it 
is possible that these functions were included 
in the office of deacon. But the Seven are 
not called deacons, and one may look else- 

where for the earliest form of the office. 
Possibly we should think of the deacon not 
as an officer of the community, but as an 
assistant to the bishop (Beyer ThWB). Here 
also perhaps, since deacon means primarily 
one who serves at table, we should think 
of the deacon as assisting the bishop in per- 
forming the rite of the Eucharist*. The 
office of minister or servant of the syna- 
gogue*, immediately under the "ruler of the 
synagogue" {archisynagogus) , may also be 
invoked as a parallel to the office of deacon. 
Diakonos appears in Gk inscriptions refer- 
ring to the personnel of pagan cults; but 
we have no clear information about the 
function of the officer so named, except that 
the name itself suggests that the officer would 
be concerned with the sacrificial banquet. In 
Rm 16:1 Phoebe* is called "our sister, 
deaconess of the church in Cenchreae*." 
The title here does not of itself indicate a 
hierarchical office; it can refer to services 
rendered by Phoebe to the community of 
Cenchreae. In 1 Tm 3:11 there seems to be 
a clear reference to women who either render 
services to the Church or assist the deacons 
in the performance of their duties; it seems 
unlikely that the qualities mentioned refer 
to the wives of deacons except in so far as 
the wives might assist the husbands in their 

Dead Sea (Hb yam hammelah, "Salt Sea"; 
yam ha '"rdbdh, "Sea of the Arabah"; 
hayydm hakkadmoni, "the Eastern Sea"). 
The Dead Sea is formed by the inflow of the 
Jordan and other streams, most of them on 
the E side of the sea; the water has no out- 
let, and the evaporation is extremely heavy. 
The Dead Sea is covered by a haze most of 
the time; its entire width is easily visible, 
but its length can be seen only rarely. The 
saline content of the Dead Sea is about 25 
percent, six times the saline content of the 
ocean, and the density of the water permits 
persons to float with no effort; in fact, it is 
impossible to sink. There are no fish in the 
Dead Sea, and fresh water fish which are 
carried in by the Jordan current die instantly. 
Salt cliffs at the SW corner of the sea were 
a source of salt in ancient times. The sea 
is 53 mi long and 10 mi wide at its greatest; 
a number of scholars believe that the S end 
of the sea, a bay formed by the peninsula el 
Lisan ("the tongue"), which extends from 
the E side, was formed by an earthquake 
about 2000 bc, which would explain the 
story of Sodom* and Gomorrah. The Dead 
Sea is the lowest point N of the Red Sea 
in the great rift or fault which extends from 
N Syria and continues as the Red Sea basin 
to the straits of Aden. The surface of the 




sea is 1290 ft below sea level, and the sea 
is 1300 ft deep at its deepest. 

The Dead Sea, hemmed in closely by the 
cliffs of Moab to the E and of Judah to 
the W, often has a rugged beauty in its blue 
waters and the reddish cliffs; but the beauty 
is deceptive. The sea lies in the rain shadow 
of the highlands of Judah and its immediate 
neighborhood is an entirely dead wilderness 
of sand and bare rock. In historic times it 
has not been a center of population except 
for a few oases on its shores and the com- 
munity of Qumran*. 

The Dead Sea is identified with the valley 
of Siddim* (Gn 14:3). It is most frequently 
mentioned as a border point: of the kingdom 
of the Amorites* (Dt 4:49; Jos 12:3), of 
Benjamin (Jos 18:19), of Reuben and 
Gad (Dt 3:17), of Judah (Jos 15:2, 5), 
of Israel (Nm 34:3, 12; 2 K 14:25; Ezk 
47:18). In the messianic land of Ezk the 
Dead Sea will be freshened by the stream 
which rises from the temple, but deposits 

Dead Seo with the 
Mountains of Moab in 
the background. 

of salt will be left (Ezk 47:8-12; cf Zc 

Dead Sea Scrolls, Cf qumran. 

Death. 1. OT. The OT exhibits a certain de- 
velopment in the Israelite ideas of death. 
This development is not progressive; one 
may find in BS a concept of death which 
scarcely differs from the concept found in 
the Pnt. The prevailing view in the OT is that 
death is terminal. One's concept of death 
is ultimately determined by one's concept of 
life*; hence the Hb concept of the human 
person as an animated body rather than 
an incarnated spirit made the end of ani- 
mation appear to be the cessation of alj vital 
activity. When a person died, the "spirit" 
departed; the deceased continued to exist as 
a "self" {nepel) in Sheol*, but was .in- 
capable of any vital activity or passivity. 
The dead take no part in divine worship 
(Pss 6:6; 30:10; 88:11: 115:17; cf also Is 




38:11, 18). It is against this background of 
OT belief that Jesus said that God is 
not the God of the dead but of the living 
(Mt 22:32; Mk 12:27; Lk 20:38). Death is 
accepted as the natural end of man (2 S 
14:14). The ideal death was attained in the 
fullness of old age with undiminished powers 
(Gn 25:8; Jb 21:23f; 29:18-20+). One 
who dies such an ideal death dies easily and 
quickly; he goes down to Sheol "in a mo- 
ment" (Jb 21:13) and is not the victim 
either of a premature death or of a lingering 
wasting disease. Such a death "embitters" 
one (Jb 21:15). The sense of the story of 
Paradise* (Gn 2-3) is that death is the 
consequence of the primeval fall* and that 
man was not created by God to be mortal. 
In the imagery of the Paradise story im- 
mortality is attained by eating the fruit of 
the tree of life, from which man is now 
excluded. This story has some resemblance 
to the Mesopotamian account of the search 
of Gilgamesh* for the plant of life, which 
Gilgamesh found only to lose it by theft at 
once, as well as to the story of Adapa. Adapa 
was admitted to the presence of the gods 
but warned against accepting the food of 
death and the water of death, which would 
be offered him. Actually he was offered the 
food of life and the water of life. The 
belief that death came as the consequence 
of a primeval fall is not reflected elsewhere 
in the OT before BS 25:24. There are occa- 
sional expressions in the OT of a strain of 
hope that death is not as terminal as it seems. 
Thus in Ps 16:9 the poet rejoices that Yah- 
weh will not abandon him to Sheol nor 
permit him to see the pit. In Ps 49:16 the 
poet is assured that God will redeem him 
from Sheol. Similar expressions are not un- 
common in the Pss and usually signify no 
more than preservation from sudden or pre- 
mature death. The context of these Pss 
seems to go beyond this, since the whole 
problem of life and death generally is in- 
volved, particularly in Ps 49. Even clearer 
is the assurance of the poet in Ps 73:23 ff 
that he has no portion except Yahweh in 
heaven or in earth. If Yahweh's promises 
and His loving kindness are everlasting, then 
there must be some way in which the loyal 
Israelite will experience them. How he shall 
do it is not formulated in this early phase of 
Israelite belief. The Israelite conception of 
death was affected by the underlying cosmic 
myth of creation* in which so much Israelite 
thought was cast. The struggle between order 
and chaos, light and darkness, was also 
a struggle between life and death. In the 
ancient Semitic myths of creation life and 
death were alternately victorious. As Hb 
belief in Yahweh did not permit them to 
accept the idea that His power and will 

for good were not sufficient to overcome the 
forces of evil, so also they could not believe 
that He was not victorious over death; at 
least death could not touch Him. Obviously, 
however, as they developed a belief in a 
final victory of Yahweh over the forces of 
darkness, evil and chaos, so likewise the logic 
of their faith demanded that He overcome 
death also. This development appears rather 
late in OT belief; we find no certain trace 
of a clear belief in the resurrection* of the 
dead before the 2nd century BC in Dn. The 
immortality of the soul* as proposed in 
WS, a product of Alexandrian Judaism, was 
really an element foreign to Hb belief and 
Hb psychology which was never assimilated 
into the OT or NT. 

2. NT. The NT adds the explicit and clear 
belief that death is a consequence and a 
punishment of sin. This is stated most 
clearly in Rm 5: 12 ff. Here the parallel is 
drawn out at length between death to many 
through the sin of one and life to many 
through the righteousness of one. Likewise 
in 1 Co 15:22 we all die in Adam, but 
we are all brought to life in Christ. A sec- 
ond element in the NT conception of death 
is that Jesus has overcome death by His 
own death. Death is the last adversary which 
He overcomes (1 Co 15:25 f). He has de- 
prived death of its power (2 Tm 1:10). He 
has rendered powerless the devil, the lord 
of death (Heb 2:14). The law of the spirit 
of life in Christ Jesus frees us from the law 
of sin and death (Rm 8:2). Christ has died 
and come to life to rule over the living and 
the dead (Rm 14:9). Once Christ has risen 
from the dead He does not die again; death 
has no more power over Him (Rm 6:9). 
When all had died, one died on behalf of all 
that they might live not for themselves but 
for him who had died on their behalf (2 Co 
5: 14 f). Because Jesus humiliated Himself to 
death, the Father has conferred on Him 
glory and honor (Phi 2:5 ff). The Chris- 
tian experiences Jesus's victory over death by 
himself sharing in the death of Jesus. This 
is elaborated at length in Rm 6 : 2 ff. The 
Christian is baptized into the death of Jesus, 
for only thus can he rise with Him to a 
new life. Sharing in the death of Christ is 
a "planting" with Him (Rm 6:5). The old 
man is crucified. If we die with Christ, we 
shall live with Him (Rm 6:8). We are dead 
to sin, living to God in Christ Jesus (Rm 
6:11). If we live according to the flesh we 
shall die; but if by the spirit we kill the deeds 
of the body we shall live (Rm 8:13). Paul 
is crucified with Christ, so that he no longer 
lives, but Christ lives in him (Gal 2:20). 
He is crucified to the world and the world 
is crucified to him (Gal 6:14). Faith in 
Jesus does not protect one from death; but 




it gives assurance that one shall not die 
forever (Jn 11:26). To partake of the 
Eucharist means that one shall not die but 
shall have eternal life (Jn 6:50 f). Parallel 
to the concept of eternal life is the concept 
of the "second death" (Ape 2:11; 20:6, 14; 
21:8), by which one is deprived of eternal 
life. Christians who die are dead in Christ 
(1 Th 4:16). 

Debir (Hb d e blr, etymology uncertain), also 
called Kirjath-sepher, kiryat-seper, an older 
name (Jos 15:15 f ; Jgs 1:11 f); a town of 
Judah, located at modern Tell Beit Mirsim 
12 mi WSW of Hebron in the Shephelah*. 
The conquest of Debir by Joshua* is men- 
tioned twice (Jos 10:38; 11:21); it is called 
a city of the Anakim*. These are schematic 
attributions (cf joshua) ; the city was taken 
by Othniel* (Jos 15:15 f; Jgs 1:11 f; cf 
Caleb; kenizzite). Debir was on the frontier 
of Judah (Jos 15:7) and is listed among the 
cities of Judah (Jos 15:49) and among 
the Levitical cities of Judah (Jos 21:15; 1 
Ch 6:43). 

The site is important not because of its 
historical interest but because of the thor- 
oughness with which it was excavated by W. 
F. Albright 1926-1932; this excavation is a 
landmark in the development of the tech- 
niques of modern Palestinian archaeology. 
The area enclosed within the walls was about 
7.5 acres. Debir was first settled in Early 
Bronze IV (2300-2100 bc). A 19th-century 
wall about 1 1 ft thick was uncovered. The 
disturbed conditions of Palestine in the 2nd 
millennium BC were illustrated by four gen- 
eral destructions and four partial destruc- 
tions of the city which occurred between 
1800-1500. A large number of Astarte* 
plaques from Late Bronze and Iron I (late 

Canaanite and early Israelite) illustrate 
the fertility cults of Canaan and the OT. 
Of particular interest was a stele of a goddess 
and a serpent*. The city was violently de- 
stroyed by fire about 1200 bc and resettled 
almost immediately; this destruction and re- 
settlement must be attributed to the Israelites. 
Casemated city walls of Iron I were attrib- 
uted to the early reign of David, when the 
city was fortified against the Philistines*. 
Debir was destroyed by the Babylonians 598- 
587 bc and abandoned. 

Deborah (Hb d e borah, "bee"). 1. Nurse of 
Rebekah, buried near Bethel* (Gn 35:8). 
2. A prophetess, the wife of Lappidoth (Jgs 
4:4; 5:31). Deborah lived in Tomer-Deborah 
in the hill country of Ephraim* between 
Ramah* and Bethel*. When the Israelites 
were oppressed by the Canaanites* under 
Jabin* and Sisera*, they appealed to 
Deborah. She summoned Barak and in the 
name of Yahweh ordered him to assemble 
10,000 men from Zebulun* and Naphtali* 
near Mount Tabor*. Barak refused to go 
unless Deborah accompanied him, which she 
did. When the army of Sisera approached 
Deborah gave the order to join the battle. 
The poem in Jgs 5 which describes the vic- 
tory is attributed to Deborah and is usually 
called the Song of Deborah. Modern critics 
are unanimous in affirming the antiquity of 
this poem; many believe it is the oldest 
extant Hebrew literary composition, going 
back to the period of the Judges. But the 
traditional attribution is not enough of itself 
to establish the authorship of Deborah. 

Decalogue. The ten commandments appear in 
the OT in two somewhat different formulae. 

Exodus 20 

2 I the Lord am your God who brought you 
out of the land of Egypt, the place of slavery. 

3 You shall not have other Gods besides me. 

4 You shall not carve idols for yourselves 

in the shape of anything in the sky above or 
in the earth below or in the waters beneath 
the earth; 5 you shall not bow down be- 
fore them or worship them. For I the Lord 
your God am a jealous God, inflicting pun- 
ishment for their fathers' wickedness on the 
children of those who hate me down to the 
third and fourth generation, 6 but bestow- 
ing mercy down to the thousandth genera- 
tion on the children of those who love me 
and keep my commandments. 

7 You shall not take the name of the Lord 
your God in vain; 

for the Lord will not leave unpunished him 
who takes his name in vain. 

8 Remember to keep holy the Sabbath day; 

Deuteronomy 5 

6 I the Lord am your God who brought you 
out of the land of Egypt, that place of slavery. 

7 You shall not have other gods besides me. 

8 You shall not carve idols for yourselves 

in the shape of anything in the sky above or 
on the earth below or in the waters beneath 
the earth; 9 you shall not bow down be- 
fore them or worship them. For I the Lord 
your God am a jealous God, inflicting pun- 
ishment for their father's wickedness on the 
children of those who hate me, unto the 
fourth generation, 10 but bestowing mercy 
down to the thousandth generation on the 
children of those who love me and keep my 

1 1 You shall not take the name of the Lord 
your God in vain; 

for the Lord will not leave unpunished him 
who takes his name in vain. 

12 Take care to keep holy the Sabbath day as 
the Lord your God commanded you. 




9 Six days you may labor and do all your 
work; ' 10 but the seventh day is the 
Sabbath of the Lord your God. No work 
may be done then either by you or by your 
son or daughter, or your male or female 
slave or your beast or the alien who lives 
with you. 11 In six days the Lord made 
the heavens and the earth, the sea and all 
that is in them; but on the seventh day He 
rested. That is why the Lord has blessed 
the Sabbath day and made it holy. 

12 Honor your father and your mother 

that you may have a long life in the land 
which the Lord your God is giving you. 

13 You shall not kill. 

14 You shall not commit adultery. 

15 You shall not steal. 

16 You shall not bear false witness against your 

1 7 You shall not covet 

your neighbor's house; you shall not covet 
your neighbor's wife, nor his male and 
female slave, nor his ox or ass, nor any- 
thing else that belong to him. 

13 Six days you may labor and do all your 
work; 14 but the seventh day is the 
Sabbath of the Lord your God. No work 
may be done then, whether by you, or your 
son or daughter, or your male or female 
slave, or your ox or your ass, or any of your 
beasts, or the alien who lives with you. Your 
male and female slaves rest as you do; 
15 for remember that you too were once 
slaves in Egypt, and the Lord your God 
brought you from there with a strong hand 
and an outstretched arm. That is why the 
Lord your "God has commanded you to ob- 
serve the Sabbath day. 

16 Honor your father and your mother 

as the Lord your God has commanded you. 
that you may have a long life and prosperity 
in the land which the Lord your God is 
giving you. 

1 7 You shall not kill. 

18 You shall not commit adultery. 

19 You shall not steal. 

20 You shall not bear dishonest witness against 
your neighbor. 

21 You shall not covet 

your neighbor's wife. You shall not desire 
your neighbor's house, nor his male or fe- 
male slave, nor his ox or ass, nor anything 
that belongs to him. 

That ten words or commandments were 
given by God to Moses on Mt Sinai 
is incorporated into ancient Hebrew tradi- 
tion (Ex 34:28; Dt 4:13; 10:4). The numer- 
ation of the ten commandments, however, 
is taken in different ways in modern times. 

I. Philo, Josephus, Greek fathers modern 
Greek and Reformed Churches: (1) Prohi- 
bition of false or foreign gods. (2) Prohibi- 
tion of images. (3) Vain use of the divine 
name. (4) Sabbath. (5) Parents. (6) Mur- 
der. (7) Adultery. (8) Theft. (9) False 
witness. (10) Covetousness. 

II. This division first appears in Origen, 
used by Clement of Alexandria, Augustine, 
modern Latin church and Lutheran church: 
(1) Prohibition of false gods. The prohibi- 
tion of images is either included in this 
commandment or suppressed in the enumer- 
ation. (2) Vain use of the divine name. 

(3) Sabbath. (4) Parents. (5) Murder. 

(6) Adultery. (7) Theft. (8) False witness. 

(9) Coveting of wife. (10) Coveting of 

III. Modern Jews: 

(1) Introduction, "I am the Lord your 
God" etc. (2) Prohibition of false gods and 
images. (3) Vain use of the divine name. 

(4) Sabbath. (5) Parents. (6) Murder. 

(7) Adultery. (8) Theft. (9) False Witness. 

(10) Covetousness. 

" The first of these three divisions is best 
according to sense, and is probably the most 
original. The first four commandments state 

duties toward God, the final six list duties 
toward human beings; parents, the source of 
life, are representative of God. The intro- 
duction, "I. am the Lord your God," etc, 
often enumerated as one of the command- 
ments, is outside the commandments proper. 
The differences between the recensions of 
Ex and Dt are shown in the above table. It 
is altogether probable that neither of these 
recensions presents the Decalogue in its 
original form. Most interpreters believe that 
all the commandments were originally as 
brief as the commandments of murder, 
adultery, theft, and false witness. The 
others have been expanded by the addition 
of homiletic motives for their observance; 
the table shows the probable content of the 
original commandment as distinguished from 
the additions. There is some slight difference 
between the two recensions in the motiva- 
tion. In Ex the Sabbath commandment is 
supported by an appeal to creation* in six 
days followed by rest on the seventh, as re- 
lated in Gn 1:1-2:3. In Dt the precept of 
rest is extended to others besides the He- 
brew family proper, for the humanitarian 
motive that the Hebrews were once slaves 
in Egypt. The original form of the prohibi- 
tion of covetousness, probably the simple 
precept of Ex (cf table) , has been expanded 
in two ways. In Ex the first expansion was 
the mention of the house, which covered all 
the neighbor's property, and the precept was 
further expanded by the enumeration of the 




wife, slaves, and domestic animals. In Dt 
the first expansion was the explicit and 
separate mention of the wife; the precept 
was then extended to house, slaves, and ani- 
mals. This represents a more advanced view 
of family life. 

The formula of the direct commandment 
or prohibition is the type of law called 
"apodictic" in opposition to "casuistic" (cf 
law). Modern critics generally agree that 
the Decalogue in its present position in Ex 
is not in its original literary context; the 
Decalogue here is given in a priestly recen- 
sion, while the surrounding context belongs 
to a complex tradition (cf exodus; Penta- 
teuch). The position of the Decalogue in 
Dt, however, shows that the writers and edi- 
tors of this book had a tradition which 
associated the Decalogue with the Sinai 
covenant*, precisely the position which the 
Decalogue occupies in Ex. The position of 
the Decalogue in Dt together with other 
allusions to the "ten words" (cf above), 
indicates the priestly recension has replaced 
the original older and simpler formulation. 

Many older biblical critics denied that the 
Decalogue went back to Mosaic times. They 
regarded it as a summary of the ethical teach- 
ing of the prophets* of the 8th-7th cen- 
turies. This opinion was based principally 
on some features of the Decalogue which 
they thought reflected the period of Israel's 
settlement in Canaan rather than the semi- 
nomadic conditions of the Mosaic period: 
for instance, the allusions to house and field, 
ox and ass. Likewise the prohibition of 
images was thought to date only from the 
8th or 7th century, and the Sabbath like- 
wise was not a nomadic observance. Modern 
discoveries have removed most of the weight 
of these objections (cf images; sabbath). 
The recension of Dt no doubt belongs to 
the period of the monarchy; but the Deca- 
logue itself can be centuries earlier than this 
recension. It is true that there is no explicit 
citation of the Decalogue in later biblical 
literature; but this is not really convincing. 
The attribution of the Decalogue to the 
Mosaic period does not imply its attribution 
to Moses himself, although he is the most 
likely candidate. Nor does this attribution 
imply that the story of the stone tablets 
written by the finger of God (Ex 34: 12; Dt 
5:22) and then rewritten by Moses (Ex 
34:28) is any more than a highly imaginative 
way of stating the divine origin and author- 
ity of the Decalogue. The prohibitions of 
false gods and of images are highly distinc- 
tive features of Israelite religion, and tradi- 
tion constantly attributes these features to 
Moses (cf god; images). 

The prohibition of the vain use of the 
divine name is probably directed against 

the use of the name in magic*. On the 
understanding of the other commandments in 
ancient Israel cf family; marriage; mur- 
der; sabbath; theft. The prohibition of 
false witness as it stands refers to juridical 
processes. The prohibition of covetousness, 
which is concerned with the interior act, has 
often been thought to be both morally and 
psychologically too subtle for primitive Is- 
raelite belief. This is not convincing; no great 
subtlety was required to see that the inner 
desire was the root of wrongdoing. But the 
prohibition of such malicious desire is dis- 
tinctive of Israelite morality at any period in 
which one supposes the Decalogue to have 

Some modern critics believe they have dis- 
covered a cultic decalogue in Ex 34:14-26, 
which may be divided as follows: I. 14. II. 
17. III. 18. IV. 19-20. V. 21. VI. 22. VII. 
23-24. VIII. 25. IX-X. 26. Actually there 
are more than ten commandments in this 
passage, and the number ten can be reached 
only by some manipulation. Many critics, 
realizing this, have reconstructed a primi- 
tive cultic decalogue from this and other 
related passages, and they propose that this 
cultic decalogue is indicated by the "ten 
words" of Ex 34:28. It has in common with 
the Decalogue of Ex-Dt the prohibition of 
worshiping other gods (34:14), images 
(34:17), the Sabbath (34:21). Cf also Lv 
19:3 f, 11 f; Je 7:9; Ho 4:2. 

The separate commandments are men- 
tioned in the NT but never as ten. The pro- 
hibitions of murder (Mt 5:21) and adultery 
(Mt 5:27) in the Sermon on the Mount are 
cited parallel with Dt 24:1 (Mt 5:31), a 
conflation of Ex 20:7, Nm 30:3, and Dt 
23:22 (Mt 5:33), Ex 21:24 (Mt 5:38), and 
Lv 19:18 (Mt 5:43) in the same manner. 
This is the Law which Jesus came not to 
destroy but to fulfill, and all the citations 
come from the Torah, the supreme author- 
ity of Judaism (cf law). Ex 20:12 is cited 
in Mt 15:4; Eph 6:2-3. Dt 5:17-21 is cited 
in Rm 13:9; Ex 20:13 f (Dt 5:17 f) in Js 
2:11. The young man who asked Jesus how 
to be perfect was told to keep the com- 
mandments. When he asked which command- 
ments, Jesus cited some of the ten, not in 
the usual order nor completely. In Mt 19:18- 
19 are found murder, adultery, theft, false 
witness, honor of parents, and there is added 
the precept of loving the neighbor as one- 
self (Lv 19:18). In Mk 10:19 the same 
precepts are mentioned with the omission of 
the love of one's neighbor and the addition 
of the precept not to defraud, based on Dt 
24:14. In Lk 18:20 the precepts of adultery, 
murder, theft, false witness, and honor' of 
parents are cited. These passages suggest 
that even in gospel times the Decalogue 




had not acquired the set form and im- 
portance as a charter of fundamental moral- 
ity it acquired in later Christianity. 

Decapolis (Gk dekapolis, "ten cities"), the 
name given to the territory extending in 
eastern Palestine from Damascus* in the N 
to Philadelphia* in the S. The name desig- 
nates a league of ten cities formed after the 
Roman conquest of Palestine in 63 bc. The 
ten cities were Hellenistic and probably 
formed the league not only because of their 
frontier position on the desert but also to 
protect themselves against Jewish immigra- 
tion and aggression. Some of the cities had 
been conquered by Alexander Jannaeus (103- 
76 bc). The territory of the Decapolis spread 
over several other jurisdictions of the period; 
it probably did not constitute a single con- 
tiguous territory. The league was a federation 
of free cities, each with its surrounding 
territory, under the general administra- 
tion of the Roman legate of Syria. The 
earliest literary mention of the Decapolis 
is found in the Gospels. The cities are also 
mentioned by Josephus and Pliny the Elder. 
Pliny lists the ten as Damascus, Philadel- 
phia, Raphana, Scythopolis*, Gadara*, 
Hippos, Dion, Pella, Gerasa*, and Canatha. 
All the Palestinian cities except Scythopolis 
lay on the eastern side of the Jordan. In 
the 2nd century AD Ptolemy names 18 cities, 
omitting Raphana but including Abila and 
8 others. The number was not constant. 
Modern scholars believe Abila was one of 
the original 10. People came from the De- 
capolis to hear Jesus (Mt 4:25), and Jesus 
performed a miracle of healing in the terri- 
tory of the Decapolis (Mk 7:31). The 
demoniac who was cured on the eastern shore 
of the Sea of Galilee* announced Jesus in 
the territory of the Decapolis (Mk 5:20). 

Dedan (Hb d e dan, meaning uncertain), an 
Arabian tribe. Its origin is attributed to 
Ham through Cush* and Raamah* (Gn 
10:7; 1 Ch 1:9); also to Abraham* and 
Keturah* through Jokshan* (Gn 25:3; 1 Ch 
1:32). It is mentioned together with Sheba* 
(Gn 25:3; 1 Ch 1:32; Ezk 38:13), with 
Tema* (Is 21:13-14; Je 25:23), with the 
peoples who must drink the cup of wrath, 
here included among those who wear their 
hair clipped at the temples, and with Buz 
( Je 25:23). Its territory lay in northern 
Arabia bordering on Edom* (Je 49:8; Ezk 
25:13). They were caravan merchants (Is 
21:13) who traded with Tyre* (Ezk 27:20). 
The sons of Dedan who traded with Tyre 
(Ezk 27:5) are confused with the sons of 
Rodan (Rhodes*) by a textual error. 

Dedication, feast of (Hb h a nnkkdh), the 

feast instituted to celebrate the recovery and 
purification of the temple* from the Syrians 
by Judas* in 165 bc. At the time of the re- 
covery the feast was instituted to be cele- 
brated for eight days each year, beginning 
with the 25th of Kislew* (1 Mc 4:52-59: 
2 Mc 10:6-8). The month of Kislew falls 
roughly within December of the Julian 
calendar and brings the feast near Christmas; 
and in modern Judaism it is celebrated in 
a joyous atmosphere with an exchange of 
gifts. It is frequently called the Feast of 
Lights from the practice of illuminating 
homes and streets; this title appears in the 
writings of Josephus*. 

Delilah (Hb d e tilah), the mistress of Sam- 
son* who betrayed him to the Philistines* 
by cutting off his hair while he slept (Jgs 
16:4-20). A. Vincent suggests that the name 
is derived from the Arabic and contains a 
pun derived from two words from the same 
root: dalla, "to behave in an amorous man- 
ner," and dalila, "a guide," here betrayer. 
Her residence in the valley of Sorek* would 
permit her to be either Hebrew or Philis- 
tine, but the narrative suggests that she was 
a Hebrew. 

Deluge. The story of the deluge is found in 
Gn 6:5-9:17. This story is compiled from 
the Yahwist (J) and priestly traditions (P) 
interwoven into the present single account 
(cf genesis; Pentateuch). Some variations 
in details in the two traditions are easily dis- 
cerned in the present narrative. In J seven 
pairs of clean animals and of birds and one 
pair of unclean animals are taken into the 
ark* (Gn 7:2-3), in P a single pair of all 
species (Gn 7:8-9). In J the flood endures 
for 40 days of rain (Gn 7:12); the 40 days 
of Gn 7:17 is thought by most modern critics 
to be a gloss to provide for the abatement 
of the flood. In P the entire flood endures 
for one year and 11 days (Gn 7:11; 8:14). 
The waters rise for 150 days (Gn 7:24) and 
recede for another 150 days (Gn 8:3), and 
the earth is not dry enough for Noah* to 
leave the ark until the end of the whole 
period. P also exhibits other mathematical 
precisions besides the duration of the flood: 
the dimensions of the ark, 300 cubits long, 
50 cubits wide, 30 cubits high (Gn 6: 15), and 
the height of the water above the mountains, 
15 cubits (Gn 7:20, calculated on the height 
of the ark). The two traditions differ also 
in their conception of the catastrophe. In J 
the deluge is the result of an excessive rain 
of 40 days and 40 nights. In P the deluge 
is a result of the collapse of the entire cos- 
mos. The waters of the primitive abyss, which 
are divided in creation* into the waters of 
the lower abyss beneath the earth and the 




waters of the upper abyss above the earth 
(Gn 1:7), now return to cover the entire 
creation and bring back the chaos of Gn 
1:2. The waters of the upper abyss enter 
through the broken windows or sluices of 
heaven and the waters of the lower abyss 
through the burst fountains, from which 
they normally issue at a moderate rate (Gn 
7:11). This conception of a collapse of cos- 
mic order is paralleled in the Mesopotamian 
deluge stories (cf below). Other passages 
in which the double tradition appears with- 
out notable variation are the decree of the 
flood (Gn 6:5-7, J; 6:11-13, P) and the 
story of the covenant* of God with Noah 
after the deluge (Gn 8:21-22, J; 9:1-17, P). 
Of these two traditions critics regard J as 
the older, perhaps from the 9th or 10th 
century BC, and P as more recent, from 
the 6th or 5th. P, however, in some features 
is more archaic and closer to the original 
form of the story. In both traditions the 
deluge was a universal catastrophe covering 
the entire earth as it was conceived by the 
ancients (cf creation) and destroying all 
life, human and animal, except that which 
was preserved in the ark. 

Accounts of a universal deluge have been 
found in Mesopotamian literature. Several 
varieties of the Mesopotamian story are 
known; the longest and the best preserved 
appears in the XI tablet of the Gilgamesh* 
epic (ANET 93-95). The hero of the deluge 
is called Ut-napishtim, a resident of Shurip- 
pak on the Euphrates. When the gods 
decree the deluge, the god Ea reveals the 
decree to Ut-napishtim, protecting his obli- 
gation of secrecy by speaking not directly to 
Ut-napishtim but to a reed wall through 
which Ut-napishtim hears him. He is ad- 
monished to build a boat, described as a 
cube 10 dozen cubits on a side. The ark of 
Gn is rectangular, and is neither a ship nor a 
boat, but a large box. Ut-napishtim is 
warned to take ample provisions as well as 
"the beasts of the field, the wild creatures 
of the field," and this is similar to the 
preservation of animal species in Gn. In 
addition Ut-napishtim is to take craftsmen 
aboard lest their crafts perish entirely, and a 
boatman to navigate the vessel. The deluge 
lasts for six days and six nights, and the 
ark of Ut-napishtim comes to rest on Mount 
Nisir. Like Noah, Ut-napishtim sends forth 
birds — a dove, a swallow, and a raven — 
and leaves the ark when the raven fails 
to return. Like Noah, Ut-napishtim offers 
a sacrifice; and the gods cluster about it 
like flies. Instead of a covenant there fol- 
lows a dispute among the gods. Enlil, angry 
that any one has escaped, inquires who has 
disclosed the secret. Ea confesses, but ques- 
tions the wisdom of Enlil in sending a deluge. 

On the sinner, he says, should be imposed 
his sin, and on the transgressor his trans- 
gression. Instead of such a universal disaster 
Enlil should have sent a wolf or a lion 
or a famine or pestilence, which would not 
have wiped out the entire race. Because 
Ut-napishtim and his wife have escaped the 
deluge they must now be given immortality 
and removed to a distant land at the mouth 
of the rivers where they will not mingle with 
common mortal men. The dispute of the 
gods is a piece of primitive Mesopotamian 
theology which attempts to explain such 
catastrophes which wipe out large numbers 
of people. They are attributed to the irra- 
tional anger of the gods, who do not show 
wisdom by discriminating between good and 
bad. The instrument chosen goes far beyond 
the demands of divine anger. Implicitly the 
story questions the wisdom and goodness of 
the providence of the gods. In addition to 
this account in the poem of Gilgamesh. 
which comes from the library of Ashur- 
bani-pal, part of the Sumerian flood story 
has now been discovered (ANET 43-44). 
It is incomplete, but agrees with the poem 
of Gilgamesh in the residence of the hero, 
Shurippak. His name, however, is Ziusudra. 
He also receives immortality and resides in 
Dilmun, the land where the sun rises. The 
duration of the flood here is seven days 
and seven nights. A fragment of an old 
Babylonian flood story is preserved; the name 
of the hero is Atrahasis (ANET 104-106). 
Here the motive which moves Enlil to send 
the deluge is the clamor of mankind, which 
prevents the gods from enjoying their sleep. 
Finally, the Babylonian priest Berossus, 
about 275 bc, wrote in Gk some of the 
mythology of his people. In his summary 
account of the flood the hero is named 
Xisuthros, which is probably a Gk form of 
Ziusudra (AOT 200-201). His account con- 
tains no distinctive element. 

The resemblance between these Mesopo- 
tamian accounts and the story of Gn are 
too numerous and too close to permit one 
to affirm the independence of the stories. It 
must be admitted, as almost all modern 
critics do, that the biblical story exhibits 
the same tradition which we find in Meso- 
potamian literature, although not necessarily 
the tradition in any particular form which 
has been discovered. The differences be- 
tween the Mesopotamian and the biblical 
stories show how the Hebrews took a piece 
of ancient tradition and retold it in order 
to make it a vehicle of their own distinctive 
religious beliefs, in particular their concep- 
tion of divine justice and providence. It is 
impossible to attach any historical value 
either to the Mesopotamian or to the bibli- 
cal story. Excavations of Mesopotamian sites 




have shown more than one extensive de- 
posit of silt which testify to disastrous floods 
in the early periods. But floods are frequent 
in the vast alluvial plain of Mesopotamia, 
and no deposit is such as to suggest the 
kind of catastrophe described in the flood 
story, even within a limited area. Hence the 
flood of the Mesopotamian and biblical 
stories cannot be identified with any flood of 
which historical or archaeological evidence 
has been found. Even in the most ancient 
forms of the story the flood was described 
as something which happened "long ago," 
long before historical records. There can be 
little doubt that the story preserves the 
memory of some unusually disastrous flood 
of prehistoric times, which has grown out 
of all proportions in successive forms of the 
narrative — for instance, a week of rain in 
the earliest story to 150 days in the priestly 

The connection between the Mesopota- 
mian and the biblical stories is easily ex- 
plained by the Hb tradition that their 
ancestors came from Mesopotamia. Thus 
such traditions as that of the creation and 
the deluge could have been preserved orally. 
The retelling of the tradition has been done 
on the basis of religious beliefs which are 
attributed to Mosaic and post-Mosaic times. 
The Hb story faces the theological problem 
which, as we have seen, is involved in the 
Mesopotamian story; but the Hebrews did 
not attribute the catastrophe to irrational 
anger. Such a disaster postulates that "all 
flesh was corrupt" (Gn 6:12) except Noah 
and his family; there can be no question of 
the justice of the punishment. Nor is there 
any difference of purpose between various 
gods, one decreeing the deluge, the other re- 
vealing the decree to his favorite. In Hebrew 
tradition the one God decrees the deluge 
and reveals His plan to Noah. The Mesopo- 
tamian story of the sacrifice and the quarrel 
of the gods which followed is replaced by 
the Hb story of the covenant of God with 
Noah. Explicitly the deluge is a destruction 
of creation in P; Noah is therefore a second 
founder of the race and creation is restored 
after the deluge. The commandments which 
are given Noah have a resemblance both in 
form and content to the commandments of 
Gn 1:28-30 (Gn 9:1-3). In addition, after 
the deluge man is permitted to eat not only 
vegetables but also flesh; but the flesh must 
not be eaten with the blood (Gn 9:4-5). 
For no reason connected with the context 
except the mention of blood the prohibi- 
tion of murder is inserted (Gn 9:6). The 
covenant of God with Noah is a guarantee 
that the course of nature will remain stable. 
Thus no similar catastrophe will again occur; 
that is, the whole race will not be destroyed 

indiscriminately. This covenant is probably 
an implicit reflection on the Canaanite myth 
of fertility, in which the victorious combat 
of the creative deity with the monster of 
chaos is annually renewed (cf creation). The 
Hb faith in the stability of nature rests on 
a more secure basis: the good will of the 
creative deity explicitly pledged by covenant. 
It is assured that the seasons will recur (Gn 
8:22) without the necessity of any cultic 
myth and ritual. A sign of this stability is 
the rainbow (Gn 9: 13-16), which is in popu- 
lar belief a sign of the end of the storm. 
Whenever the storm occurs, fair weather will 
return and nature will remain within its 
normal cycles; and man will not again perish 
because of the anger of God. This covenant 
reflects the Hb conception of God's mercy; 
He is now resigned to the fact that "The 
inclination of man's heart is evil from his 

The deluge story is an extremely clear 
example of how the Hebrews could take 
popular traditions of other people, often 
almost entirely devoid of historical value, and 
retell them in such a way as to present 
important theological conceptions through 
them: here, divine justice and providence, 
the security and stability of nature resting 
on the assured good will of God to man- 
kind in spite of the evil inclinations of man's 
heart (Gn 8:21). 

Allusions to the deluge in the rest of the 
Bible are few. The covenant of God with 
Noah illustrates the good will of Yahweh 
toward Jerusalem (Is 54:9). Wisdom is 
praised because it saved the righteous man 
from the deluge (WS 10:4). Among the 
praises of wood, from which idols are 
made, is included the wood of the raft by 
which the hope of the world was saved (WS 
14:6). Ben Sira refers to the destruction of 
the giants (Gn 6:1-4), although this story is 
not a part of the deluge narrative (BS 16:7), 
and enumerates Noah among the heroes of 
44: Iff (BS 44:17-18). In the Gospels the 
suddenness of the deluge is compared to the 
sudden coming of the Son of Man (Mt 
24:37-39; Lk 17:26-27). Noah was saved 
by his faith (Heb 11:7). The deluge is an 
example of God's patience (1 Pt 3:20), and 
the waters from which Noah was saved are 
compared to the waters of baptism* (1 Pt 
3:20). Noah was a preacher of righteous- 
ness (2 Pt 2:5). 

Detnas (Gk demas, possibly an abbreviation 
of Demetrius) , a companion and fellow 
worker of Paul, mentioned with Luke* (Col 
4:14), with Mark*, Aristarchus*, and Luke 
(Phm 24), charged with abandoning Paul 
during his imprisonment (2 Tm 4:10) be- 
cause of his love of the world. 




Demetrius (Gk demetrios, "belonging to 
Demeter"). 1. Demetrius I Soter, king of 
Syria 162-150 bc. A nephew of Antiochus* 
IV, he had been held as a hostage in Rome*. 
He escaped in 162 and attained the throne 
of Syria by the murder of his predecessor 
Antiochus* V Eupator and his guardian 
Lysias*. He installed Alcimus* as high 
priest of the Jews and sent his general 
Bacchides* to subdue Judaea. The military 
operations of his general Nicanor were un- 
successful and Nicanor was defeated and 
killed in battle (1 Mc 7: 1-50; cf 2 Mc 14- 
15). Demetrius then sent Bacchides with a 
much larger army, and Judas* was killed in 
the defeat of the Jews (1 Mc 9: 1-21). When 
Demetrius was threatened by the rise of a 
rival king Alexander* Balas, he attempted to 
secure the alliance of the Jews by promising 
to meet all their demands. The Jews, now led 
by Jonathan*, the younger brother of Judas, 
chose to support Alexander rather than ac- 
cept the terms of Demetrius; and in the 
ensuing battle between the two rivals 
Demetrius was defeated and killed (1 Mc 

2. Demetrius II Nicator, son of Demetrius 
I, king of Syria 145-138 and 129-125 bc. 
Demetrius came from Crete to claim the 
throne of his father from Alexander Balas. 
The operations of his general Apollonius* 
against Jonathan* and the Jews were unsuc- 
cessful (1 Mc 10:67-89). With the aid of 
Ptolemy VI of Egypt* Demetrius defeated 
Alexander and secured the throne of Syria 
(1 Mc 11:1-13). Jonathan very quickly 
showed his allegiance to Demetrius, who in 
return granted some favors to the Jews ( 1 
Mc 11:20-37); the Jews assisted him in sup- 
pressing a rebellion at Antioch ( 1 Mc 
1 1:42-52). These peaceful relations were fol- 
lowed by an estrangement (1 Mc 11:53). 
Tryphon* set up the child Antiochus* as a 
rival to Demetrius, and Jonathan changed 
his allegiance to Antiochus when the young 
king confirmed him as high priest (1 Mc 
ll:57ff). Tryphon, however, proved to be 
such an impossible tyrant that Simon*, the 
successor of Jonathan, returned to the alle- 
giance of Demetrius, who finally promised 
the Jews freedom, and "the yoke of the 
heathen was lifted from Israel" in the 170th 
year of the Seleucid* era (141 bc; 1 Mc 
13:1-42). The Syrian garrison of the citadel 
of Jerusalem was expelled in the next year 
(1 Mc 13:49-51). The conflict between 
Demetrius and Tryphon continued, and in an 
expedition into Parthia Demetrius was de- 
feated and captured by Arsaces (1 Mc 14:1- 
3). Demetrius regained his liberty and re- 
turned to his throne in 129; but Ptolemy VII 
of Egypt supported an Egyptian pretender 
against him, and Demetrius was defeated in 

battle and murdered during his subsequent 

3. A silversmith of Ephesus, who with 
other members of his guild manufactured 
miniature shrines of Artemis* of Ephesus. 
The number of converts to Christianity in 
Ephesus was so great that the silversmiths 
feared the loss of their trade. Demetrius by 
his harangue against the Christians incited 
a riot against them (AA 19:23-41). 

Demon, Demonology. 1 . Mesopotamia. The 
demonology of Mesopotamia, which appears 
in Sumerian and Akkadian literature, was 
extremely ancient. It influenced the Hebrews 
of OT times, and through the Chaldeans* 
entered the Hellenistic world and reached 
Europe; some forms of it survived into 
medieval and modern times. In Mesopotamia 
the evils of life which were less than great 
natural catastrophes were attributed to the 
evil influence of demons. Their number was 
almost without limit. To counteract their 
malice effectively the sorcerer had to know 
the name of the demon, and hence Mesopo- 
tamian literature contains a large number of 
demonic names. From literature and art it is 
possible to learn the imagined character and 
appearance of the demons. The evil demon 
was an utukku. The group of seven evil 
demons appears frequently in incantations. 
When they attacked a man, the ashakku at- 
tacked the head, the namtaru the throat, the 
evil utukku the neck, the alu the chest, the 
etimmu, the evil ilu (god), the hand, and the 
gallu the foot. Other titles are known, such 
as rabisu, the croucher, ahhazu, the seizer, 
the three night demons lilu (male), lilitu (fe- 
male), ardat lili (maidservant of lilu). These 
three demons belonged to the incubus-succuba 
type. Pazuzu was probably the SW wind 
which brought the infection of malaria. 
Ashakku is death. Namtaru, associated with 
Nergal*, the god of the underworld, was 
the messenger of death. Gallu was a hideous 
monster without form or feature. The 
etimmu was a ghost. The lamashtu was an 
ugly and much feared monster, especially 
dangerous to pregnant and nursing women. 
Like most of the demons, its form was a 
mixture of human and animal features: a 
lion's ' head, a woman's body, dog's teeth, 
and eagle's claws on hands and feet. It held 
a serpent in each hand. It had an appetite 
for human flesh and blood, and is repre- 
sented as nursing a dog and a pig at the 
breasts. The demons are sometimes called 
children of Anu, the god of the sky. In the 
creation* epic they are spawned by Tiamat to 
assist her in her combat with Marduk. They 
haunt graves and lonely and desert places, 
especially at night. Not all the demons were 
malevolent; the good demons, the shedu and 




a) Demon Guardian of Gate, Babylon, b) and c) Demon Guardian of Gate of Persia, d) Demon guard- 
ing free of iife, Assyria, e) Benevolent demon, Mesopotamia., are invoked to repel the evil 
demons. These benevolent demons are repre- 
sented as guardian genii at the gates of 
temples and palaces (cf cherub). The repre- 
sentation of demons in medieval Christian art 
comes from Mesopotamia^ art and literature. 
2. OT, The severe prohibitions against 
magic* in Hebrew law seem to have ex- 
cluded the practice and with it the belief 
in demonology from Israel. The belief is 

not reflected in the OT except in allusions 
to popular language and a few references 
to superstition among the Hebrews, Thus, 
although Saul* had expelled all witches from 
Israel, he himself sought one who evoked 
the ghost of Samuel* (1 S 28:13), here 
called elchim, a superhuman being. A diffi- 
cult verse of Is (8:19) probably refers to 
necromancy. The sidim (Akkadian shedu) 
are mentioned in Dt 32: 17 as those to whom 




the Hebrews sacrificed. Here there is an 
identification of the gods of the nations with 
demons which became explicit in later He- 
brew literature. Ps 106:37 mentions the 
sacrifice of children to the sedim. Aban- 
doned ruins are haunted by wild beasts and 
by dancing se'irim (Is 13:21; 34:14) and 
by lilit (Akkadian lilitu), the Lilith of Jewish 
apocryphal literature (Is 34:14). The se- 
'irim, "hairy ones" (?), are probably demons 
with goats' features. There is some similarity 
to demonic influence in the evil spirit from 
Yahweh which afflicts Saul with madness 
(1 S 16:14). This spirit, however, is evil 
only in its effects and not in its character. 
The language of demonology may also be re- 
flected in Ps 91:5-6: the terror of night, 
the arrow that flies by day, the pestilence 
that walks in darkness, and the plague that 
lays waste at noon. Against these it is 
Yahweh who gives protection. Cf also 


3. Judaism. Judaism of the intertestamen- 
tal and NT periods exhibits a very active 
belief in demons, which is in many respects 
derived both from Mesopotamian demon- 
ology and Greek belief in daimones, beings 
intermediate between gods and men. But in 
this period Hellenism itself had been 
affected by Mesopotamian superstitions. Be- 
liefs about the evil influence of demons, 
especially in causing ills and misfortunes, 
were borrowed by the Jews wholesale and 
almost without alteration from Mesopotamia. 
The origin of the demons was explained by 
the exegesis of biblical passages; in the 
apocryphal books the demons- are described 
as fallen angels. They were identified also 
with the sons of God who married the 
daughters of men (Gn 6:1-4), from which 
unions were sprung the giants of mythology 
and folklore. This exegesis was probably 
correct, since this passage of Gn seems to 
preserve a fragment of mythology of un- 
known origin. Satan* was identified with 
the serpent* of Gn 3; this belief of Judaism 
is reflected in WS 2:24, "By the envy of 
the devil sin entered the world." Thus 
temptation, in addition to illness and mis- 
fortune, was now attributed to demonic 
influence. Furthermore, the demons were be- 
lieved to be organized in a kingdom under 
a head who is called Mastema, Beliar, or 

4. NT. The demonology of the NT is de- 
rived both from the OT and from Judaism; 
but the occurrence of demons in the NT is 
much rarer than in the literature of Judaism, 
outside of the instances of demoniac posses- 
sion*. The victims of heathen sacrifices are 
offered to demons (1 Co 10:20-21). Deceiv- 
ing spirits are responsible for false teaching 
(1 Tm 4:1). The demons believe and 

tremble (Js 2:19). The spirits of demons 
perform wonders (Ape 16:14). The ruins 
of Babylon are haunted by demons — an 
echo of the OT (Ape 18:2). The demons 
are often called spirits, especially with the 
adjective "unclean." A girl of Philippi had 
a divining spirit which was ejected by Paul 
(AA 16:16). The Sadducees* denied the 
existence of angels or spirits (AA 23:8); the 
distinction here possibly lies between the 
angels of God and the evil spirits. Christians 
should not believe every spirit, but test the 
spirits to see whether they are of God ( 1 
Jn 4:1). Demons are also called the angels 
of Satan, for whom eternal fire is prepared 
(Mt 25:41). The conception of the demonic 
kingdom here is parallel to the conception of 
Judaism. The "principalities" mentioned with 
angels (Rm 8:38) as separating Christians 
from the love of God are probably the 
leaders or hierarchical powers of the de- 
monic world. The same demonic hierarchies 
seem to be indicated in the "principality" 
(arche), "authority" (exusia), and "power" 
(dynamis) which Christ subdues to His 
Father (1 Co 15:24); cf the same group 
of words in Eph 1:21; 3:10; 6:12, where 
they are clearly identified as the rulers of 
this darkness, the wicked spiritual beings 
on high, with whom the Christian must 
wrestle. Possibly the same beings are meant in 
Col 1:16 among the beings created in heaven 
and on earth. Here the words "thrones" 
and "lordships" are added. It is scarcely 
possible, however, that the "principality" and 
"authority" of which Christ is the head (Col 
2:10) could be the demonic powers. But 
it is "principalities" and "authorities" whom 
Christ disarms by His crucifixion (Col 
2:15). Likewise, angels, authorities, and 
powers are subdued to Christ (1 Pt 3:22). 
The angels whom Christians will judge are 
probably demons (1 Co 6:3). Paul attrib- 
utes some physical infirmity to an angel of 
Satan (2 Co 12:7). Jd 6 refers to angels 
who did not keep their principality, but fell 
and are now bound and preserved for the 
great judgment; this echoes Jewish apocryphal 

The question arises to what extent the 
NT employs the language and imagery of 
mythology to personify evil. The question is 
more or less the same question which arises 
from the biblical use of popular language 
to describe natural phenomena (cf creation). 
Such popular language implies no dogmatic 
or philosophical affirmation of cosmic per- 
sonal forces of evil. Such language, the 
origins of which can be traced in Jewish 
writings, seems to lie behind AA 16:16; 
1 Co 10:20; Ape 16:4; 18:2; the demonic 
kingdom of Mt 25:41; Rm 8:38; 1 Co 15:24: 
Eph 1:21; 3:10; 6:12; Col 2:15: 1 Pt 3:22; 




the attribution of infirmity to an evil spirit 
(2 Co 12:7); the great judgment of the 
demons (Jd 6), and probably 1 Co 6:3. But 
while the use of popular imagery should be 
understood to lie behind many details of 
the NT concept of demons, the Church has 
always taught the existence of personal evil 
spirits, insisting that they are malicious 
through their own wili and not through 
their creation. Cf also possession; satan. 

Derbe (Gk derbe), a city of Lycaonia* on 
the road to Iconium* from Tarsus*. It is 
not mentioned before the records of the 
Roman period. It was held by the kingdom 
of Galatia* until it passed under Roman 
suzerainty in 25 bc and was incorporated 
into the Roman province of Galatia under 
Claudius*. Paul and Barnabas made a 
number of disciples there (AA 14:20 f), but 
no incident is recorded either of Paul's first 
or second visit (AA 16:1). 

Descent into hell. The articles of the Chris- 
tian creed include the statement that Jesus 
died and was buried, descended into hell, 
and rose from the dead on the third day. 
The phrase "descended into hell" rests upon 
the language of the OT. "Hell" here repre- 
sents the Hb Sheol*, the abode of the dead. 
The concept of Sheol in the OT implies no 
reward or punishment and no distinction 
between the state of the good and the wicked. 
In the OT "to die" is "to descend into Sheol" 
and one who rises from the dead rises from 
Sheol. A different concept is presupposed 
in Lk 23:43, where Jesus tells the penitent 
thief, "Today you will be with me in Para- 
dise*." Peter applies to Jesus the text of Ps 
16:10, "You do not abandon me to Sheol, 
nor permit your beloved one to see the pit." 
So God has dissolved the "pangs" of death* 
because death cannot have power over Jesus. 
"Pangs" here quotes the LXX mistranslation 
of the Hb "bonds" (AA 2:24-31). This 
text asserts no more than the reality of the 
death of Jesus, and consequently of the 
resurrection. In 1 Pt 3:19 f , however, it is 
stated that Jesus went to those who were 
kept in prison and there "announced" or 
"declared" to them; the verb has no object. 
Some MSS insert Enoch* here as the 
preacher. These were unbe